Haidar Ali & Tipu Sultan - Mysore's 18th Century

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Haidar ‘Ali and Tipu Sultan: Mysore's Eighteenth-

century Rulers in Transition

Kaveh Yazdani

Itinerario / Volume 38 / Issue 02 / August 2014, pp 101 - 120

DOI: 10.1017/S0165115314000370, Published online: 26 September 2014

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0165115314000370

How to cite this article:Kaveh Yazdani (2014). Haidar ‘Ali and Tipu Sultan: Mysore's Eighteenth-century Rulersin Transition. Itinerario, 38, pp 101-120 doi:10.1017/S0165115314000370

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Haidar ‘Ali and Tipu Sultan

Mysore’s Eighteenth-century Rulers in Transition

KAVEH YAZDANI *

Introduction

According to biographer Narendra Krishna Sinha, Haidar “was not an innovative

ruler. He generally followed the established practices and also respected the local

customs and laws of each region under his sway.”1 Nonetheless, Haidar was not

devoid of innovative measures: he initiated the proto-modernisation of the military

establishment.2 In Confronting Colonialism: Resistance and Modernization Under

Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, Irfan Habib underlines that Haidar’s “regime was

untouched by any other efforts to develop technology and commerce on modern

lines, let alone obtain an opening to science or enlightenment.”3 In contrast to

Habib, some historians exaggerate Tipu Sultan’s modern characteristics. Mohibbul

Hasan writes that Tipu was an “enlightened and tolerant ruler” and in Asok Sen’s

view Tipu was free from “Eastern conservatism.”4 Sheik Ali commends Tipu’s “flair

for modernization” and believes: “If Tipu had not been disturbed by wars he would

have perhaps brought about an industrial revolution to Mysore.”5 Other historians

overemphasise Tipu’s pre-modern traits. Kate Brittlebank argues that, “Innovations

and reforms were not so much the result of caprice or the actions of ‘a modern

thinker,’ but, rather, part of the expected role of the king as defined by the cultural

traditions of the region.”6 Irfan Habib’s opinion is that, “Tipu’s intellectual horizons

…remained restricted to the old inherited learning. Here his innovations ran either

on traditional lines…or into eccentricities…Tipu and his Mysore were, therefore, still

far away from a real opening to modern civilization, despite his own bold and rest-

less endeavours.”7 How can historians chart a middle course between such oppos-

ing views? This paper argues that Haidar and, later, his son Tipu were transitional

figures who were neither predominantly modern nor pre-modern.

Haidar ‘Ali

Haidar ‘Ali was born between 1717 and 1722. He had three older half-brothers and

an elder brother by the name of Shahbaz or Ismael Sahib. Haidar’s ancestors

reached India by sea before the end of the sixteenth century. Few facts are known

about Haidar’s ancestors.8 Barun De maintains that Haidar’s lineage was of “Sufi

Itinerario volume XXXVIII, issue 2, 2014 doi:10.1017/S0165115314000370

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plebeian” social origin.9 However, it is certain that Haidar’s father, Fath Mohammad,

was a professional soldier in the service of nawab (Muslim governor) Saadatullah

Khan of Arcot during the reign of the Mughal Emperor Mohammad Shah

(1719–48). At Arcot, Fath Mohammad commanded 600 foot, 500 horse and 50

rocket men. For unknown reasons, he left his employment in the service of

Saadatullah Khan and joined the Raja (ruler) of Mysore—from whom he obtained

the title of naik (corporal). He did not stay long owing to discord among the vari-

ous chiefs in Mysore. He went to Sira (Karnataka) and became a Mughal faujdar

(military official)—this time in the service of the nawab Dargah Quli Khan—where

he commanded 400 foot soldiers and 200 horsemen.10

When Fath Mohammad died (c. 1728), Haidar may have been as young as five

and his brother Ismael eight. Fath Mohammad was in debt and some sources

reported that Dargah Quli Khan’s grandson Abbas captured and tortured the boys

after he took remaining belongings of the family.11 Fath Mohammad’s widow

informed her husband’s nephew, Haidar Sahib, about their plight and obtained their

release through help from the subahdar (provincial governor) of Sira and Devraj

(Commander-in-Chief and brother of the powerful Mysore finance minister

Nanjaraj), who invited them to Srirangapatna. In the capital of Mysore, Haidar Sahib

treated the two boys like his own sons and taught them the art of fighting and cav-

alry. Nevertheless, we know very little about the environment in which Haidar was

raised, nor how old he was when he entered the army. Haidar ‘Ali’s elder brother,

succeeded Haidar Sahib after his death. Haidar ‘Ali was initially attached to his

brother’s detachment. His courage, especially during the siege of Devanhalli (near

Bangalore) in 1749, convinced Nanjaraj to award him with the title of “Khan” and

the separate command of 200 foot soldiers and 50 horsemen.12

In 1750, Haidar and his Bedar peons (irregular infantry) captured a portion of the

treasure of the assassinated Nasir Jang, the Nizam of Hyderabad. He was thus able

to increase the number of soldiers at his command. He also recruited French

deserters to train his troops. He impressed Nanjaraj, again, during the Trichinopoly

Campaign and, on returning to Mysore, was appointed as the faujdar of Dindigul

(c. 1755). He further enlarged his troops and employed French engineers to organ-

ise his regular artillery, arsenal and laboratory.13

After the death of his brother (c. 1756), Haidar succeeded him because Ismail

Sahib had no male children. In his new position, he commanded 15,000 soldiers—

including 200 Europeans and 3000 cavalry.14 However, starting in the mid-1750s,

Srirangapatna became very unstable. The relationship between the powerless Raja

of Mysore and the two brothers Devraj and Nanjaraj was getting bad. Devraj and

Nanjaraj were in such dispute regarding their policies towards the Raja that the for-mer resigned his government position in 1757. War expenses and invasions by the

Nizam of Hyderabad and the Marathas had concurrently emptied the state treas-

ury.15 Troops who had not been paid for months decided to block the delivery of

water and provisions to Nanjaraj’s house. However, Haidar proved capable of pla-

cating the ministers as well as paying off the troops.16 As a consequence, the Raja

of Mysore appointed him Commander-in-Chief when the Marathas invaded Mysore

in 1758. He succeeded in obtaining advantageous peace terms with the Marathas.

When Nanjaraj decided to retire, Haidar seized power. After he successfully thwart-

ed a conspiracy by his divan (finance minister) Khande Rao and the Raja, no one

KAVEH YAZDANI102


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challenged his power.17 The key to Haidar’s success was courage, determination,

diplomatic and military skills, as well as the might of his semi-modern army. While

Haidar always remained, in title, subordinate to the Hindu Raja of Mysore, he had

full command. He also obtained the title of “Khan” and the office of faujdar of Sira

in 1761. Haidar appointed a successor to Chik Krishna Raja when he died in 1766.

Over time, Haidar grew more powerful and considerably enlarged the territory of

Mysore. He annexed Bednur, Sira, Sonda, Baramahal, Palaghat, areas of Malabar

and Maratha territories in Karnataka. Under Haidar, Mysore grew more powerful. In

spite of all this, ‘Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad, regarded Haidar to be nothing

more than a mere zamindar .18 Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi argues that the Nizam: “Felt

justified in planning the destruction of Haidar Ali because he considered him to be

a mere usurper with no right to his territories.” 19

Haidar usually went to bed after midnight and woke up about six o’clock in the

morning.20 He fluently spoke Hindustani, Kannada, Marathi, Telugu, and Tamil.21

But he could not read or write and the only formal education that he had was as a

soldier. Nonetheless, the German Protestant missionary Christian Friedrich

Schwartz wrote that he had an excellent memory and French sources portrayed him

as administrating his darbar (court) better than any other prince of Asia.22 Maistre

de la Tour, an employee in Haidar’s army, relaid that, “There is no sovereign more

easy of access to every one that has business with him, whether strangers or sub-

jects; and the former whatever may be their quality, are always sure to be introduced

into his presence, by demanding an audience, by a Soutahdar, or macebearer, of

which there is always a sufficient number at the gate of his palace.”23 Accounts by

Schwartz, Maistre de la Tour and others also suggest that Haidar possessed a

strong sense of justice and he did not shy away from punishing officials (e.g., horse-

keepers and tax collectors) who mistreated the poor and powerless. He even

punished officials of high rank in public.24 His sons and sons-in-law were also

flogged if they had done something wrong.25 Schwartz observed that Haidar pro-

tected abandoned boys and assembled a battalion consisting exclusively of

orphans. He fed and clothed the boys, to whom Haidar gave little wooden muskets

to practice military training. State-owned orphanages had the purpose of recruiting

abandoned boys into his army. Schwartz was so impressed by Haidar’s care for

orphans that he believed that the British should follow his example. Haidar gave

Schwartz a sum of 300 rupees to sponsor the building of such an orphanage. 26

With regard to Haidar’s administration, Schwartz and Wilks observed that, he

“orders one man to write a letter and read it to him; then he calls another to read

it again. If the writer has in the least deviated from his orders, his head pays for it.”27

Schwartz affirmed that fear was one of Haidar’s most important means of rule; whereas, he also rewarded good behaviour.28 To be respected, prevent treason,

increase the efficiency of his administration and, ultimately, sustain his rule, Haidar

felt obliged to pursue a policy of reward and punishment.

The German historian Mathias Christian Sprengel (1746–1803) wrote that Haidar

was the first “Indian prince,” after emperor Aurengzeb and the Maratha ruler Shivaji

(c.1627–80), to attract European attention.29 In 1781, the French Compagnie des

Indes praised that Haidar played an incredibly important role in Indian affairs.30 In

part due to such praise, the British and Haidar began to regard each other as arch-

enemies. Haidar became increasingly aware of the danger that the British posed to

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the sovereignty of Indian rulers like himself. Haidar’s hostility towards the British

increased as a result of his own experiences with the East Indian Company (EIC).

Despite the fact that it was agreed upon in a 1769 treaty, the EIC did not give him

assistance when the Marathas attacked him in 1770.31 He wrote that, “Another thing

they assured me [was that] they were not going to Mahe Bunder, yet they went in a

manner unknown to me.”32 Schwartz also confirmed that EIC did not keep its word

and that it was unwilling to peacefully coexist with Mysore. He reported that the

British governor of Madras was not interested in peace because he engaged an

agent to collect money from him. It should not come as a surprise that Haidar

angrily sent the British agent away and took preparatory military measures to

defend Mysore from the EIC.33 Haidar noted that, “The English first try to secure a

footing in other territories by outward professions of friendship and then gradually

they bring them under their full sway.”34

Haidar’s rule can be characterised as generally autocratic and centralistic.

Nevertheless, he was pragmatic and respected by the local population. Twenty years

after his death, the Scottish physician and naturalist Francis Buchanan

(1762–1829) observed that, “On account of his justice, wisdom, and moderation,

his memory is greatly respected by the natives of all descriptions.”35 Father Schwartz

even compared Haidar favorably to the Prussian King Frederick the Great

(1712–86): “In his accuracy, in his astuteness against the violators of his orders, in

his efforts to regulate and improve his army, in the daily and strictest reply of letters

that he receives, there are some traits of sameness. But the astonishing difference

between them is that your king [Frederick] is an erudite prince, whereas Haidar can-

not read. Nonetheless, no one is able to deceive him.”36 Innes Munro similarly wrote

in mid-1780 that, “Many have compared the military genius and character of Hyder

Ally to those of the renowned Frederick the Second, king of Prussia; and indeed,

when we consider the distinguished abilities of that prince amongst his contempo-

raries in this country, and the intrepid manner by which he has established himself

upon the throne of Misore, and extended his dominions, one cannot but allow the

simile to be exceedingly just.”37

In 1782, Haidar finally succumbed to a cancer, from which he had been suffer-

ing for a long time.38 Before he died, Haidar allegedly bequeathed a letter to his son

Tipu. In this letter, Haidar outlined a lucid political and strategic analysis that was

clearly patriotic and anti-colonial:

India since the death of Aurangzeb, has lost her rank among the empires of

Asia. This fair land is parceled out into provinces which make war against

the other; the people divided into a multitude of sects, have lost their loveof the country. The Hindus…are little able to defend their country, which

has become the prey of strangers…The greatest obstacle you have to con-

quer is jealousy of the Europeans. The English are today all powerful in

India. It is necessary to weaken them by war. The resources of Hindustan

do not suffice to expel them from the lands they have invaded. Put the

nations of Europe one against the other. It is by the aid of the French that

you could conquer the British armies which are better trained than the

Indian. The Europeans have surer tactics; always use against them their

own weapons.39

KAVEH YAZDANI104


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Tipu Sultan

After Haidar’s first wife became paralysed while giving birth to a daughter, he mar-

ried Fatima or Fakhr-un-Nissa, the daughter of Mir Muin-ud-din the governor of

Cuddapah. Tipu Sultan was the firstborn son of Haidar ‘Ali and Fakhr-un-Nissa.

Tipu Sultan was also called Fath ‘Ali, after his grandfather Fath Mohammad.40

Tipu was an educated ruler, who, from an early age was inducted into the art of

war. Tipu was taught riding, shooting, fencing, etc. He also received instruction in

the science of tactics and learning about European military practices when joined

his father in reviews and maneuvers.41 He was in violent battles and wars from a very

young age, and around the age of seventeen, he obtained his first nominal com-

mand.42 According to James Achilles Kirkpatrick (1764–1805), Tipu was: “Born and

bred in camp, and tutored in the science of war under a great master [i.e., his father

Haidar ‘Ali] possesses all the characteristic valour and hardiness of the soldier while

his achievements in the Fields of Mars are far from discrediting the precepts incul-

cated by his father…his whole reign having been one continued state of military

preparations or actual warfare.”43

Haidar also engaged “learned tutors” in order to provide an education to Tipu.44

Charles Stewart confirmed that Haidar had “procured for his son the most able

masters in all the sciences cultivated by the Mohammedans, and enforced, by strict

discipline, the attendance of the youth to his studies.” 45 The names of his teachers

remain obscured and, by reason of the turbulent times, his education was likely

interrupted time and again. Nevertheless, we know that Tipu not only possessed

books on Islamic theology, law, Sufism, arts and crafts, the natural sciences,

medicine, agriculture and military maneuvers, but was also familiar with the knowl-

edge and resources of the Mughal elite and the political developments of West

Asia.46 He knew about the French Revolution of 1789 and, in 1797, went as far as

initiating a “Jacobin assembly” in the capital city of Srirangapatna.47 This was done

basically on strategic grounds so as to be assisted by revolutionary France against

the bone-crushing British threat.

An anonymous soldier was so impressed by the quantity of Tipu’s books that he

wrote that his library “promises on the whole the greatest acquisition ever gained to

Europe of Oriental History & literature.”48 Charles Stewart, who had written a

descriptive catalogue of his library, noted that theology or Sufism was Tipu’s favorite

subject of study. He added that “the Sultan was ambitious of being an Author,”

while “not less than forty-five books, on different subjects, were either composed or

translated from other languages, under his immediate patronage.”49 Indeed, apart

from numerous letters and hukmnamahs (written orders),50 Tipu also wrote downhis dreams ( Khab Namah). They were set down in his own handwriting and date

from 1785 to 1798.51 Moreover, he wrote his own memoirs (Tuzak-i Tipu), a book

on astrology (Zabarjad) and a treatise on the preparation of perfumes, the arts of

dyeing and cleaning, etc.52 Significantly, Tipu also seems to have written the first

useful manual on the handgun (Risalah dar Adab-i Tufang).53 Among the books

Tipu had commissioned, there was a compilation of a treatise on the art of dyeing

cloth and of blending perfumes (Mujmua al Senayi), a work on medicine (Bahr al-

Manafi), a Persian grammar book 54 (Kitab Amukhtan), a compendium of theology,

law and the art of government (Fakhr ash-Shiukh), an account of Tipu’s emissaries



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to the Ottoman Empire (Waqa’i Manazil-i Rum),55 a number of writings on military

rules and regulations (Fath al-Mujahidin; Dabita-i Sawari), on official decorum,

royal insignia, decorations, medals, banners, etc. (Muntakhab-i Dawabit-i Sultani;

Risalah-i Padkha) and especially on religious matters concerning the different

chapters of the Qur’an ( Fihrist Suraha-i Kitab Allah), marriage and its different

religious and moral advantages (Risalah dar Nikah), prayers (Ta’at Saniya), funda-

mental principles of Islam (Khulasa-i Sultani), date of the death of the Prophet,

sacred persons and important Islamic figures (Sahifat al-A’ras), etc.56 Tipu’s library

further revealed that he was also interested in art as illustrated by his patronage of

two books on the music of Mysore ( Mufarrih-ul-Qulub completed in 1785 ; Jalwa

Namah) as well as a Persian treatise on those rules of calligraphy ( Risalah dar

Khatt-i Tarz-i Mohammadi) that he himself invented.57 The contemporary transla-

tor and editor of Tipu’s writings, William Kirkpatrick (1754–1812), observed that the

library contained about 2,000 volumes, including Qur’ans, Shahnamahs (The book

of Kings) and Divans (collection of poems). This was affirmed by Charles Stewart.

His descriptive catalogue shows that the library consisted of Arabic, Persian and a

few Hindi, Dekhani and Turkish manuscripts. The library included 118 books on

history; 115 books on Sufism; 24 books on ethics; 190 books on Poetry; 19 books

on arts and sciences; 7 books on arithmetic and mathematics, including a transla-

tion of Euclid’s Elements; 20 books on astronomy; 62 books on physics; 45 books

on philology; 29 lexicographies; 46 books on theology; 95 books on jurisprudence

and 44 Qur’ans.58 Significantly, Tipu Sultan not only continued his father’s custom

of engaging European mercenaries in his army, but, he reportedly demanded help

in compiling and translating the above-mentioned 45 new books from his British

prisoners. Just to name a few examples, Tipu’s library contained a translation of the

“Complete London Dispensatory,” a work which supposedly “was the Result of the

united Efforts of all the Learned (Physicians) of Europe;”59 an English treatise on

electrical and medical experiments; a translation of Dr. Cockburne’s treatise on the

twist of the intestines and a treatise on botany and natural history translated from

French and English books.60 This manifests that he realised both the importance of

European knowledge and grasped the relevance of studying European books.

Interestingly, the translations of Persian papers found in the palace of the Sultan

revealed that he had at least some knowledge of the history of Great Britain:

“Names of the three Islands belonging to the English—Ireland, Gernsey, Jersey. On

the English Island there was once the Rajah of a tribe called Cooseea [Scotland] a

hundred years ago, the English Rajah put the Rajah of the Coosseeas to death, and

took possession of his country.”61

Tipu was also aware of the American War of Independence and reportedly uttered, “Every blow that is struck in the cause of American liberty throughout the

world, in France, India and elsewhere and so long as a single insolent and savage

tyrant remains, the struggle shall continue.”62 There is even some evidence that

Tipu was acquainted with several European languages, in addition to Kanarese,

Hindustani, and Persian.63

Tipu not only sent envoys to West Asia and Europe to forge alliances but also

established and consolidated trade relations to procure foreign innovations.64 His

interest in books and general knowledge, as well as a fascination with European

innovations likely stimulated his positive attitudes vis-à-vis science and technology.

KAVEH YAZDANI106


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cial subordination to the previous Wodeyar Dynasty and declared independence in

1783. This was a potentially perilous political step since the Mughal Emperor, or

shahanshah (“king of kings”), was still largely considered the God-given legal and

religious leader of all Indian Muslims and also principal authority for successor

states in India until up to the early nineteenth century.80 This decision also provoked

the Nizam of Hyderabad and the nawab Walajah, who were both under British influ-

ence and were looking for an excuse to attack Tipu. When Tipu tried to obtain the

status of a legal prince via the Mughal court in 1783, he did not get an approval.

He was even denied the khil’at (Robe of Honor),81 owing to the considerable degree

of influence that Mysore’s arch-enemy the British already exercised in Delhi. In reac-

tion, Tipu symbolically omitted the name and title of the Mughal Emperor from his

coins and started to call himself Padshah (or Emperor) in 1786. The assumption of

this title represented the second shift in Tipu Sultan’s life after his takeover of

Mysore. In 1786, he issued The Mysorean Revenue Regulations or Regulations for

the Management of his Country (i.e., the Regulations) which covered almost all

aspects of daily life from agriculture to people’s mores. He forged a new identity for

himself by changing the calendar, currencies, weights, measurements, renaming

towns and changing the words of command, names of firearms, titles of military

officials, etc. into Persian.82 The Regulations also marked a transition to an Islamic

theocracy.83 Tipu’s neighbouring enemies kept a jealous watch over him and were

reluctant to accept his authority. It was only after the victorious war against the

Marathas and the Nizam (1784–87) that both these forces acceded to call him Tipu

Sultan instead of Fath ‘Ali Khan. Only outside potentates, such as the Persian King

Karim Khan Zand (r. 1765–79) and the Afghan ruler Zaman Shah Abdali (r.

1793–1800), accepted Haidar and Tipu as equal monarchs.84

According to the French merchant, “banker,” writer, politician and sea captain

Pierre-Antoine Monneron (1747–1801), Tipu regularly worked six hours per day. For

the remainder of the day, he rested or dedicated his time to the practice of Islam—

to which he was strongly attached.85 It is more probable that he worked sixteen

hours from morning until evening, as Mohibbul Hasan suggests. Another European

who worked in Mysore, confirmed that Tipu was a diligent worker who rarely occu-

pied himself with pleasures, although he sometimes enjoyed the art of dancing. He

had breakfast and dinner simply with two or three of his sons and some principal

officers. In the evening, a qazi (Muslim judge) and his principal munshi (secretary)

were equally present at dinner. Tipu’s biographer, Hasan, describes that during the

meal, Tipu “discussed on learned and religious subjects with those who were

present. He also sometimes recited passages and verses from the works of great

historians and poets.”86 Monneron was of the opinion that Tipu’s main passion wasneither for conquest nor wealth but to preserve the country he inherited from his

father and to make a historical mark which would live on after his death.87 Evidence

suggests that he was proud, vain and imperious. He was also forgiving and par-

doned his brother Abdul Karim, his ministers Mir Sadiq and Purniah and his General

Qamar ud-din Khan. He remained loyal to his friends and allies. One of his most

striking characteristics was his ambition and determination to struggle until the

bitter end without much disposition towards compromise in order not to become a

vassal of foreign forces and lose independence.88

While Tipu consulted his chief civil and military officers on significant issues, he

KAVEH YAZDANI108


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was an undisputed autocrat: he determined Mysore’s foreign policy, he was its

military leader and personally dictated important letters.89 According to Captain

Taylor, Tipu’s “intelligence is an object of particular consideration…He does not

depend on the word of a single Individual, but employs several on the same occa-

sion, examines them apart & whether they agree or differ in their Tale they are all

detained close prisoners till the truth is disclosed, and to the man who is found in

an error, no lenity is shown.”90 Tipu’s autocratic rule was pervasive as he adminis-

tered every possible detail such as fixing the wages of the lower classes (e.g. the

earnings of a sweeper).91

Most existing European documents, most notably travel accounts and the

records of the EIC and French East India Companies, described Tipu in an unflat-

tering manner. The EIC civil servant George Forster stated that, “He is said to be

violent, cruel and so insufferably arrogant that he has disgusted most of his Fathers

old servants and adherents. His treatment of his Troops has been so oppressive and

severe, that it is the received opinion in his Durbar that more Men have been lost

by desertion than by the casualties of the late War.”92 In a similar vein, the French

Governor of Pondicherry, Cossigny, wrote in 1786: “His cruelty, due to his greed and

ill-intent; I am always afraid that at the moment of combat, the enemies will clean

up a total defection of his troops as he has mistreated so many of them.”93 Besides

the fact that Cossigny’s statement about Tipu’s supposed greed is inconsistent with

those of Monneron, there is further evidence that contradicts the statements by

Forster and Cossigny. Throughout Tipu’s reign, the Mysore army was loyal to him

and possessed a favourable opinion of his intentions and capabilities. According to

Major Dirom, Tipu’s troops remained faithful in the field “until their last overthrow.”94

Most of the European accounts of Tipu produce biased images and depict him as

a one-dimensional oriental despot. In 1788, J. Moodie writes that Tipu “may be said

to be a living example of Eastern barbarity , even his father, the implacable Hyder Ali

Khan, has been exceeded by him in acts of the most unparalleled cruelty; his sav-

age manners yielding only to the baseness and malignity of his heart.” 95 European

accounts of Tipu Sultan must be taken with a grain of salt, since orientalist senti-

ments generally distorted the picture.96 Few European accounts exist that contradict

the one-sided and one-dimensional depiction of Tipu as a cruel and violent ruler.

Such accounts serve well to correct portrayals of Tipu as imbued with prejudices.

Edward Moor was one of the few EIC officers who was favourable toward Tipu.97 He

served as Captain of a contingent during the Third Anglo–Mysore War and

observed: “Those…who do not choose to be carried away by the torrent of popu-

lar opinion, but, in preference to thinking by proxy, venture to think for themselves,

can find the same excuse for the restlessness of Tippoo, as for that of any otherambitious sovereign; and on the subject of his cruelties, venture to express a doubt

whether they may not possibly have been exaggerated.”98 In 1792, Major Dirom

observed that Tipu’s “government, though strict and arbitrary, was the despotism of

a political able sovereign, who nourishes, not oppresses, the subjects who are to be

the means of his future aggrandizement: and his cruelties were, in general, inflict-

ed only on those whom he considered as his enemies.” 99

With the exception of certain groups (e.g., uncompromising poligars100 and

wealthy merchants, children of prostitutes, prisoners of war and forced labourers)

and religious minorities (local Christians), Tipu acted toward his subjects like a



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benevolent autocrat. The fact that Tipu appears to have attached importance to the

adequate attendance to wounded soldiers by paying them a fixed compensation,

support Moor and Dirom’s assumptions about Tipu.101 In 1798, according to

Colonel Wilks, Tipu recorded that, “To the widow and children of every man who

shall fall in the battle, a maintenance equal to a fourth of the share so accruing, and

a pay of the deceased martyr” had to be paid. In addition to this payment, “the

widows and children of men who merely die on service, one quarter of gold fanam

daily (about two and a half Rupees a month)” was due.102 Tipu was also concerned

about the benevolent treatment of peasants.103 Tipu additionally proved his concern

for disabled subjects in his Regulations of 1786: He intended to employ the blind

and lame “for blowing the Bellows of Iron Works” and the ‘ amil or ‘ amildar was

ordered to give them “something for their travelling charges.” Tipu took rudimen-

tary steps towards the abolition of slavery when he prohibited the sale of abandoned

girls, eunuchs, orphans, and sex slaves. The ‘ amil had to endow those categories

of people and former prostitutes (who were made to quit their occupation) with daily

portions of money and rice.104 In the face of such benevolence, the violence of

Tipu’s despotism cannot be ignored. He committed war crimes against rebellious

Muslim and Hindu subjects and massacred local Christians. He abused his prison-

ers of war and foreign artisans, tortured or assassinated undesirable persons and

marginalised a number of other subjects.105

Despite Tipu’s expansion of Mysore by adding the territories of Adoni, Sanore,

Koorke, Anagundi, Karpah, Kurnul, and Imtiazgur to it, his loss in the Third Anglo–

Mysore War was a great watershed for him. The EIC pressed him into the Treaty of

Seringapatam in 1792. Under the treaty, Tipu ceded half his territory (including the

fertile lands of the Raichur Doab, spice-rich Malabar and the ports of Calicut and

Cannanore) and paid an enormous amount in reparations. The burden of the

British was very heavy from 1792 on. Tipu’s leadership became more and more

repressive in order to raise the necessary taxes to pay off the EIC and prepare for

future war. Tipu’s dreams dealt with his wars against the EIC and their allies.106 Tipu

shared his father’s animosity towards the EIC and he wrote to the Compagnie des

Indes that, “Our enemies (the English) are enemies of all the people of this coun-

try: there would be no regard for rights or justice: and if given the chance, they will

seize everything, followed with a steadfast focus on their same intent to promise the

same system of usurpation and aggrandizement.”107

French sources state that Tipu desired maintaining his father’s alliance with

France until the British were forced out of India.108 While the rulers of other

provinces were caught up in short-term considerations, Haidar and Tipu antici-

pated and realised the long-term dangers that emanated from the EIC. Tipu’sdreams bear witness to this danger and reveal that times of peace were the excep-

tion rather than the rule. A nearly continuous state of war accompanied him until

British soldiers under the command of General George Harris on 4 May 1799 killed

him while defending the fort of his capital.109

In the face of so much uninterrupted warfare, it is legitimate to ask how Haidar

and Tipu managed to sustain power for nearly 40 years? The power basis on which

Haidar and Tipu both stood was the military. Their deposing of the Wodeyar

Dynasty, weakening the rural potentates, monopolising important trade commodi-

ties and debilitating powerful local merchants, along with a careful policy towards

KAVEH YAZDANI110


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the Hindu majority, ensured that Haidar and, especially, Tipu upheld power.110 The

military also helped being the backbone of Haidar’s and Tipu’s rule. This is appar-

ent from a letter the former prepared for the latter before he died: “My son…I leave

you an Empire which I have not received from my ancestors. A sceptre acquired by

violence is always fragile; meanwhile you will not find any obstacles in your family;

you have no rivals among the Chiefs of the army. I do not leave you any enemies

among my subjects. You have nothing to fear as regards the internal affairs of your

state. But it is necessary to carry your vision very far.”111 Despite often chaotic polit-

ical circumstances, Tipu carried this vision far by improving agriculture, administra-

tion, foreign relations, the military establishment, infrastructure, commerce and

manufacture in Mysore. Along with this vision, Tipu Sultan had a determination to

maintain independence at any cost: “In this world I would rather live two days like a

tiger, than two hundred years like a sheep.”112

ConclusionTipu had clear pre-modern characteristics. He was a patriarch who possessed a

harem with servants, eunuchs, and 333 women.113 He showed prejudice against the

children of prostitutes and ran an Islamic theocracy that discriminated against non-

Muslims in the administration, army, and taxation. He prohibited drinking alcohol

and smoking tobacco or cannabis.114 Tipu neglected to modernise Mysore’s tradi-

tional education system. He established no universities, military and engineering

schools during his reign. He was neither interested nor capable of modernising the

political and judicial system according to principles such as equality before the law,

the rule of law, principles of democracy and citizens’ rights. At the same time, he

was very aware of the need to modernise the military, economic and technological

structure of the country. He successfully continued his father’s proto-modernisation

of the military establishment along European lines.115 He realised the importance of

mechanical engineering and introduced boring machines.116 Tipu even appears to

have built a condensing engine himself.117 He ordered the purchase of barometers,

thermometers, spectacles, clocks, and a printer of books (chhapasaz) as well as

printers who could print Arabic letters.118 Tipu thought that he could obtain miner-

al coal in the Ottoman domain and instructed officials to bring large quantities of

“stone coal” (sang-i angisht) and ordered his embassies in Turkey and France to

engage four experts who were willing to come to Mysore in order to explore the

presence of coal ores.119 Watches seem to have played a practical purpose for time

management of government officials.120 Tipu engaged 30 or 32 French experts in

order to foster mechanical knowledge and as already mentioned, he demandedhelp in compiling and translating 45 new books from his British prisoners.121 All this

suggests that Tipu Sultan was neither pre-modern nor modern, but a person who,

like his father Haidar, reflected the contradictions of a society in transition.



13/21

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Notes

* Kaveh Yazdani received his PhD degree in

social sciences (Sozialwissenschaften) at the

University of Osnabrück in 2014. His scholar-ly interests include the “Great Divergence”

debate and the history of South and West

Asia between the sixteenth and nineteenth

centuries.

1 Sinha, Haidar Ali, 233.

2 M.M.D.L.T., The History of Hyder Shah,

37–8; Shama Rao, Modern Mysore, vol. 1,

26; Guha, Pre-British State System, 35,

61–2; Habib, “Introduction,” xix, xx, xxii.

3 Habib, “Introduction,” xxii.

4 Hasan, History of Tipu, 362, 357; Sen, “Pre-

British Economic Formation,” 48.5 Ali, Tipu Sultan, 68, 71.

6 Brittlebank, Tipu Sultan’s Search, 125.

7 Habib, “Introduction,” xxxiv–xxxv.

8 It has been claimed that Haidar descended

from the Quraish of Mecca, the same tribe as

Prophet Mohammed, but this could have well

been a fabricated pedigree to strengthen his

legitimacy. According to Bowring, Haidar’s

father, Fath Mohammad, married two sisters

after his first marriage. The younger sister

was supposed to have been Haidar’s mother,

but no mention is made of her name. It is

only indicated that the father of the sisters

was a Navayat of the race of Hashim (great-

grandfather of the Prophet Mohammed).

M.M.D.L.T, The History of Hyder Shah, 33–4;

Kirmani, The History of Hydur Naik, 1–11;

Bowring, Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, and the

Struggle with the Musalman Powers of the

South, 12–3; Hasan, History of Tipu Sultan

(1951), 3. For biographical facts on Haidar

‘Ali, see also Sinha, Haidar Ali; Ali, English

Relations with Haidar Ali. For a summary,

see Habib, “Introduction.”

9 For the “Sufi plebeian” social origin, see

Barun De, “The Ideological and Social

Background of Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan,”3. Concerning the plebeian origin, De writes,

“it is certain that his more proximate forefa-

thers were dargah [shrine at a Sufi master’s

tomb] servitors, then land managers, then

petty warriors…This was a social position far

below the elite compradores of colonialism in

the eighteenth-century Indian ruling class in

Hyderabad, the Maratha Confederacy, Awadh

or Bengal. Indeed this ancestry was not even

that of “service gentry,” that is “petty rural,

madad-i-maash grantees, prebendaries, or

the now semi-permanent taluqdar s [land-

owner] or jagirdar s.” With regard to his Sufi

origin, De, for example, mentions that one of

Haidar’s forefathers was a wandering dervish

or that, when his wife was pregnant, they vis-

ited the tomb of the Sufi master, Tipu Mastan Aulia, in Arcot, in order to pray for a safe

birthing and the delivery of a son (4–5).

10 Hasan, History (1951), 4; Kirmani, The

History of Hydur Naik, 10.

11 Hasan, History (1951), 5; Chhabra, Advance

Study in the History of Modern India, 271.

However, Hasan does not indicate how the

boys were tortured.

12 Hasan, History, 3–4.

13 Sinha, Haidar Ali, 17; Hasan, History (1951),

5–7; Kirmani, The History of Hydur Naik,

11–7, 20–1; Wilks, Historical Sketches, 167,

173.14 M.M.D.L.T., The History of Hyder Shah,

34–5, 38–9.

15 Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1, 220–1,

229; Hasan, History (1951), 7.

16 Shortly after the reconciliation, Devraj died in

mid-1757.Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1,

225–7. According to Wilks (227), Haidar was

able to pay the troops because he “seized on

all the accountants, and by threats and tor-

ture compelled them to produce the true

accounts. By these means he was enabled in

the course of a few days to discharge four

thousand horse, and a large amount of other

rabble.” Furthermore, “he caused all but the

most extravagant and indigent [chiefs] to be

seized after their departure as the ringleaders

of the late mutiny, and plundered of all their

property as a forfeiture to the State.”

17 Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1, 228–32;

Hasan, History (1951), 7–8.

18 Designation used for a variety of different

types of landlords or petty chiefs, independ-

ent of the imperial power or provincial gov-

ernment. Zamindar s had a right to the share

of peasant produce and to collect revenues

from the tenants and cultivators, while they

also paid a negotiated sum of land revenue tothe government.

19 Qureshi, Tipu Sultan’s Embassy to

Constantinople, 73; Habib, “Introduction,”

xx, xxi. For the conditions that enabled

Haidar’s military success and territorial

expansion, see Sen, The French in India, 20.

20 M.M.D.L.T., The History of Hyder Shah, 17.

21 Rao, History of Mysore, vol. 3, 395.

22 FSH: AFSt/M 2 E 17: 13: Reisetagebuch von

Christian Friedrich Schwartz, Tiruchirapalli

1779,. 96–7; AN: C/2/304: Reponse, 32 ;

C/2/162: Portrait du Prince heider-ali-kan, 34;


17/21

KAVEH YAZDANI116

Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1, 526.

23 M.M.D.L.T., The History of Hyder Shah, 17.

24 Ibid., 19–21; FSH: AFSt/M 2 E 17: 13:

Reisetagebuch von Christian Friedrich

Schwartz, Tiruchirapalli 1779, 96–7; Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1, 525.

25 Schubert, Christian Friedrich Schwartz, der

Sendbote des Evangeliums in Indien, 65;

Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1, 525.

26 It has not been indicated who the orphans

were. FSH: AFSt/M 1 B 74: 31: Reisebericht

von Christian Friedrich Schwartz an

[Unbekannt], Tanjore 1779; AFSt/M 2 E 17:

13: Reisetagebuch von Christian Friedrich

Schwartz, Tiruchirapalli 1779, 96–7;

Schubert, Christian Friedrich Schwartz, 67,

69; According to Wilks’ translation, the 300

rupees were paid to cover his travel expenses. Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 1, 527.

Furthermore, Wilks argued that “This strange

misapprehension is a singular example of the

good father’s credulity. The persons, whose

situation excited this eulogium on Hyder’s

humanity were the chelas, captive

slaves…converts, in imitation of the Turkish

Janissaries (new soldiers), which, under the

name of the chela battalions arrived at matu-

rity, and were so much augmented during the

government of his successor” (527, 407).

Interestingly, when Haidar’s war captive

James Bristow was captured in early 1781,

he wrote that “I was put to exercise a number

of Slave boys with Sticks made in the form of

wooden firelocks, on our refusing to do this at

first our Subsistance was stopped for three

days and we were threatened to be starved to

Death if we refused.” FSH: AFSt/M 2 A 2: 18:

“Escape from Captivity. Narrative given by

Bristow, whose escape from Tippoos,

Dominions, was mentioned in a former

Calcutta Paper and who is now there,”

Calcutta Gazette 30.6.1791. See also

Bristow, A Narrative of the Sufferings of

James Bristow, 41.

27 FSH: AFSt/M 2 E 17: 13: Reisetagebuch vonChristian Friedrich Schwartz, Tiruchirapalli

1779, 96–7; Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol.

1, 526. See also Schubert, Christian

Friedrich Schwartz, 67.

28 FSH: AFSt/M 2 E 17: 13: Reisetagebuch von

Christian Friedrich Schwartz, Tiruchirapalli

1779, 96–7; Schubert, Christian Friedrich

Schwartz, 65; Wilks, Historical Sketches,

vol. 1, 525.

29 Sprengel, Leben Hyder Allys, v.

30 ADAE: Asie; Mémoire et Document; Indes

Orientales et Colonies Françaises (1738–84),

Vol. 7: Réflexions sur les Evénements qui

arrive[ent] dans l’Inde. Un seul homme est en

état d’en tirer les plus grand avantages,

29.5.1781, 338.

31 As Bowring pointed out, “the MadrasGovernment consented to a stipulation that

in case either of the contracting parties

should be attacked by other powers, mutual

assistance should be rendered to drive the

enemy out.” Bowring, Haidar Ali and Tipu

Sultan, 58.

32 IOR: H/170: Translation of a Conversation

between the Nabob Hyder ally Cawn and

Shinas Row a person sent to him by Sir Eyre

Coote at his reputed request held near Dubey

Gur on the 14. and 15.7.1782, 596–7.

33 FSH: AFSt/M 1 B 71: 31: Brief von Christian

Friedrich Schwartz an Johann FriedrichSorge, Tanjore, 09.10.1780. See also

Schubert, Christian Friedrich Schwartz, 66,

75. As Sinha affirmed, Haidar “solicited the

assistance of the Company again and again.”

After almost two years of war between Mysore

and the Marathas, “the Madras Government

at last asked him what money and provisions

he could provide if they were to assist him.”

Sinha, “Mysore: Haidar ‘Ali and Tipu Sultan,”

458.

34 Quoted in Qureshi, “Tipu Sultan’s Embassy

to Constantinople,” 70.

35 Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through

the Countries of Mysore, Canara and

Malabar , 300.

36 FSH: AFSt/M 1 B 71: 30: Brief von Christian

Friedrich Schwartz an Johann Friedrich

Sorge, Tanjore, 1780; AFSt/M 1 B 71: 33:

Brief von Christian Friedrich Schwartz an

Friedrich Wilhelm Pasche, Tanjore,

10.10.1780.

37 Innes Munro, A Narrative of the Military

Operations of the Coromandel Coast:

Against the combined Forces of the French,

Dutch, and Hyder Ally Cawn, From the year

1780 to the Peace in 1784, 119.

38 Irshad Husain Baqai, “The Death of Haidar Ali,” 13.

39 I have encountered the earliest version of this

letter in Michaud, History of Mysore Under

Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan, 47–8.

However, it cannot be excluded that the letter

is a fabrication.

40 Stewart, A Descriptive Catalogue of the

Oriental Library of the late Tippoo Sultan of

Mysore, 43.

41 Stewart, A Descriptive Catalogue, 44.

42 Ibid.; Hasan, History (1951), 10–1.

43 James was the brother of William Kirkpatrick


18/21


and at the age of 29 had already spent four-

teen years in the Company’s Madras army. He

was fluent in Persian, Hindustani, Tamil and

Telugu. Dalrymple, White Mughals, 77–8.

Quoted in Ibid., 77–8. A similar statementhas been made by a French official who wrote

that “Tipou-Sultan, né au milieu des armes,

qui depuis sa plus tendre enfance n’a cessé

de faire la guerre.” ADAE: Asie; Mémoire et

Document; Indes Orientales et Colonies

Francaises (1687–1810), vol. 4, 403.

44 Rao, Memoirs of Hyder and Tippoo, Rulers

of Seringapatam, Written in the Mahratta

Language, 33.


According to Rao, Tipu’s “education had

been perverted and did not include, as Haidar

intended, the science of politics or the art of conquering countries and making mutually

advantageous treaties with neighbours and

enemies…he was educated under a Maulvi

[Islamic scholar] who instilled more religion

than culture into him.” Rao, History of

Mysore, vol. 3, 1054.

46 Stewart, A Descriptive Catalogue, 43; Khan,

“State Intervention in the Economy: Tipu’s

Orders to Revenue Collectors, 1792–97: A

Calendar,” 68.

47 It was reported that the French general

Lescallier told Tipu about the events of the

French Revolution: “Le Cit. Lescallier…est

parvenu à lui donner des idées saines de la

révolution francaise.” AN: C/2/304: Exposé

de nos liason avec Tipou-Sultan, 1795, 23.

According to Hasan, the Civil Commissioner

of Pondicherry, Lescallier, “deputed two

agents who explained to him the significance

of the French Revolution.” Hasan, History,

283. This ritual was basically strategic so as

to be assisted by revolutionary France against

the EIC. It is interesting to mention that on

the arrival of Ripaud and other Frenchmen to

Srirangaptna, Tipu ordered a salute to be

fired and told Ripaud that “By this public

acknowledgement of your national standard,I give you a proof of my affection for it. I

declare myself its Ally, and promise you that it

shall be as firmly supported throughout my

dominions as it has ever been in those of the

Republic, my Sister.” What is more, Ripaud

proposed the following oath, which was taken

by the attenders: “Citizens, do you swear

hatred to all Kings, except Tippoo Sultaun the

Victorious, the Ally of the French Republic,

War against Tyrants; and Love to our Country,

and the citizen Tippoo.” Official documents,

relative to the negotiations carried on by

Tippoo Sultaun...to which is added,

Proceedings of a Jacobin Club, formed at

Seringapatam by the French Soldiers in the

Corps commanded by M. Dompart, 187–8,

190–1. For a critique of the use of the term“Jacobin Club,” see Boutier, “Les lettres de

créances du corsair Ripaud.” A number of

late eighteenth-century Indian members of

the intelligentsia were informed about the

French Revolution. Abu Taleb, for instance,

the scholar from Lucknow, gave a concise

description of the Revolution and according

to Khan sympathised with the revolutionaries.

Stewart, Travels, vol. 2, 178–81; Khan,

Indian Muslim Perceptions, 47.

48 IOR: 19016; MSS Eur B 276: Anonymous let-

ter, “Camp at Gariahguanelly,” 2nd June

1799. However, it has to be pointed out that,in the 1780s, the library in Lucknow had

300,000 volumes. Khan, “Technology and

the Question of Elite Intervention,” 265.

According to the eighteenth-century contem-

porary ‘Abd al-Latif, the library of Lucknow

even contained 600,000 volumes. Khan,

Indian Muslim Perception, 22.

49 Stewart, A Descriptive Catalogue, v.

50 Among these hukm namahs, there was a

treatise dealing with the codes and regula-

tions for spies and the Intelligence

Department (Hukm Namah-i Jasusan), a

treatise on Tipu’s orders to physicians work-

ing in hospitals and a treatise on Tipu’s

orders to the officials in charge of Karkhanas

(workshops). Hosain, “The Library of Tipu

Sultan,” 154 and 156.

51 Husain (tr.), The Dreams of Tipu Sultan.

52 Hosain, “The Library of Tipu Sultan,” 152,

160.

53 Khan, “The Awadh Scientific Renaissance,”

279.

54 It was under the reign of Tipu that Persian was

introduced as the language of the court and

government. Brittlebank, Tipu Sultan’s

Search, 121.

55 For an analysis of this work, see Alam andSubrahmanyam, Indo-Persian Travels, 314ff.

56 Stewart, A Descriptive Catalogue, 142, 144,

146-7, 149, 151-2.

57 Ibid., 379.

58 IOR: MSS Eur E 196 (Neg 7622): Kirkpatrick

to the Earl of Mornington, Fort St. George,

8th Aug. 1799; Stewart, A Descriptive

Catalogue, v, 100.


60 Ibid., 97, 113.

61 Anonymous, Official Documents, Relative to

the Negotiations Carried on by Tippoo


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KAVEH YAZDANI118

Sultaun, 13.

62 Kausar, Secret Correspondence of Tipu

Sultan, 306.

63 Hasan, History, 379; Michaud, History of

Mysore, 48.64 Kirkpatrick, Select Letters, 454–5 ; Hasan,

History, 123–4 note 7; Ali, Tipu, 137; Habib,

“Introduction;” Habib, State and Diplomacy

under Tipu Sultan. Documents and Essays.

65 Basalla, The Evolution of Technology, 131.

66 IOR: MSS Eur C 10: Tippoo’s Court.

According to Qasim, Tipu wore a fob watch.

Brittlebank, Tipu Sultan’s Search, 117.

67 M.M.D.L.T., The History of Hyder Shah, 199,

202–3.

68 Anonymous, Narratives Sketches of the

Conquest of the Mysore, 98.

69 Dirom, A Narrative of the Campaign in Indiawhich Terminated the War with Tipoo

Sultan in 1792, 153.

70 Buchanan, A Journey, 70.

71 Habib, “Introduction,” xliv.

72 Buchanan, A Journey, 70.

73 After Tipu lost the Third Anglo–Mysore War

and signed the Treaty of Seringapatam

(1792), he had to give away two of his legiti-

mate sons (aged five and eight) as hostages

until he paid the reparations of three crores

and three lakhs.

74 Bell, The Madras School, or, Elements of

Tuition, 167, 241. Smith writes that he

“taught the arz-begs every experiment that

the apparatus can admit of being performed”

(236).

75 Ibid., 234–5.

76 Ibid., 235–6.

77 Buchanan, A Journey, vol. 1–3;

“Regulations”; Chicherov, India; Sen, “A Pre-

British Economic Formation.”

78 AN: C/2/187: Ruffin à Monseigneur, Brest

15.11.1788, 18. The French officer, Mr.

Ruffin, explained the failure of sending the

child to France with the following argument:

Tipu’s emissary, Osman Khan, may have

“controuvé, éxagéré, ou simplement mani-festé sans y avoir été autorisé, le propos qu’il

nous a dit avoir entendu de la bouche de son

maitre?” At the same time, Ruffin wrote that

he did not have any difficulty in convincing

Osman of the indecency, the countless dan-

gers and the impossibility of financing this

enterprise. Indeed, Osman “a toujours évité

de prononcer qu’il faudroit le [Tipu’s son]

pousser jusques là. C’est un point à obtenir

ici, du jeune Prince lui-même et par grada-

tion.” For a translation of Ruffin’s and other

letters, see Venkatesh, The Correspondence

of the French during the Reign of Hyder Ali

and Tipu Sultan, 1788 to 1789, vol. 3,

200–6. According to Hasan, the French

approved of the idea, but expected that Tipu’s

son would learn how to read and write Frenchand also learn some calculus and arithmetic

before his arrival. Relating to the failure of

sending the boy to France, Hasan has argued

that the outbreak of the Third Anglo-Mysore

War and the Treaty of Seringapatam, includ-

ing the hostage-taking of two of his sons, pre-

vented its realisation. Hasan, History, 377–8.

Interestingly, according to Sridharan, Tipu

expected a French boy to come to study in

Mysore in return. M.P. Sridharan, “Tipu’s

Drive towards Modernization: French

Evidence from the 1780s,” 144.

79 Hasan, History (1951), 27.80 Brittlebank, Tipu Sultan’s Search, 61.

81 It is a robe of honour, indicating social and

political acknowledgement and increased

reputation. See Gordon, Robes of Honour:

Khil’at in Pre-Colonial and Colonial India.

82 Brittlebank, Tipu Sultan’s Search, 121; “The

Mysorean Revenue Regulations,” 45–7 (§

74–76). These regulations were dedicated to

the ‘ amils and serishtadars of Wamlur,

dependent on the cutchehry of Awulpatam

and contained 127 clauses. Henceforth:

“Regulations” (Wamlur); IOR: H/251:

Translation of Regulations of Tippoo Sultaun

for the Management of his Country: directed

to the Aumils and Serishtadars now in office

as well as those who may hereafter be

employed in the District of Raicottah subordi-

nate to the cutcherry of Bangalore (by Francis

Gladwin), dated the first of the month

Ahmedy of the year Delow, in the hand writ-

ing of Hassan Moonshy, writer to Lallah

Gobindroy, employed by the Dewan of the

royal Cutcherry. These regulations contained

125 clauses. Henceforth: “Regulations”

(Raicottah). These regulations are very impor-

tant, but should not be overvalued since, as

John Malcolm observed, Tippoo has varied inmany points at different periods from the

mode of management which was prescribed”

in the Mysorean Revenue Regulations. Martin,

The Despatches, Minutes, and Corres-

pondance, of the Marquess Wellesley, vol. 1,

655. For Tipu’s new calendar, see Kirkpatrick,

Select Letters of Tippoo Sultan to Various

Public Functionaries, appendix, xxvi–xxxvii.

According to Hasan, “he abolished the

Muslim calendar with its lunar years, because

it was administratively inconvenient, and

introduced instead, a calendar based on luni-


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solar years.” Hasan, History, 377.

83 Yazdani, Modernity, ch. 2.9.

84 Qureshi, “Tipu Sultan’s Embassy to

Constantinople,” 73–5; Habib, “Intro-

duction,” xxiv. For Mysore’s relationship with Afghanistan and Iran, see Yazdani,

Modernity, ch. 2.8.3.

85 Monneron did not specify what he meant by

“practice of Islam,” but we know that Tipu

regularly performed his prayers and read

books on religion and history before going

to sleep. Hasan, History, 370-–1.

86 Hasan, History, 370–1.


Orientales et Chine, Cochinchine

(1784–86), Vol. 18: Copie de la Lettre de M.

P. Monneron à M. de Cossigny en date de

Pondichery le 14.7.1786, 294–5 ; AN:C/2/191: Mr. De Fresne, à Pondichery,

4.11.1789, 105; Hasan, History, 370.

88 Hasan, History, 373, 375.

89 Ibid., 330.

90 IOR: H/436: Captain Taylor, On the state of

affairs in India, 1791, 142–3.

91 Kirkpatrick, Select Letters, Appendix, 12.

92 IOR: H/685: George Forster, Account of the

principle Country Powers in Hindustan,

Charlotte Street, Portland Place 10.5.1785,

30.

93 AN: C/2/172: Cossigny: A Pondichery le

5.7.1786, 46.

94 Hasan, History (1951), 27; Hasan, History,

374; Qureshi, “Tipu Sultan’s Embassy to

Constantinople,” 71. Dirom, A Narrative of

the Campaign in India, 249–50.

95 Quoted in Teltscher, India Inscribed:

European and British Writing on India

1600–1800, 231.

96 For the orientalist approach of British

accounts vis-à-vis Tipu Sultan, see

Teltscher, India Inscribed, ch. 7. See also

Stig Förster, “4. Mai 1799: Der Kampf um

Srirangapatna und der Tod des Tipu

Sultan,” 115–32, 121–3.

97 Founded in 1600.98 Moor, A Narrative of the Operations…

against the Nawab Tippoo Sultan

Bahadur , 193.

99 Dirom, A Narrative, 250.

100 A sort of zamindar with the hereditary right

to collect revenues.

101 Kirkpatrick, Select Letters, Appendix, 133,

150, 156, 298. According to Kirkpatrick,

the zakhm-putty, or compensation to the

wounded soldiers, “is a custom pretty gen-

eral in the native armies of India” (151).

Hasan has confirmed that he granted

in’ams to the relatives of those soldiers who

died in battle. Hasan, History, 374.

102 Wilks, Historical Sketches, vol. 3, 306. Rs 2

½ were about 5 shillings. I have used the

Marteau Early 18th-Century Currency Converter: http://www.pierre-marteau.com/

currency/converter/mog-eng.html

103 Yazdani, Modernity, ch. 2.3.2.

104 ‘Amil or ‘Amildar: Finance administrator of

a pargana (smallest administrative subdivi-

sion or a district). In Tipu Sultan’s Mysore,

he was the head of a district in charge of

justice, revenue collection, the well-being of

peasants and the supply of provisions and

military stores to the commandants of the

forts. “Regulations” (Raicottah), 234–5,

252–3; “Regulations” (Wamlur), 52 (§ 85),

67 (§ 102); Moienuddin, Sunset at Sriran- gapatam: After the Death of Tipu Sultan,

10.

105 Yazdani, Modernity, chs. 2.8, 2.9.

106 Husain, The Dreams of Tipu Sultan. See

especially dream nos. I, III, VII, XI, XIV, XX,

XXI, XXIV, XXV, XXVIII, XXIX, XXXII, XXXVI.

Needless to say, Tipu’s dreams merely rep-

resented a selection of his overall dreams.

He penned 37 of them, which were written

in Persian.


Orientales et Chine, Cochinchine

(1792–1814), vol. 20: Lescallier (signé):

Indes affaires Politiques et Sècrettes, 153.


Orientales et Possessions Francaises

(1785–1826), vol. 11: Proposition qu’on dit

faites par Tipou-Sultan, à la République

Francaise, 5eme Jour de la Lune de

Chaban, l’an 1201 de l’Hégire: par hesnaly

Khan, Envoyé de Tipou-Sultan, 167.

109 It has been argued that, in 1797/8, the EIC

switched to preventive imperialism.

However, neither Tipu’s increased anti-

British activities nor the French invasion of

Egypt posed an immediate threat to the

British possessions in India. They wererather used as pretexts to attack the king-

dom of Mysore. Förster, Die mächtigen

Diener , 31–2, 384–6; Ingram, Commit-

ment to Empire: Prophecies of the Great

Game in Asia, 1797–1800. Officially, Tipu

was survived by twelve sons and maybe up

to eight daughters. Hasan, History (2005),

372; SA: Book Nr. 1717 (335/18205/1717):

“Assi Seyed Hossein Afa’eneh (also known

as Seyed Hossein Monshi), Zafar Namah

Haidari, 08.03.1900, 145–6. However

Martin wrote that Tipu left three legitimate


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KAVEH YAZDANI120

and seventeen “illegitimate” children, while

24 died before him. Martin, The British

Colonies, 383.

110 Yazdani, Modernity, chs. 2.3, and 2.4.

111 Quoted in Michaud, History of Mysore, 47.112 Beatson, A View of the Origin, 153–4.

There is also a slightly different version of

this dictum that reads as follows: “One

day’s life of a lion is preferable to hundred

years’ existence of a jackal.” For this ver-

sion, see Ahmad, Hundred Great Muslims,

593; Ali, Tipu Sultan: A Study in

Diplomacy and Confrontation, 5.

113 Brittlebank, Tipu Sultan’s Search, 24.

114 “Regulations” (Raicottah), 267–8, 181, 233.

115 Hasan, History; Guha, Pre-British State

System; Habib, “Introduction”; Barua, The

State of War; Roy, War, Culture, Society.116 Moor, A Narrative, 479.

117 Bell, The Madras School, or, Elements of

Tuition, 234–5.

118 AN: C/2/174: Traduction de l’Office présen-

té au Roi pour les ambassadeurs de Tippo-

Sultan, 30.7.1788, 255; AN: C/2/236:

Cossigny: Pondichery le 4.5.1786 , 53;

Traduction d’une Lettre du Nabob Tipou

Sultan à Mr. De Cossigny, Gouverneur de

Pondichery, en date du 21.10.1786, 267;

Venkatesh, Correspondence of the French,210–1, 278–81; Habib, State and

Diplomacy under Tipu Sultan. Documents

and Essays, xix; Sridharan, “Tipu’s Drive

towards Modernization: French Evidence

from the 1780s,” 145; Husain, “The

Diplomatic Vision of Tipu Sultan,” 57 (61a);

Lafont, Indika, 168.

119 Husain, “The Diplomatic Vision of Tipu

Sultan,” 26, 32–3, 36–7, 42, 53 (3b, 16b,

6b, 7a–b, 52b, 10b, 11b, 61b); Ali, Tipu,

137.

120 “Regulations” (Raicottah), 253.

121 FSH: AFSt/M 2 A 2: 18: “Escape fromCaptivity. Narrative given by Bristow, whose

escape from Tippoos, Dominions, was

mentioned in a former Calcutta Paper and

who is now there,” Calcutta Gazette

30.6.1791; Bristow, A Narrative, 104.

Haidar Ali & Tipu Sultan - Mysore's 18th Century

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