Great expectations: Understanding why the UN climate talks ... · the resulting emission reduction...

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GREAT EXPECTATIONS Antto Vihma & Harro van Asselt FIIA BRIEFING PAPER 109 14 June 2012 ULKOPOLIITTINEN INSTITUUTTI UTRIKESPOLITISKA INSTITUTET THE FINNISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 109 UNDERSTANDING WHY THE UN CLIMATE TALKS SEEM TO FAIL

Transcript of Great expectations: Understanding why the UN climate talks ... · the resulting emission reduction...

Page 1: Great expectations: Understanding why the UN climate talks ... · the resulting emission reduction effortsto countries according to objectively-definedcriteria. Even the historic

Great expectations

antto Vihma & Harro van asselt Fiia BrieFinG paper 109 • 14 June 2012

U L KO P O L I I T T I N EN INS T I T U U T T I

U T R I K E S P O L I T I S K A INS T I T U T E T

THE F I N N I S H I N S T I T U T E OF I N T E R N AT I O N A L AFFA IR S

109

UnderstandinG wHy tHe Un

climate talks seem to Fail

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• Everyyear,theUNclimatenegotiationsseemtofailthetestofsavingtheglobalclimateinthepubliceye.TheexpectationsplacedontheUNclimateregimearesimplytoohigh.

• ThegreatexpectationsoftheUNclimateregime—andthesubsequentinabilitytomeetthem–aredamaging,astheyresonatewithscepticsofinternationalclimatepolicyandUNmultilateralismingeneral.

• Theworld has changed since the early 1990s,whenpost-ColdWar optimismprovided fertileground for establishing several environmental regimes. The new geopolitical and domesticrealitiesprovidethebackdropfortheprogressthatcanbeachievedthroughmultilateralclimatenegotiations.

• However, theUN climate regime plays a crucial role by catalysing climate action, building acommonvisionbetweendifferentstates,enhancingtransparency,andpromotingthediffusionofnovelpolicyideasandinstruments.

• TheroleoftheUNFCCCcouldbefurtherstrengthenedbyallowingittoactasanorchestratorwhichcoordinatesthearrayofinitiatives.

Great expectations

Fiia Briefing paper 109

14 June 2012

UnderstandinG wHy tHe Un

climate talks seem to Fail

the Global security research programme

the Finnish institute of international affairs

U L KO P O L I I T T I N EN INS T I T U U T T I

U T R I K E S P O L I T I S K A INS T I T U T E T

THE F I N N I S H I N S T I T U T E OF I N T E R N AT I O N A L AFFA IR S

antto Vihma

researcher

the Finnish institute of international affairs

Harro van asselt

research Fellow

stockholm environment institute

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tHe FinnisH institUte oF international aFFairs 3

IntheyearlyaftermathofUnitedNations(UN)cli-matemeetings,manyreporters,expertsandcivilsocietyorganizations,especiallythosefromdevel-opedcountries,criticizetheUNforanotherdisap-pointingoutcome.SomecallforareformoftheUNmodel ofmultilateral negotiations; others argueforabandoningthetalksaltogetherormovingthenegotiationselsewhere.TheroundofUN climatetalkstypically“failonambition”,“failtoreverseglobalwarming”and“failincuttingglobalcarbonemissions”.1Thesecatchphrasesenter theexpertandpublicconsciousnessalikeviathemassmedia.

TheobjectiveofthisbriefingpaperistoprovideananalysisofthesegreatexpectationsinthecontextoftheUNclimateregime.TheexpectationthattheUNmeetingsassuchwouldreverseglobalclimatechangeisbasedonfaultypremisesandcanpoten-tiallybedamaging.Theunfairexpectationspaintinternationalagreementsasperpetualfailures,pro-vidingammunitionfortheintereststhatopposeanyformofinternationalenvironmentalregulation.ThebriefingpaperpresentsadefenceoftheUNFrame-work Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC):If itsroleisproperlyunderstood,theregimemayserveanimportantfunctionintheresponsetocli-matechangeandinworldaffairsingeneral.

1 Forexamples,seeWorldWideFundforNature(WWF)press

release,11December2011;ForeignAffairs,13December2011;

TheEconomist,3September2011.

Climatechangeispossiblythemostcomplexprob-lem—oftencalleda“wicked”or“malign”probleminrationalist literature—that theworld is facing.Acentralissuefromtheveryoutsethasbeenthatclimatepoliciesarenotenvironmentalpoliciesinthetraditionalsense,butarecloselyrelatedtoeco-nomicgrowth,trade,andinnovation.Furthermore,climate changemitigation is deeply intertwinedwithquestionsofenergyproductionandland-use,whichareintimatelyrelatedtonationalsovereignty.Thiscomplexityoftheproblemstructuredoesmakeclimatechangeextremelychallengingforinterna-tionaldecision-making.

However, theproblem structuredoesnot single-handedlydeterminethesuccessofaninternationalenvironmentalagreement.Solvingseeminglysim-pleandstraightforwardproblemsmaybedifficultas can bewitnessed, for instance, in the case oftheconservationofAtlantictunaamonggenerallyfriendlystates.Relativesuccessesmaybeachievedinthefaceofsomeofthemostchallengingproblems,one example being the creation of theAntarcticregimeduringtheheightoftheColdWar.2

2 OranYOung(2011).EffectivenessofInternationalEnviron-

mentalRegimes:Existingknowledge,cutting-edgethemes,

andresearchstrategies,Proceedings of the National Acade-

mies of Sciences,vol.108,no.50.

climate negotiators and observers prepare for a long night in cancún. photo: Unclimatechange (flickr)

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Expectations of the climate regime

After the end of the ColdWar in 1989, theWestenjoyedamomentofgreatconfidence,backedupbytheUSwithitsboomingeconomyandunprec-edentedmilitary hegemony. Globalization, pow-ered by theWashington Consensus, acceleratedrapidly,highlightingsocial,economicandpoliticalinterdependence.Thisera,accordingtoProfessorMarttiKoskenniemi,wascharacterizedby“aturntoethics”ininternationallaw.IntheColdWarera,statesweremistrustfulofeachother;formalandneutralnormsweredesignedtoachievepeacefulcoexistenceandminimalstandardsofacceptablebehaviour. By contrast, in the 1990s, Europeancountriesinparticularbegantoexpectanddemandinternationalagreementstopursueawiderangeof”goodcauses”,includinghumanrights, increasedenvironmentalprotectionandtradeliberalisation.As Koskenniemi notes in a satirical tone, “after1989we thought for awhile thatwewere freedfromneutralityandstrictlyformalrules,andthatthegoodlifeitselfwaswithinthegraspofpublicauthorities”attheinternationallevel.3Asaresult,expectationsaboutinternationaldecision-makingandmultilateralagreementsrosetonewunforeseenlevels.

3 MarttiKOsKennieMi(2002).TurntoEthicsinInterna-

tionalLaw.Availableat:http://www.helsinki.fi/eci/Publica-

tions/Koskenniemi/Ethics.pdf.

This periodmarked the dawn of theUN climateregime,firstwiththeadoptionof theUNFCCC in1992,whichwasrapidlyfollowedbytheKyotoPro-tocolin1997.Inspiredbytheperceivedsuccessesoftheozoneregime,Europeancountriesandtheirprogressivealliescampaignedthroughoutthe1990stoputintoplaceanumberofformalinstitutionsandproceduresforclimatechangemitigationthroughthe UNFCCC. These included the procedures forregularreviewoftheadequacyofcommitmentsinlightofthelatestavailablescience,proceduresforadaptinglegallybindingobligations,andthedevel-opmentofinstitutionsandproceduresforidentify-ingandrespondingtonon-compliance.

Althoughtheoptimismthatprevailedinthe1990sstillresonatesinthetextsanddecisionsadoptedintheclimateregime,overtheyearsithasbecomeevi-dentthatthereareseveralconstraintsfortheinter-nationalresponsetoclimatechange.First,acrucialimplicationofusingalegallybindingtreatyisthatintheUSittriggerstheadviceandconsentprocedure,inwhichatwo-thirdsmajorityintheUSSenateisneededforaninternationalagreementsignedbytheUS executive branch. A bi-partisan consensus onaninternationalagreementisextremelydifficulttoachieve in theAmericandomestic sphere.Moreo-ver,neithertheUSSenatenortheAmericanpeoplewillsupportaclimateagreementthatcreateslegalobligationsfortheUSbutnotforothermajorecono-mies,inparticularChina.Second,thereisnoreasonto believe that China, India, and other emergingeconomieswilldroptheirlong-standingopposition

the high expectations have been contrasted with

concrete evidence on the challenges of multilateral

decision-making. photo: Unclimatechange (flickr)

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to top-down, legally binding targets, even withsignificantincreasesinfinancialandtechnologicalassistance. Both the emergingpowers and theUSessentiallypreferpoliciesthataretailoredtofittheirnationalcircumstances,andfeeluncomfortableasobjectsofastronginternationalagreementimposingaquantifiedclimatechangemitigationambitionlevel.

Inthislight,theannualexpectationsthatincreasedmitigationambitionswillemergetop-downfromaUNmeetingareutopian.Therehasnotbeenasingleclimatemeeting in thehistoryof climatenegotia-tionsinwhichaninternationaldecisionwastakentoreduceacertainamountofemissionsaccordingtoalevelsuggestedbyscience,andthentodistributetheresultingemissionreductioneffortstocountriesaccordingtoobjectively-definedcriteria.EventhehistoricKyotomeetingin1997producedanessen-tially ”bottom-up” agreement, based on horse-tradingwithinasmallgroupofdevelopedcountries,wholistedtheirownnationally-determinedtargetsintheAnnextotheProtocol.Anyanalyticallookattherealityandthehistoryofmultilateralnegotiationsconfirmshowthebasicpoliticalconstraints,togetherwiththedominantnormofstatesovereignty,havelimitedtheroleoftheUNclimatetalkssincetheverybeginning.Intheabsenceofaseismicshiftinglobalclimatepolitics,thebigpicturedoesnotseemtobeevolving towards more favourable conditions formultilateral decision-making. Experts and practi-tionersalikemakeaconvincingcasethatwearecur-rentlydealingwithincreasingmultipolarcompetitionbetweentheUS,Europe,Chinaandemergingpowers.

Anatomy of the annual hype

Overthepasttwentyyearsofnegotiations,thehighexpectationsheldbytheprogressiveactorsintheclimatearenahavebeencontrastedwithconcreteevidenceonthechallengesofmultilateraldecision-making. The optimism about tackling environ-mentalproblemsthroughframeworkconventions,protocols and continuous negotiations has beencounteredwithdeep scepticism towards theUN-basedregimes,particularlyfollowingthelandmarkclimatemeetinginCopenhagenin2009.

ThediscussionsurroundingtheannualUNclimatemeetings currently entails a schizophrenic posi-tion:Weseemtobestuckindestructivedialecticsof great expectations and perpetual failure.Theclimate regime builds on the multilateral opti-mismof the 1990s.Progressive actors are afraidto give up on their high expectations for eachannualmeeting,fearingthatwithoutthispressuretheywouldloseallmeaningfulclimateactionandmodest compromises at the international level.However, theunfair expectations are painting ableakpictureofclimatenegotiationsasfailuresinwhatevertheydo,losingthenuancesoftherealityof policy-making.The image ofUN talks alwaysfailingprovidesammunitionforcynicalviewsthatdoubtthepossibilitiesofglobalclimatepoliticsandmultilateraldecision-makingasawhole,whichisuseful for vested interests that argue against alltypesofenvironmentalregulationinthenationalandinternationalspheres.

climate talks seem to be stuck in destructive dialectics of

great expectations and perpetual failure, much like england’s

football team after 1966. photo: todd awbrey (flickr)

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Examplesoftheoversimplificationsthatthehighexpectationscreateareplentiful.Althoughrecentclimate meetings in Copenhagen, Cancún andDurban have achieved progress and witnessedrathercomplexpoliticalgames,ifcontrastedwiththe expectation of an ambitious top-down deal,analysts and observers are only left with disap-pointment.Amongotheritems,criticshavepointedoutthefailurestoguaranteelimitsofwarmingto2degrees,theinabilitytodealwithnon-compliers(ordefectorslikeCanada),andtheconvolutednatureofmultilateraldecision-making.

Certainly, the internationalclimatechangenego-tiationsundertheUNaretakingplaceagainstthebackdropofthecontinuinggrowthofglobalgreen-housegasemissions,thealreadyobservableimpactsofclimatechangeandtheriskofrunawayclimatechange. It is undeniable that the internationaleffortstoaddressgrandenvironmentalchallengessuch as climate change have so far proved to begrosslyinadequate.However,thetake-homemes-sageofdecadesofacademicresearchonthepoten-tialof internationalenvironmentalagreements isoneofcautiousoptimism.TheUNclimateregimecanmakeadifference.However,itdoesnotoperateinanidealistvacuum,butisempoweredandlim-itedbyothercausalforces,suchasgeopoliticsandthedomesticpoliticsofkeycountries.Thecritiqueshouldbecentredmoreonindividualactorsratherthanthewholeregimeitself.

What can the UN climate regime do for us?

Soistherearoleforthetreaty-basedframeworkprovidedbytheUN inthecurrentpoliticalsitua-tion?Wefirmlybelievethatthereis.Severalimpor-tant functions for theUN climateprocess canbeidentified.

Keeping climate change on the international policy agenda

ThemostbasicfunctionoftheUNclimateprocessshouldnotbeunderestimated.Yearafteryear, itbrings together a variety of governmental andnon-governmentalactorstoaddressthecollectiveproblemofclimatechange.Althoughthemeetingshavebeencharacterizedbyseriousdisagreementsover how the problem should be addressed, thefocus on this limited progress overlooks the factthat194countries,includingallmajorgreenhouse

gasemitters,seektojointlydealwiththeproblem.Themomentumcreatedensuresthatallcountrieshavemovedforward—albeitslowlyandincremen-tally—towardsthecommongoalofavoidingdan-gerousclimatechange.4Negotiationsarestillongo-ing,havingsurvivedmeetingswhichwerewidelyconsideredasfailures,suchasthemeetingsinTheHaguein2000andinCopenhagenin2009.Despitethedisappointingoutcomesofthesemeetings,theclimateregimeshowedremarkableresilience,keep-ingtheissueontheinternationalpolicyagenda.

Working towards a shared vision on targets and responsibilities

Bybringingtogetherdifferentactors,theUNFCCCalso plays an important role in fosteringmutualunderstanding and allowing parties to worktogether—albeit slowly, once again—towards asharedvisionoftheproblemanditspossiblereso-lution.Moreover,countrieshavestartedtomoveawayfromthestrictdeveloped/developingcountrydichotomy,acknowledging that therearecharac-teristicsofcountrieswhicharemoreimportantfortacklingtheproblem.Thisacknowledgementbecameincreasinglyclearinthe2007BaliActionPlan,andwas reaffirmed in the 2010 Cancún Agreement,which saw major developing countries pledging”nationallyappropriatemitigationactions”.Theissueoftargetshasalsoseenprogress.WhentheUNFCCCwasadoptedin1992,thesharedvisionincludedtheneedtoprevent“dangerousanthropogenicinterfer-encewiththeclimatesystem”,aswellasrecognitionofthefactthatdevelopedcountriesaremorerespon-siblefortheproblemthanothers,andshouldhencetaketheleadinclimatechangemitigation.Thisdoesnotmeanthattherewasconsensusonwhatpreciselyconstitutes”dangerous”,ortheamountofemissionreductions that should takeplace indevelopedordevelopingcountries—thesearethedisagreementsthatarelikelytopersistforsometimetocome.How-ever,itisnotablethattwentyyearslater,countrieshave beenwilling to embrace a 2 °C temperaturetarget (andapossibilityofa 1.5 °C target),whichcouldformthebasisforestimatinghowmuchemis-sionreductionsareneededintheshortandmediumterm.Thesearejusttwoexamplesofwaysinwhich

4 JOannaDepleDgeandFarhanaYaMin(2009).TheGlob-

alClimateChangeRegime:ADefence.In:DieterHelmand

CameronHepburn(eds.)TheEconomicsandPoliticsofCli-

mateChange,Oxford,uK,p.439.

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theUNclimateregimeisfosteringasharedvision,eventhoughitshouldbekeptinmindthatatruly”shared”visionmaynevermaterialize.

Providing transparencyTheUNFCCCischaracterizedbyahighleveloftrans-parency.Itallowsnon-governmentalobserverstoparticipatein(someof)thenegotiations,increas-ingthepossibilitytoholdstatestoaccountfortheiractions.Moreimportantly,theConventionandtheProtocolhaveputinplacesystemsformonitoring,reportingandverifyinggreenhousegasemissions,with a view to ensuring that countries complywiththeircommitments.Althoughcollectingandreviewingdatainitselfdoesnotnecessarilyresultin compliance with emission reduction targetsor increase theambitiontoadoptmorestringentmitigationpolicies, it doesprovide an importantindication of the performance of countries.Thistransparencynotonlyservestobuildtrustamongthepartiesandenablecomparabilityofefforts,butcouldalsomobilizeprogressivedomesticconstitu-enciesifacountryisnotlivinguptoitspromises.Eveninaworldwhereemissionreductiontargetsare submitted in a bottom-up system, enhancedtransparencycanfulfilthisfunction,particularlyifitincludesthepossibilitytoprovideanearlywarn-ingwhencountriesarestrayingoffcourse.

Facilitating learningFromacognitiveperspective, theclimateregimeprovidesanimportantmarketplaceforideas.Thewealthofinformationhasfacilitatedthediffusionofnewclimatepolicy instruments,mostnotablymarket-basedmechanisms.Whereas greenhousegasemissionstradingwasinitiallyadvocatedmainlybytheUnitedStates,theeuhasbecomeitsmainprotagonist since the adoption of the Europeanemissions trading system in 2003, and by nowsomedevelopingcountries,suchasChinaandSouthAfrica, have also started to experimentwith theinstrument.Submissionsbygovernmentsallowforthesharingofdomesticexperiences,andalsopro-videaplatformfornewideas.Especiallyduringthepost-2012negotiationsofthelastfewyears,avastamountofinformationonpolicyoptionsfortack-lingclimatechangehasbecomeavailablethroughsubmissionsandreportsbygovernments,academia,scientificbodiesandothernon-stateactors.Thisis,for instance,how the issueof reducedemissionsfromdeforestationandforestdegradation(reDD)emergedontheagendainthenegotiations.

Reconciling ambition and realism

Theurgencyformeaningfulclimateactionhasbeenhighlightedbyanumberofauthoritativesources,includingtheIntergovernmentalPanelonClimateChange, the International Energy Agency, andarticles published in leading academic journals.TheworldisgrowingincreasinglywearyofUNcli-matetalks,which,whencontrastedwithutopianexpectations,seemtoachievenotangibleprogresstowardsaneffectivesolution.Theunfairexpecta-tionsprovideammunitionforscepticswhoargueagainstmultilateralenvironmentalcooperation.

Similar concerns have been raised in the case oftheUNMillenniumDevelopmentGoals,whichsettargetsthatwereimplausibleforalargenumberofcountries.Manyaidrecipientswillmissthegoals,eventhoughtheyhaveachievedrapidprogressbyhistoricalstandards.Whenothernecessarycondi-tions fail to materialize, aid advocates may findaid blamed for false ”failures”, undermining theconstituencyforsustainedengagementwithpoorcountries.5

Many important stepshavebeen taken since thelong-term climate discussions officially beganin Montreal in 2005. Mitigation by developingcountries isnowfirmlyontheagenda,asarethecritical questions of enhanced transparency andclimatefinance.Partieshavefoundasharedvisionon the need to limit the global average tempera-ture increasetobelow2degreesandhaveagreedto review the ambitiousness of this goal by 2015.Adaptation has been given the same priority asmitigation,andnewinstitutionshavebeenestab-lishedtopromotetechnology-relatedissues.Whilemanyoftheseincrementaladvancesareimportant,hard-foughtandcompellingtothose“inside”theprocess,theyfailtocreateanarrativeforthewiderpublic.While therecentadvances inCancúnandDurbanhave“rescued” theUNFCCC process andmultilateral climate change cooperation fornow,inthenextfewyearstheprocesswillfaceacriticaltest:Itmustcontinuetodelivertangibleresultsandcommunicatethemeffectivelyinfaceofhigh—and

5 MichaelcleMens,charlesKennYandtODDMOss

(2007).TheTroublewiththeMDgs:ConfrontingExpecta-

tionsofAidandDevelopmentSuccess,World Development

35(5),pp.735–751.

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likelyunfair—demands.Themessageofcommuni-cationshouldbe:theUNFCCCisnotdoingthisalone.Thereareleaderstatesthathelpitinaddressingcli-matechangeproblem,laggardstatesthatcounterit,non-stateactorsandotherinternationalinitiativesthat could help it, and so forth. For the climateinsidersandmediaalikeitiscrucialtofightclimateapathy—inotherwordsthinkingthattheproblemwillbeorshouldbesolvedbysomeoneelse,suchastheUNFCCC.

WebelievetheUNFCCCstillhasacrucialroletoplayinthecomplexsystemofglobalclimategovernance.Various important functions fulfilled by the UNclimateregimehavereceivedonlyscantattention.Theseincludeitsroleinagenda-settingandmainte-nance;thefactthatitbringscountriestogetherinacontinuousdialogue,allowingthebuildingoftrustandacommonvisionbetweenthem;itsabilitytoensurecountriescanbeheldtoaccountiftheydonottakeclimateaction;anditsroleinthediffusionofpoliciesandideas.

Thesefunctionscouldbestrengthenedbyensuring,inaddition,thattheUNclimateregimecanfunctionasan”orchestrator”thatcouldkeeptrackofthevarietyofinitiativesbypublicandprivateactorsatdifferentlevelsofgovernance,andensuretheycom-plementeachother.If it indeedbecomesincreas-inglyclear that theclimate regimecanno longerplaytheroleofregulator—i.e.prescribingtheemis-sionreductionsrequiredforeachcountry—itmay

insteadplayanimportantpartasorchestrator6.Thismeans,forinstance,thatthroughthemonitoringandreportingfunctionmentionedabove,itcouldkeeptrackofthevarietyofgovernanceinitiativesoutsidetheclimateregime,andassesswhetheradd-inguptheeffortsoftheseinitiativesisinlinewithcommonobjectives,suchaskeepingtemperatureincreasesbelow2°C.Orchestration—orcoordina-tion—could also seek to reduce inefficiencies byavoiding the duplication of efforts, and decreasetheriskofdoublecountingofefforts.Forexample,throughtheestablishmentofcommonguidelinesand accounting frameworks, theUNFCCC couldensurethecompatibilityofexistingandemergingemissionstradingsystems.Similarly,throughcoor-dinationwithcleantechnologyinitiativesoutsideoftheUNFCCC,linkscouldbeestablishedbetweenfunding mechanisms under the climate regime(notablythenewlyestablishedGreenClimateFund),andtechnologytransferprojectsontheground.Insodoing,theUNFCCCcouldimprovethecoherenceoftheinstitutionalcomplexforclimatechange,andensurethatglobalclimategovernanceasawholeremainslegitimate.

6 KennethabbOttandDuncansniDal(2010).Internation-

alRegulationwithoutInternationalGovernment:Improving

iOPerformancethroughOrchestration,Review of Interna-

tional Organizations 5 (3),pp.315–344.

the potential function of the UNFCCC as ‘orchestrator’ has so far received scant attention. photo: US national archives and records administration.

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tHe FinnisH institUte oF international aFFairs 9

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