GLOBALIZATION AND THE KOREAN PENINSULA: EFFECTS OF GLOBALIZATION ON IDENTITIES AND

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH KOREA

A Thesis submitted to the faculty of San Francisco State University

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for

the Degree

Master of Arts

In

International Relations

by

Jihye Gil

San Francisco, California

August 2015

As3 k

I K

Copyright by Jihye Gil

2015

CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL

I certify that I have read Globalization and The Korean Peninsula: Effects o f Globalization

on Identities and The Relationship between North and South Korea by Jihye Gil, and that

in my opinion this work meets the criteria for approving a thesis submitted in partial

fulfillment of the requirement for the degree Master of Arts in International Relations at

San Francisco State University.

Andrei TsyganKov Ph.D.Dt*/\ •fian n rvi*

GLOBALIZATION AND THE KOREAN PENINSULA EFFECTS OF GLOBALIZATION ON IDENTITIES AND

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH KOREA

Jihye Gil San Francisco, California

2015

In this thesis, the author explores and analyzes how globalization negatively contributes to

the relationship between North and South Korea since the Korean War. She explores and

analyzes cultural and national identity change in South Korea resulted in globalization

since the Korean War. Combining both qualitative and quantitative method, the author

attempts to demonstrate a social dilemma, resulted in multiculturalism in South Korea, and

the othering process through linguistic exclusion. Particularly, she scrutinizes the structure

of linguistic system in South Korea, and observes news and TV shows in three Korean

main broad cast systems. The author finds that South Korean news and social media have

been influenced by globalization and modernization, and they have used certain forms of

discourses and languages in order to emphasize South Korean national and cultural

identity, but the othering North Korea.

I certify that the Abstract is a correct representation of the content of this thesis.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables................................................................... ............................................... vi

List of Figures.................................................................................................................. vii

List of Appendices...........................................................................................................viii

Introduction........................................................................................................................1

Literature Review................ ............................................................................................2

The Conception of Traditional Nationalismand Identity in the Korean Peninsula..................................................3

The Influence of Globalization on Culturaland National Identity Change in South Korea...................................9

Methodology Designing..................................................................................................14

Qualitative Data Analysis................................................................................................15

The Process of Linguistic Heterogeneity and LinguisticStructure in South Korea...................................................................... 16

Identity Dilemma between Multiculturalism and Mono-ethnicity.............. 31

Quantitative Data Analysis............................................................................................. 48

Identification of South Koreans’ Perception Change on North Korea 36

Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 55

Bibliography..................................................................................................................... 59

v

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Lyrics of the North Korean National Anthem.................................................... 21

2. The Use of English words in North and South Korea....................................... 30

3. The Word Frequency in the President Park’s Speech in 1967......................... 42

4. The Word Frequency in the President Kim’s Speech in 2000 ..........................44

1

Introduction

Since the end of the Second World War, the Korean Peninsula has been an

ideological battlefield between America and the Soviet Union. In 1950, disagreements

over which of two established governments in Korea ruled the country led to the

Korean War between North and South Korea, with America supporting the south and

the Soviet Union supporting the north. Eventually, the Korean peninsula divided into

two countries pursuing different ideologies, capitalism and communism. As a result,

the two Koreas have walked different paths in terms of politics and economy. While

Germany reunified and the Cold War ended, the Korean Peninsula remained as the

only two that have not reunified since the Cold War. In doing so, the prolonged

partition of the peninsula has had immense impacts on the two countries in terms of

politics, economy, culture, and national identity. Especially, South Korea has been

through rapid economic and social transformation, whereas North Korea has been at

a standstill since the 1970s.

In terms of social and cultural aspects, South Korea has drastically

transformed its social and cultural landscape, especially as a result of the official

establishment of "Segyehwa," meaning globalization policy, in the early 1990s. In

addition, the policy of opening its market to the global trade and encouraging foreign

investors led to the development of South Korean's economy. This promoted massive

inflow of foreign culture through social media and foreign citizens, who have also

2

contributed to the social and cultural transformation. North Korea, in contrast, has

pursued defensive policy toward globalization and refused external influence. North

Korea, instead, has established its national survival strategy based on ‘Juche,’ meaning

self-reliance and military extortion. The prolonged partition between the two

countries and the rapid modernization, along with globalization in South Korea, has

deepened the gap, which is not only a political and economic one, but also a cultural

and national identity gap between the two countries. As a result, the South Korean

political and social perception toward North Korea and unification of the peninsula

has changed.

Regarding the issue, this study hypothesizes on the basis of the gap between

the two countries, and it argues the following:

Globalization and its impact on cultural and national identity in South Korea

have negatively contributed to the relationship between North and South Korea.

In doing so, the paper focuses on examining how globalization contributes to

South Korea in terms of cultural and national identity, and aims to illustrate

correlations between globalization and the relationship between North and South

Korea. In the following literature review, the paper introduces academic discourses

and debates regarding national identity formation in Korea and impacts of

globalization on the shaping of national identity.

4

forces that shape the new self-conceptions of nationalists in the countries. The

constructivist approach offered an understanding of innovation in comprehending

the power balance theory, neoliberal cooperation theory, and the security dilemma

with its concentration. The identity issues in world and domestic politics created a

culture in the history of international relations.2

Most theorists have paid less attention to sources that can be termed as mainly

the roots of potential conflict and regional instability in East Asia. These are the

downplayed variables in contemporary international relations theory: identity,

memory, and nationalism. In this regard, scholars have emphasized that

understanding Korean nationalism and its national identity is one of the essential

grounds in studying South Korean politics and the country’s relationship with North

Korea.

However, scholars’ have made numerous speculations regarding the origin

and development of Korean nationalism and national identity. Shin highlights that

those perceptions can be classified into three categories: primordialist views,

modernist or constructivist views, and other views.3

2 Sheila M. Jager, The politics of identity: history, nationalism, and the prospect for peace in post-Cold War East Asia, (ARMY WAR COLL STRATEGIC STUDIES INST CARLISLE BARRACKS PA, 2007), 15-203 Gi-wook Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy, (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2006), 21-289.

5

The national identity of Korea is emphasized by pre-modern ethnic roots.

Anthony Smith claims that ethnic roots provide a nation's pre-existing basis, one

where, without it, the nation's strong appeal and durability can hardly have an

explanation. In this sense, Smith emphasizes that national identity is composed of two

components, civic and ethnic. Memories, pre-historic myths, and the same ancestry

play an indispensable role in forming the ethnic component of national identity.4 The

public, many historians, and primordialists in Korea have a tendency to believe that

Korean is a single race that is connected with one bloodline from the pre-historic

period. This strong belief of Koreans is based on the idea of being descendants of

Dangun, a founder of Gochosun in a primordial nation-building story. Thus, their

ethnic unity came naturally.

Due to the previous historical experiences, Suh et al. agree with the notions of

primordialists, and they maintain that nationalism and national identity are mainly

formed and developed through perception of any foreign existence as threats. The

uniqueness of national identity can be found in many movements, such as “The March

First Movement,” which pursued the independence of Korea during the Japanese

occupation. In other words, Suh et al. highlighted anti-colonialism as the main source

of nationalism and identity formation.5 There also have been descriptions of the

4 Anthony D. Smith, "The Myth of the 'Modern Nation’ and the Myths of Nations,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 11, no. 1 (1988): 1-26.5 Kuk Sung Suh et al., the Identity of the Korean people: a history of legitimacy on the Korean Peninsula. (Research center for peace and unification, 1983), 11-53.

6

Three Kingdoms period, the continuous efforts of restoring and unifying the nation

as one. This also provides a strong mandate for the two Koreas to be unified.6

However, modernists or constructivists, such as Andre Schmid, claim that the

nation of Korea is a nationalist product in the late nineteenth century.7 In other words,

the creation of the Korean ethnic nationalism was for becoming free from Chinese

intervention and fitting into the national system of modernity. For scholars, the

maintenance of incredible territorial authority by Korea for an extended time period

is not a fulfillment of the primordial ethnic nationalism condition. It was seen as a

rigid society with class strata that has restrictions. The elites of Korea considered

themselves as belonging to China's civilized world instead of forming a nation with

the Cho-Sun dynasty, the commoners.8 As a result, the influence of this emphasizes a

Confucian civilization identity.

Even with many occupations and invasions, the homogeneity of Korea has

been maintained in terms of a Korean nation or Han minjok. Despite the division of

Korea, there was still a national awareness that was constructed by Han minjok. It has

become an essential characteristic of nationalism in Korea in spite of foreign

occupation and imperialism.9 Furthermore, in the consideration of traditional culture

and the strong influence of Confucianism, there was emphasis by the Cho-Sun dynasty

6 Ibid., 56.7 Andre Schmid, Korea between Empires, 1895-1919, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002),8 Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy, 5-26.9 Yim, "Cultural identity and cultural policy in South Korea," 38.

7

of ethical morality, humanity, and spiritual self-cultivation. Confucianism also

significantly influenced the shaping characteristics of traditional culture.10

Both primordialists and constructivists agree that modern Korean nationalism

emphasizes the concept of a shared bloodline and ethnic unity. As Shin highlights,

where there is conflation of ethnicity, race and nation in Korean nationalism are often

seen with the use of minjok, which is a term that sometimes implies nation or ethnicity.

According to Shin, the development of the ethnicity of Korean nationalism in the late

1920s was done in response to racial discrimination from Japan.11 After the

independence from Japan in 1945, there was a division of Korea into two countries

after the height of ethnic nationalism propelled a competition of legitimacy of the

single ethnic Korea between Kim Il-sung and Rhee Syngman.

As noted by Shin and Suh et al., Korean nationalism and its national identity

have been formed and enhanced through invasions and occupations in Korean

history.12 Especially, combining with Confucianism, threats of foreign invasion,

including Japanese colonialism, have resulted in enhancing the uniqueness of Korean

national identity. In doing so, the national identity and interests of South Korea are a

result of the connection between both the internal and external factors of instability.

Ibid., 38, 39.11 Ibid., 39.12 Suh et al, The Identity of the Korean people: a history of legitimacy on the Korean Peninsula, 17.

Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy, Stanford, 19.

8

There are two main characteristics that stand out as part of the premise of

Korea’s national identity. First, South Korea is termed as a "Northeast Asian State." It

is the one country with the strongest North East Asian identity. Therefore, the

regional stability of North East Asia becomes a significant premise for the national

interest of South Korea. From the start of the twenty-first century, however,

Northeast Asia was at the center of international politics with the collision of issues

of security, politics, and economics among the great powers.13 Therefore, South Korea

needs to have diplomatic power in order to play effectively and continuously at the

global and regional levels instead of just being at the regional level. The position of

the Korean Peninsula creates an economic, geographical, and cultural center of four

of the world's superpowers, making the balance and stability of North East Asia an

important precondition for the national security and interest of South Korea. Another

characteristic of national identity for South Korea is the Korean Peninsula's security

issues. The guarantee of Korea's national interest and security needs to silence the

concerns and create a balance for both international and peninsular factors.14

The legitimatization of the state after the partition of the country is another

factor in considering construction of national identity. Syngman Rhee in South Korea

and Kim Il-Sung in North Korea have proclaimed the legitimacy of their respective

13 Sang-hyun Lee, “National Security Strategy of the Lee Myung-Bak Government: The Vision of ‘Global Korea’ and Its Challenges,” The Korean Journal of Security Affairs 14, no. 2 (2009): 123-149.14 Ibid., 125.

9

state by emphasizing the tradition and the history of primordial Korea along with

their political ideologies.15 Suh et al. contend that the Korean peninsula was divided

into two countries when the ethnic nationalism was at its peak, and this accelerated

the competition between North and South Korea for the legitimacy of the one true

mono ethnic Korea.16

• The Influence o f Globalization on the Change o f Cultural and National Identity

Since globalization and modernization dilute the boundaries between

countries and cultures, globalization and its influence have become one of the

important issues among scholars. In this sense, globalization’s impacts on South

Korean cultural and national identity have also become a crucial concern in the field

of Korean study. It was noted that one of the most crucial factors that contributes to

the change of cultural and national identity is globalization. Nonetheless, its impacts

on identities have not been explored by many scholars in South Korea, at least not

beyond the economic impacts of globalization.

According to Tomlinson, culture is made by people, and people are made by

culture. In dialogue, even with the changes in socio-political and economic

circumstances, culture does not change. The change in culture occurs when it is

brought into contact with other cultures through political or commercial relations.

15 Ibid., 152.16 Ibid., 152.

10

However, when a group of people has social agency in the form of creativity and

freedom, there is development and change of a culture with influences that can be

integrated or rejected. This can be termed as the effect of globalization on culture.17

Dittmer claims that popular culture contributes to the construction of a certain

national identity. He demonstrates its process by examining several case studies of

popular culture. According to Dittmer, certain forms of popular culture significantly

influence a transformation of national identity. Popular culture, such as media,

movies, and music, creates a representative image and narrative toward certain

objects, and they are reflected through national identities. 18 In this regard,

modification is possible due to the recent shift in demographics, although there is

belief that the ethnic component's effect is the Korean national identity. Korean

nationalism has been maintained by a long period of an ethnic myth, one which soon

will be challenged by a Korean society that is transformed ethnically.

On a global scale, the spread of nationalism is due to modernization and

Westernization of the societies that are non-Western. Therefore, even in Korea, the

spread and awakening of nationalism is due to an increasing encroachment of

Western economic, military, and cultural power from the start of the nineteenth

century and the country’s colonization by Imperial Japan.19 All Korean people have

17 John Tomlinson, Globalization and Culture. (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 44-5018 Jason Dittmer, Popular culture, geopolitics, and identity, (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010), 1- 18119 Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy, 35.

11

been awakened to political action and national awareness with the emergence of

nationalism as a stimulant and ideological force during momentous times of

sociopolitical transition.20 The rise in civic identity was based on ethnic identity

before the recent upsurge of foreigners in Korea.21 Koreans have been portrayed by

Alford as tailoring the globalization premise into an agenda of nationalism. This was

as a byproduct of globalization and modernization or just of democratization. Alford

posits that as the theme of globalization arrived, Koreans maintained their ethnic

identity while still understanding globalization in their own way.22

The assertion of Samuel Kim is similar in that segyehwa, or globalization, in

Korea was government-driven without the result of significant strides in making

changes to the Korean cultural nationalism. Both of these scholars are not supportive

of any significant changes being made, but there is disagreement from Shin on claims

of no interplay of nationalism and globalization. 23 Shin’s argument is that

globalization was "appropriated" by nationalism so that national pride could

increase.24 On the other hand, the main agreement by all the authors is that ethnic

nationalism has been enhanced rather than undermined by globalization. There was

20 Kenneth M Wells, South Korea's Minjung Movement: the Culture and Politics ofDissidence. (University of Hawaii Press, 1995}, 11-243.21 H. S. Katharine Moon, "Korean Nationalism, Anti-Americanism, and Democratic Consolidation," in Korea's Democratization, ed. Samuel S. Kim, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 50.22 C. Fred Alford, Think no evil: Korean values in the age of globalization, (Cornell University Press, 1999), 35-49.23 Samuel S Kim, Korea's Globalization, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 23-45.24 Gi-Wook Shin and Kristin C. Burke, "North Korea and identity politics in South Korea," Brown J. WorldAff. no. 15, (2008): 287-303.

12

slow transition to civic national identity even though migration and other forces

played a role. Vitality was maintained by ethnic national identity with the showcasing

of global Korea by the president Lee Myung-bak and the universal values gaining

shared support. Though there was less support for unification and challenges for

ethnic identity, universal values still gained steam with the impact of immigration.25

As with globalization, there is an overriding concern for South Korea on the

resolution of the Korean reunification issue and the peaceful integration of North

Korea back into the most dynamic economic region of the world. In Korean politics,

the omnipresence is in South Korean nationalism also being at the center of the

discourse of unification. With the perception of the country being one ethnic nation,

the regard of the current Korean division is that it is temporary. The regimes of both

the South and North made claims to the legitimacy of one ethnic Korea with

accusations made by each that the other side is a puppet regime of Cold War

superpowers. Thus, for both sides, unification was a raison d'etre.26

South Korea has been caught between two identities of conflict with the

nationalist identity pitting the Korean identity against the United States and the

alliance identity seeing the United States a friendly provider.27 Therefore, the sharp

25 Gilbert Rozman and Andrew Kim, "Korean National Identity: Evolutionary Stages and Diplomatic Challenges," in East Asian National identities: common roots and Chinese exceptionalism. ed. Gilbert Rozman (Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2012), 197-217.26 Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy, 55-65.27 Shin et al., "North Korea and identity politics in South Korea, "288.

13

disputes and division for Koreans over the alliance and the North will not deteriorate

soon due to the intimate relations of these issues to the question of contention in

national identity. The shared sense of ethnic identity lying discretely within the

political systems has been in existence throughout the post-1945 history, causing the

two governments to compete for rightful political leadership with the conception of

national community.28

In terms of the cultural diversity, globalization plays a negative role of

influencing corporations and exploiting the markets and workers while influencing«

the values of the society. Due to the influence of Japanese colonialism, the Korean War,

the division of Korea, rapid modernization, and the indiscriminate influx of Western

culture, there was a sense of discontinuity between the contemporary culture and

traditional culture of Korea, which led to the rise of the issue of cultural identity.29

With the variety of circumstances, there is a tendency of Korean traditional culture to

be transformed and eroded swiftly, giving way to Western culture in the way people

lived. Furthermore, there is loss of individualism with the adoption of Western

ideologies and culture through the mimicking of the cognitive styles. Western ideas

easy assimilate into the national identity of South Koreans as they provide a suitable

framework for the developing economies.

28 ibid., 288 .29 Schmid, Korea between Empires, 1895-1919, 5 ,105.

14

Methodology Designing

The findings on causes and effects of globalization were arrived at through

well-defined procedures that are discussed in this section. In order to test the

hypothesis, the paper implements both quantitative and qualitative aspects. Both

quantitative and qualitative methodologies clearly outline the evidence showing

certain levels of influence of globalization in South Korea. To help understand the

concept of globalization, South Korea was chosen as the key area of study since it is

directly and adversely affected by globalization factors such as politics, economy, and

culture. In North Korea, the degree of globalization has been jeopardized by its

conservative culture. It has consistently refused to adopt any forms of Western

influence. The qualitative method was used to scrutinize two case studies:

1) The Process o f Linguistic Heterogeneity and Language Structure in South Korea.

2) Identity Dilemma between Multiculturalism and Mono-ethnicity.

Each case study has been examined and analyzed in order to provide a better

understanding of a certain degree of cultural and national identity transformation in

South Korea. The first case study focuses on national and cultural identity

transformation by examining the linguistic heterogeneity process between North and

South Korea. The case study explores both North and South Korean language systems

before the country’s partition during the Cho Sun dynasty and Japanese Colonialism.

15

Then, it scrutinizes both countries respective language policy and the development of

each's linguistic system, from the country’s partition until now.

The second case study examines the national and cultural identity dilemma

that South Korea has faced since the 2000s as a result of implementing

multiculturalism. It demonstrates how multiculturalism policy generates a

nationality and cultural identity dilemma with existing cultural and national identity

by examining governmental policy and social media in South Korea.

Qualitative Data Analysis

In the qualitative data analysis section, the study focuses mainly on two areas

in order to demonstrate how globalization has influenced the national and cultural

identity transformation in South Korea and how it has negatively contributed to the

relationship between North and South Korea.

South Korean cultural identity has also been influenced by foreign popular

culture, especially during the legal opening of its cultural markets, such as movies and

music from other countries like America and Japan in 1990s.30 This cultural and social

transformation due to globalization was highly adopted in cultural South Korea and

its spheres.

30 Charles K Armstrong, The Koreas. (Routledge, 2013), 21-201.

16

• The Process o f Linguistic Heterogeneityand Linguistic Structure in North and South Korea

Language plays an important role in constructing national identities, and it

also represents its cultural identity. According to Brown, a language is a part of a

culture and vice versa. In other words, the language and culture are mutually

intertwined, so neither of them can be separately acquired without each other.31 In

this regard, it is important to understand development of the linguistic structure in

both North and South Korea. The drastic division of the country after the Korean War

in 1950 widened the cultural variations gap in the two areas, especially with respect

to South Korea, which has been on the move with its cultural transformation and its

historical events since the division. The deepened cultural gap can be found in every

part of culture, especially in language and art in both North and South Korea.

South and North Korea used the same Korean language for communication

initially, and the Korean language society identified the Korean language as the

Korean orthography. It has always been used in both South and North Korea after the

end of the Japanese Occupation. Traditionally, the structure of Korean language was

a dual operative system; this implied that letters were written in Chinese letters even

though oral communication was through Korean language. As a result of the

influences of social stratification and Confucianism, learning Chinese letters was

31 H. Douglas Brown, Principles of language learning and teaching, (Englewood Cliffs. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Inc, 1994), 1-42.

17

allowed to upper social layer people or men. As a result, a large population of women

was illiterate; therefore, both countries decided to modify their language policies and

systems through £/ £/, Han-Guel Orthography Policy, which was used from

1933 to the time of amendments to Korean orthography.32

In the early twentieth century, the communist movement began to expand its

ideology in North Korea. The examination of the war indicates that the movement

had a great influence on the political upsurge of the war between the two nations. The

war of 1950 led to the division of Korea into South and North Korea respectively.

South Korea, because of the United States of America’s persuasion, started advocating

for capitalism.33 On the contrary, North Korea advocated for communism because of

the influence from Soviet Union. After the Korean War, differences in the two

countries began to express it. North and South Korea posed different opinions

regarding the language policy, which was binding the two countries through their

cultures, in order to emphasize each state's legitimacy, which were based on different

ideologies. Consequently, the countries established different linguistic policies that

they used as a tool in order to create national and cultural identity that opposed each

32 Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Globalization and culture: Global melange. (Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), 1- 221.

sigmas!? , 9, (2001): 27-79.Taek Gu Kim. "Comparison of North and South Korean Language Policy and Solution for

Unification," Humanity Research, 9, (2001): 27-70.33 Alice H. Amsden, Asia's next giant: South Korea and late industrialization. (Oxford University Press, 1992).

18

other. Especially, the ideological competition between the two countries and its

influence is often reflected in their respective language structures.

South Korea opted for "Standard Korean” as its national language, whereas

North Korea adopted "Cultural Korean."34 North Korea selected the style of isolation

as a way to prevent the spread of foreign languages or their influence in its country.

The country declared the use of the Pyongyang dialogue as the new standard form of

communication replacing the pre-existing standard Korean. The reason for the

change was based on North Korea’s ideological structure of communism. On the

contrary, South Korea has enhanced its capitalist ideology by accepting the use of

English with standard Korean language for the country’s development and its

diplomatic relationship with the U.S.35 Significantly, certain expressions and terms

that negatively refer to each other were created in both countries when the

ideological competition intensified during the Cold War.

For instance, both countries used language as a tool of ideological competition

that carries negative narratives. The South Korean government prohibited the use of

the word "Afi; (the people)" in linguistic policy and its constitution because the word

refers to communism. Anti-communism and anti-capitalism narratives were created

1, (2001): 5-27.Chun Gu Kwak, “North and South Korean Heterogeneity Process and Its Issues," National Language

Research, 1, (2001): 5-27.35 Robert A. Scalapino and Chong-Sik Lee, Communism in Korea: The Society. (Univ of California Press, 1972).

19

in both countries in order to emphasize their legitimacy of state and ideology. In

South Korea, North Korea was often labeled as 'the reds' or 'the North Korean puppet

regime,’ while North Korea often used words such as 'the dog of U.S.' to refer to South

Korea36 The use of negative references was widespread in both countries through

various media narratives. As a result of the ideological competition, the language

structures in both countries has developed along with its influence. Moreover, the

vestige of negative references influenced its language development despite the end of

the Cold War.

North Korea decided to make some amendments in the existing Korean

orthography, and the country chose the Pyeongyang dialogue as its standard language

and named it the Munhwa language.37 The rules that were set to revise it had minor

changes that made the North Korean orthography look a little bit different from that

of the South Koreans. After the first changes in their language, several changes

followed, and the languages of the two countries differed with time.38 Feeling the

necessity of having its own independent ideology from the Soviet Union and China,

North Korea changed its linguistic policies in the 1960s, and this was facilitated by

36 Suh et al., the Identity of the Korean people: a history of legitimacy on the Korean Peninsula. (Research center for peace and unification, 1983), 171-208.37 SSIS, "y^2!2!OWO|,“ &^JRXH2002, (1997): 129-142.

Heewon Jung, "Difference Between North and South Korean Language," Korean Training 2002, (1997): 129-142.38 Sung-Yul Park, Joseph, and Adrienne Lo. 'Transnational South Korea as the site for the sociolinguistics of the globalization: Markets, timescales, neoliberalisml." Journal of Sociolinguistics 16, no. 2 (2012): 147-164.

20

the introduction of the Juche ideology.39 During the same period, Kim II Sung came up

with teachings that further changed the Korean language. Increasingly more

advancements were made on the national characteristics of the Korean language. This

increased the differences of the language being spoken between Koreans from the

South and those from the North. The revised standard rules created by North Korea

were also applied in writing, and these have always been used up to date.40

Along with the influence from Juche, the self-reliant philosophy in North Korea

came up with a policy that was aimed at eradicating the use of foreign languages,

including Chinese letters, in the Korean language with the goal of purifying the Korean

language. Moreover, the country wanted its language to be associated with its own

culture and not a mixture of other cultures as this was the ideal of North Korea. The

policy used in North Korea can be divided into several stages. During the Korean

orthography reforms, the whole process was done in three stages. The first period

brought the adoption of the orthography of morphophonemic into the language. The

next criteria involved the introduction of a set of conventions that were orthographic

and that were completely different from the ones used by South Korea.41 Coming up

39 3S|3,*y*£!e!0|*10|,''125.Jung, "Difference Between North and South Korean Language,” 125.

40 a ss i, a 36 a, [2004): 5-24.Jong-Hoi Kim, "The Process of Linguistic Heterogeneity between North and South Korea and Its

Solutions," Korean Literacy Associate, no. 36 (2004): 5-24.

Kim, "The Process of Linguistic Heterogeneity between North and South Korea and Its Solutions,” 6.

21

with its language was the evident and significant symbol of legitimacy in national

identity.

Furthermore, North Korean language structure consists of three core

fundamental components:

1) Kim Il-sung centered;

2) A reflection of Juche philosophy; and

3) Distinctive nationalism centered.

The components can be observed in North Korea's national anthem and song

o f General Kim IL sung, which is sung more often than the country's national anthem.

The table below shows the lyrics of the North Korean national anthem.

Let morning shine on this rivers and mountains,

Filled with the wealth of gold and resources,

E| o tft C|- o L| | ££> EH D|40)| My beautiful fatherland of three thousand Li,42

# £! e! ° l 0 | <3 £ hWith a history of 5000 years,

*Raised up with a brilliant culture,0 | “ HE A t

The glory of the wise people

Devote our bodies and minds,

Support this Cho Sun forever.

*repeat

Table.l: Lyrics of the North Korean National Anthem

42 Li (£| or M) is a traditional unit of distance, which is commonly used in Korea and China. One Li is about 4 kilometers.

22

As shown in table 1, the lyrics of the North Korean national anthem reflects

strong nationalism and patriotism.43 By repeating and stressing words such as

‘brilliant culture' and 'this Cho Sun,' the song emphasizes strong patriotism and

nationalism. The patriotism and loyalty toward country and Kim's family are also

observed in the lyrics of the Song o f General Kim II sung.

On the contrary, South Korea considers Seoul-style Korean language as the

country’s standard Korean, while North Korea considers Pyongyang-style Korean as

the country’s cultural Korean. For South Korea, the country decided to implement

standard language regulations to protect the rules and policies made in the Korean

orthography. By preserving the language policy established in 1933 with few

modifications, South Korea minimized the range of language reform and allowed the

use of Korean with other foreign languages.44

Unlike in North Korea, which rejected all kinds of foreign influence on its

language, South Korea accepted foreign influence, and the country was indoctrinated

by Japan and the U.S. The U.S established a close economic, military, and political

relationship with South Korea, and U.S. influence played a significant role in South

43 7A%-T 2-1, 1992), 1-224.Dong-Su Kim et al., Introduction ofDPRK. (Pyeongyang Social Science, 1992), 1-224.

4 4 " y ^ t » h 2 ! O W O | , " 1 3 3 .

Jung, "Difference Between North and South Korean Language," 133.

23

Korean politics and its economy. This is what brought about the heterogeneity among

the two cultures.

The linguistic heterogeneity was majorly contributed to by the rapid process

of globalization in South Korea. Globalization has led to the rise of the English

language that most of the South Koreans decided to adopt; this, as a result,

exacerbated the differences between the South and North Korea. Since the late 1970s,

the South Korean economy started to grow rapidly. As a result of technological

developments, politics, and economic growth, new terminologies were created in

South Korea. Especially, the South Korean government adopted the use of English in

replacing its Korean language in terms of economy. The adoption of English was

related to the international trade relationships that South Korea developed with the

United States and other foreign countries. South Korea associated its economic

developments to language, and English has been considered as the most important

foreign language to learn in order to compete globally with other countries.

For this reason, South Korea fosters the learning of English in its education

system, and South Korea emphasizes the importance of English. It became more

important and ramped in South Korean social atmosphere in diverse areas, including

business, politics, and education. Particularly, English is considered to be the most

important language in the education section. It can be observed in school curriculums

and in the private education sector. English was designated as a regular subject only

24

in middle school and high school before the curriculum amendment in 2004. The

main content in the amendment of the curriculum emphasizes the strengthening of

foreign language subjects, English in particular, in order to train human resources in

the era of globalization. In conjunction with the amendment of the school curriculum,

English was introduced in elementary school curriculum as an additional foreign

language, and it was designated as one of the regular subjects after the amendment

of curriculum in 2008 .45

As the government promotes the education of English through the school

curriculum, it has become one of the major tools that measures an individual's ability

for employment and higher education. For example, TOEIC (Test of English for

International Communication) and TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Langauge)

were only used in business for employment or promotion in the early 1990s; however,

they also have become common and serve as the major tool in measuring an

individual's capability for higher education, such as college and university.

Consequent to the social and educational inclination, the tendency of private

education has also changed.

45 National Curriculum Information Center,http://ncic.kice.re.kr/mobile.kri.org4.inventoryList.do

25

Participation Rate on Private Education in 201190

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

61.963.2

80.7

66.2 -i

30

[16.7

io mmr> m u mm- . . 4 .7 _ mmm 5.638U U m

l~6th Grade 7-9th Grade 1012th Grade(%)■ Korean ■English ■ Mathmatics ■ Science ■Creative Writing ■ Other

Figure. 1: Participation Rate on Private Education in 2011

Figure 1 shows the participation rate in private education besides the regular

school education in 20 l l . 46 As the figure indicates, the highest rate of participation in

private education in grades 1-6 is in English (60.2%). For 7-12th grade, private English

education is the second highest rate (61.9% and 66.2% each) after mathematics

(80.7%). According to the Korean Education Development Institution (KEDI), the rate

of private English education was not high before the 2000s. Moreover, the number of

college students visiting English-speaking countries for English training has also

increased. Figure 2 below illustrates the annual increase of college students who visit

46 Korean Education Development Institution, "Participation Rate on Private Education in 2011," https://www.kedi.re.kr/khome/main/research/selectPubForm.do

26

abroad for language training from 2012 to 2 0 1 4 .47 According to the figure 2, the

number of college students visiting abroad for English learning is increasing.

The Number of College Student Studying Abroad

2014

18500 1900017500 180001700015500 16000

Figure. 2: The Number of College Student Studying Abroad

Therefore, it is evident that the amendment of curriculum on English and

social trends have significantly precipitated the participation in private English

education and the trend of studying English abroad.

Moreover, English-centered foreign language usage has been increasing

through TV shows, movies, and other types of social media since the beginning of

2000s. Therefore, it is evident that English has been associated with cultural identity

in South Korea.48 For instance, the excessive usage of English expressions or words

47 E-National Index, "The Number of College Student Studying Abroad," http://www.index.go.kr/potal/main/EachDtlPageDetail.do?idx_cd=1534

48 Bob Heere et al., "The impact of the World Cup 2002 on bilateral relationship between the South Korea and Japan," Journal of Sport Management 26, no. 2 (2012): 127-142.

27

among the younger generation has been rapidly increasing. Instead of using Korean,

the majority of young South Koreans are more familiar with the partial Anglicization,

using loanwords such as "thank you” or English-Korean mixed words.49 The partial

Anglicization of Korean language or an abusive use of English is often observed within

mass media.50

Figure 3Frequency of English Use in Media by Types

News Media Ik 17%

Educational 25%

m News Media m Educational ■Entertainment

Figure. 3: Frequency of English Use in Media by Types

Figure 3 shows the results of frequency research of English use in mass media.

According to the Figure 3, certain levels of loanword use have been observed after

observing three major broadcast systems. As the figure shows, 17% of loanwords is

observed in news media and 25% of loanwords in educational TV programs.

49 en|4!-q|g7^0ii4^ya^Be!0|o|^iE|#4|"(4|>+t& saq|St^L 1999).Mi-Seon Han, "Analysis of the Use of Korean Language among Youth through Pop Music." (PhD

diss., Chung Nam University, 1999).50 Myeong Hee Rho, Status of loanword use in mass media, (National Language Institution &SBS Broadcast, 2009), 66-81.

Entertainment58%

28

Significantly, 58% of loanwords is used in the entertainment or theatrical TV

programs. This finding substantiates that English has played a significant part in

influencing language transformation among younger generations since various

generations are exposed to the mass media. Especially, the younger generation is

more likely to be exposed to the entertainment or theatrical programs; therefore, the

partial Anglicization of Korean language is familiar to the generation.

The partial Anglicization is noticeable in Korean contemporary pop music, or

so-called Korean pop music, since pop music reflects a certain social atmosphere,

culture, and trends. Especially, the major consumers of pop music or pop culture are

from the young generations; thus, the cultural trend has a certain influence on the

younger generation, as well as on the social atmosphere. According to the Korean

music analysis operated by Yun, the use of English in Korean music from the 1950s

until the 1990s was rare; however, it has increased roughly 30.8% since the 2000s.51

In this regard, several factors have been observed and analyzed in

demonstrating the increase of English usage in South Korean pop music. First, public

perceptions that English is more elegant and concise boosted the trend. Second, using

certain English expressions enables the young generations to define their identity.

51 1970 2005 2 . 3 . " g & W H . 2006).Sa-Yun Yun, “Analysis of Lyrics Orthography Change in Japanese and Korean Music: 1970-2005"

(PhD diss., Jung Ang University, 2006).

29

Third, English enables musicians and audiences to be more creative by mixing Korean

with English.52

As Brown previously mentioned, a language is mutually intertwined with a

culture, so one cannot be separated from the other. In this sense, English took a great

part in influencing South Korean language structure in modern times as a result of

globalization. The young generations in South Korea accept the partial Anglicization

of their cultural identity in order to distinguish their identity, and this exacerbated

the process of linguistic and identity heterogeneity between North and South Korea.

Adapting to English was not an easy task, especially for the North Koreans who

were more interested in protecting their culture and being independent with their

culture. The North had its legitimacy, which is associated with its culture, while the

South decided to have its identity associated with the use of English, and this lead to

an adverse relationship between South and North Korea.53

The South Korean language policy and linguistic system are designed to be

flexible in terms of using or mixing foreign languages with Korean languages, whereas

North Korean language policy does not allow using foreign language. Instead, foreign

language has to be converted into Munhwa, or cultural Korean. As a result, the process

52 »q|§7fflo||M2!goi7W°p|fe0?,“ s|^Me!01«U1| 29 S, (2010): 477-502.Sung IL Han, "Research on the Functions of English Lyrics in Korean Pop Music,” Text Linguistics, no. 29,

(2010): 477-502.53 §o|gj, "y^sh2!0j*f0|/'126.

Jung, "Difference Between North and South Korean Language," 126.

30

of linguistic heterogeneity has deepened over five decades. The table below shows

the different applications of foreign language orthography in North and South

Korea.54

Object South Korea North Korea

Juice ^ ( J u i c e ) si E!"M(Fruit sweet water)

Musical W *l E=!(Musical) 7(-“ 0|0|:7|(Music and dance story)

Shampoo c f“ (Shampoo) CH S| w td | -^fHair water soap)

Skin lotion ^^j.5=.-id(Skin lotion) s ' (Skin water)

Ice Cream 0|-0|^3.^j(Ice Cream) Si!IIM ^O |(Ice Peach Flower)

Table. 2: The Use of English words in North and South Korea

As the table 2 above shows, South Korea uses English words without

converting them into Korean language, and the language policy allows Korean script

to write the words as pronounced. On the other hand, North Korea does not use

English words. Instead, the language policy requires them to be converted into

Munhwa language. Consequently, both North and South Korea use a dictionary or

translator for linguistic study. The different language policies in both countries not

only resulted in language heterogeneity, but also national and cultural identity

heterogeneity as well.

5“ Ibid., 128.

31

• Identity Dilemma as a Result o f Rapid Multiculturalism in South Korea

As previously mentioned, South Korea has been through rapid economic and

social transformation as a result of globalization and modernization. Originally, the

country has been well-known as a homogeneous society in the world. However,

migration has been active all over the world since globalization and modernization

dilute the borders between countries. South Korea was one of the major countries

sending laborers to developed countries during 1960s and 1970s, and those laborers

were both low- and high-skilled labors.55 Boosted by the remittances and other

economic factors, the South Korean economy started to grow rapidly in the early

1980s. Nevertheless, the South Korean labor market soon had to face the shortage of

labor as a consequence of rapid growth.56

In the 1990s, the South Korean government allowed foreign laborers to enter

Korea, mostly low-skilled labors, and companies in South Korea started to hire

hundreds of thousands of cheap foreign laborers from sending countries, such as

China. As a result of importing foreign laborers into the domestic labor market, the

number of foreigners who reside in Korea has gradually increased since then.57 Prior

to foreign workers being allowed to reside in the Korea, the majority of residing

55 Dong Jin Lim and Woo Young Jang, "The Assessment on Multiculturalism policy and Solutions." Policy Analysis Series 22, no. 2, (2010): 95-127.56Jong Du Lee, and MiYeon Baek, "'Korean Specialties’ and Multicultural Policy "Journal of International Politics 17, no. 1, (2012): 335-361.57 Andrew Eungi Kim, "Global migration and South Korea: foreign workers, foreign brides and the making of a multicultural society." Ethnic and Racial Studies 32, no. 1 (2009): 70-92.

32

foreigners in Korea were mainly American soldiers on the U.S. military bases. During

this period, the emergence of cultural diversity was not considered to be an important

social issue for the government. Therefore, the South Korean government did not

have a certain policy toward residing foreigners.58

However, the number of multicultural families has rapidly increased in the

mid-2000s when international marriages proliferated in conjunction with proactive

foreign immigration policies, including permanent resident permits and social

welfare to married immigrants. Consequent to the abrupt urbanization, change of

women’s social status, and gender imbalance in particular, the number of single

Korean men increased. Especially, the problem became intensified in rural areas

during this period.59 As a result, the number of foreign brides from under-developing

countries, such as Vietnam, rapidly increased, and the government activated foreign

immigration policy regarding those foreign brides.

Consequent to the rapid social transformation along with sudden racial

demographic changes without proper preparation, downsides such as xenophobia

and racial discriminations started to emerge serious social issues within the South

Korean society.

58 Byeong Sub Park, "Conditions for Multiculturalism Success in South Korea," Korean Society for Social Philosophy, Society and Philosophy 22, (2011): 197-214.59 Eun-Rye An, "Study on Multicultural policies in Korea” (Phd diss., Chungnam University. 2010).

33

FOREINGERS IN SOUTH KOREA2,000,000

1,800,000

1,600,000

1.400.000

1.200.000

1,000,000

800,000

600,000

400.000

200.000

02004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

■ Hi Registered Residing Foreigner w sssi Temporal Residing - Total

Figure. 4: Status of the Number of Foreigners in South Korea

Figure 4 above shows the annual increase of residing immigrants in South

Korea. The variables in the figure are immigrants, who registered as both long-term

and temporal immigrants (staying more than three months), but short-term residing

foreigners (less than three months) and American military base residents are

excluded as a variable. As the figure illustrates, the number of registered foreigners

has annually increased.60 Particularly, the rapid increase of the number of immigrants

is shown since 2006. The registered immigrants in South Korea rapidly increased

within a decade, according to Figure 3. The total number of residing immigrants in

South Korea was less than 900,000 before 2007; however, the total number of

60 E-National Index, “Status of immigration in 2013," http://www.index.go.kr/potal/main/EachDtlPageDetail.do?idx_cd=2756

34

Regarding this, Figures 5 and

6 show more details by describing

foreigners’ distribution percentage

on the basis of nationalities and

TYPES OF RESIDING FOREIGNERS IN SOUTH KOREA

Others16%

Workers36%

Children of Immigrants

13%

OverseasKoreans

13%Marriage

immigrants 16% ^

Students

NATIONALITY OF FOREIGNERS IN SOUTH KOREA

japanChinese

53%Philippine4% ^

The U.S5% .

Vietnam12%

residing immigrants surpassed 1,000,000 since 2008. As previously mentioned in the

second case study, the South Korean government reformed the immigration policy

for foreign brides in order to resolve the problems of decreasing population,

particularly in rural areas.

types of residing foreigners in South

Korea.61

Figure. 5: Nationality of Foreigners in South KoreaAccording to the figures,

more than half of foreigners'

nationality is Chinese (53%), and the

second biggest group is Vietnamese

(12%). Moreover, the largest

residing type of immigrant in South

Korea is workers (36 %), and the

second largest residing group is

Figure. 6: Types of Residing Foreigners

61 Korean Ministry of Security and Public Administration, "Status of Immigrants,"http://www.mospa.go.kr/frt/bbs/type001/commonSelctBoardArticle.do?bbsld=BBSMSTR_000000000054&nttld=19652

35

marriage immigrants (16%). Previously mentioned, South Korea has faced issues

regarding population, such as the scarcity of labor, aging, and decreasing populations

in rural areas. Consequently, the government has allowed the inflow of immigrants,

workers, and foreign brides in particular since the mid-2000s.

In conjunction with the increase of residing foreigners, the number of

multicultural families also rapidly increased. Figure 7 shows the status of the number

of children (grades 1-12) from multicultural families in South Korea.62 As indicated

in the figure 7, it is noticeable that the number of multicultural children has increased

over recent years.

Number of Children from Multicultural family

50000

Figure. 7: The number of Children from Multicultural Family

62 E-National Index, "Status of the Number of Children from Multicultural Famil,” http://kess.kedi.re.kr/frontPop/publView?publItemId=62705&survSeq=2014&publSeq=2

36

In this regard, the government has sought a way to resolve these social

downsides; as a result, a multiculturalism policy, based on the model suggested by

Miler and Castles, has been adopted and promoted.63 The history of multiculturalism

or immigrants is not long in South Korea since the country has been well-known for

its closed homogeneous society. Hence, discourses and policies regarding

multiculturalism and immigration have not been developed in the country.

In terms of adopting multiculturalism policy, it has been debated among

scholars and politicians whether the government needs to apply an existing

multiculturalism model adopted in foreign countries, such as the Canadian

multiculturalism model, or develop the country's own multiculturalism policy.

Scholars and politicians supporting the implementation of other preexisting

multiculturalism models do so because South Korea does not have a long history of

multiculturalism, and developing the country's own policy carries high costs and long

time periods. From this sense, Canadian multiculturalism policies have been

suggested as an exemplary model for South Korea since both countries share

geographical and historical similarity.64 However, other scholars and politicians have

claimed that unlike how Canada has had a long history of immigrants, South Korea

was a closed homogeneous society and the country has experienced foreign

63 Lee et al., '"Korean Specialties’ and Multicultural Policy," 337.64 Jae Ju Shin, "A Study on Multi-Cultural Policy of Foreign Countries - Cases of Japan, Germany, and Australia," Social Science Research 17, no. 3, (2010): 5-37.64 Cheon Ung Park, "A Study on Criticism and Political Subject of Multi-culture Realities in the Korean Society," Mission and Theology 29, (2012): 13-56.

37

invasions, the war, and the separation throughout its history. Particularly, the

separation of the country has left an important mission, which is reunification of the

country. In this regard, the social context and national identity in South Korea are

much different from Canada or any other foreign countries. Hence, social context and

the national identity are the most important factors to consider in policy making.

Eventually, it has created more social confusion and dilemmas.65

Debates and discourses regarding multiculturalism have been continued over

a decade and have not been integrated or agreed to a certain direction; therefore, the

government has changed and modified multiculturalism policy over time along with

unsettled discourses. Furthermore, arguments regarding North Korean defectors in

South Korea have intensified these dilemmas.

The term "multiculturalism” does not only encompass multi-ethnic, multi­

cultural, and religious groups, but also encompasses other social minority groups.

However, North Korean defectors have been a contradictory topic of debates among

scholars and politicians, and they have argued whether this minority group needs to

be included within multiculturalism policy. The number of North Korean defectors

exiling to South Korea has increased since 1994 as a result of the death of Kim Il-sung

and the famine in 1995. The South Korean government has attempted to seek a

proper way to help them settle down and assimilate to South Korean society because

65 Lee etal., ‘"Korean Specialties’ and Multicultural Policy/’ 337.

38

the government perceives it as a part of preparation for social integration with North

Koreans when the country reunifies.66

However, multiculturalism policy has not been applied to defectors since the

government considers them as the same ethnic group and as sharing the same culture

and history. In doing so, the government established and implemented different

policies toward North Korean defectors.67 The policies are designed to help them to

assimilate to South Korean society, and the government categorizes them as a special

social group. On the other hand, the government established multiculturalism policies

that promote the reciprocal assimilation and integration of the society and

immigrants.68 In doing so, multiculturalism policies are implemented to both society

and immigrants through various approaches, such as school education, whereas

policies toward the defectors are unilateral. For instance, the ministry of education

established multiculturalism education as a part of school curriculum, and it was

implemented in most schools in 2006.69 The multiculturalism education aims to

promote reciprocal integration between multicultural children and local children.

66£e|g(«|pW£qo|tjE||£W4|: IW aW S|a|3o|«fH fl - *1118 S., (2000): 3-32.In Jin Yun, "Analysis on Issues of North Korean Defectors: A Model of Social Integration for

Defectors," Unification and Agriculture, no. 18, (2000): 3-32.67 Sarah Song, "Multiculturalism" in Encyclopedia of Political Theory. Ed. Mark Bevir. (Sage Publications, 2010): 907-1068.68 * e! a , * 21 u EH : iw n w s i q % °| e.

Yun, "Analysis on Issues of North Korean Defectors: A Model of Social Integration for Defectors," 6.69 Ibid., 19.

39

However, because defectors are subjects of multiculturalism policy, no such

educational program, which promotes the government's policy toward North Korea

or defectors, exists in school. In terms of governmental support, supportive

institutions for North Korean defectors are not designated or organized, whereas

institutions, supporting and promoting multiculturalism are established in most of

regions in South Korea. In this regard, individuals in South Korea tend to perceive

multiculturalism as more familiar, whereas perceptions toward defectors and North

Korea are indifferent and fluctuate due to the political and diplomatic issues between

the two countries.70

Consequently, it has been observed that North Korean defectors have more

problems with settling down in South Korean society, and they tend to be more often

exposed to racial isolation or discrimination than foreigners residing in South Korea.

Those issues with defectors’ social and psychological maladjustment have

increased71 In other words, North Korean defectors have lived in a different social,

political, and cultural atmosphere since the country’s partition. Hence, the policies

based on the assumption that North Korean defectors are different from foreigners,

are failing. The number of North Korean defectors in South Korea started to decrease

since 2011, according to the Figure 4.

70 Lee etal., ‘"Korean Specialties’ and Multicultural Policy,” 344.71 Ibid., p 3.

40

Identity dilemmas also resulted from conflicting governmental policies. The

South Korean government fosters North Korean policy and reunification policy by

emphasizing several benefits in terms of economy and security. In particular, the

policy emphasizes oneness of the country by stressing one-bloodline/mono-ethnicity

that shares same tradition, culture, and history descended from Dangun since the

country's partition.72 Consequently, this influenced the South Korean national

identity that North Korea is still part of them. However, the policies conflict with

multiculturalism policy, which promotes the acceptance of cultural and ethnic

diversity in the society.

The conflicting governmental policies have also influenced the perceptions of

both North and South Korea toward each other. Regarding the implementation of

multiculturalism policy in South Korea, North Korea poses a negative opinion by

claiming that multiculturalism or mixing traditional culture with other foreign culture

is killing the society and that multiculturalism is a poison that contaminates the

endemic nationalism and ethnicity of Korea.73

Furthermore, the role of mass media plays such an important role in

constructing cultural and national identity by carrying certain narratives and

72 Shin et al., "North Korea and identity politics in South Korea." 287.73 ^ £ * ," £ !o j o | S R 0 2 I o|7j|w 52 3 , (2007): 125-141.

Dong Hun Sul, “Sociology of Mixed Race. Korean’s Heirarchical National Identity," Humanity Research, no. 52, (2007): 125-141.

41

representations.74 In this regard, mass media, such as news, movies, and TV shows,

has contributed to identity dilemmas. For example, it has been observed that the

content of certain TV shows has also contributed to the identity dilemmas by showing

unequal narratives and representation. Most of TV shows or documentaries dealing

with multiculturalism deliver the importance of multiculturalism in the era of

globalization, and they are scheduled during prime time. Meanwhile, North Korean

defectors or unification-related TV shows or documentaries deliver the message of

the necessity of unification by stressing mono-ethnicity. Nonetheless, the majority of

them are scheduled in time segments with low audience rates. Eventually, the

majority of TV shows dealing with North Korea or unification have been canceled due

to low ratings and lack of public response.

Contrary to the mass media, the government puts more emphasis on the

policies on unification and North Korea. As previously mentioned, reunification of the

Korea peninsular has been a national primary mission for both North and South

Korea. Moreover, mono-ethnicity still remains as one of the fundamental factors in

preexisting national and cultural identity in South Korea despite the changes in the

identities as a result of multiculturalism.75 In this sense, multiculturalism inevitably

contradicts with the country’s mission since South Korea's reunification and North

Korean policy are strongly based on national and cultural identity.

74 Jason Dittmer, Popular culture, geopolitics, and identity, 69.75 Lee et al., '"Korean Specialties' and Multicultural Policy/’ 344.

42

In order to see the contradiction in framing the image of North Korea between

government and mass media, this paper analyzes the use of specific words and their

frequency. In terms of government, the paper scrutinizes political discourse,

especially two presidential speeches about North Korea. One speech is made by

President Park during the Cold War, and another speech is made by President Kim in

2000.76 South Korea’s North Korean policies from the two regimes stand out since

each regime represents an important time line, the Cold War and the era of

globalization, respectively. Over-lexicalization has been used in order to measure the

change of narratives in political discourse.

word Frequency Texts Percentage of Texts

We 55 1 9%

Communism 30 1 5%

Betrayal 30 1 5%

HistoricalLegitimacy

15 1 2.5%

Tolerance 35 1 5.8%

Reinforce 25 1 4%

Defense 23 1 3.8%

Others Less than 15 1 2% and blow

Table. 3: The Word Frequency in the President Park's Speech in 1967

76 n i#, q i# s 2014).Purple, Presidential Speeches Collections, (Purple, 2014).

43

The table above shows the frequency of words that are repeatedly used in

President Park's speech. As the table shows, words such as 'we,' 'communism,'

'tolerance,' and 'betrayal' were repeatedly used in his speech.

We(South Korean)

Historical Legitimacy

Peace

Security

Good

Figure. 8: Over Lexicalization of the President Park's Speech

As a result of implementing over-lexicalization on those words described in

the figure 8, it has been observed that the words carry certain narratives in framing a

certain image of North Korea. As the table of over lexicalization above shows, each

word frequently mentioned in the speech limits its range of meaning while it

emphasizes an opposing word. For instance, the word 'we' in the context of President

Park’s speech limits its meaning of 'we' to only South Koreans; meanwhile, it

emphasizes North Korean as not part of them.

North Korea

Communism

Betrayal

Insecurity

The Red(Evil)

44

word Frequency Texts Percentage of Texts

We 29 1 5.8%

Unification 10 1 2%

W orld 14 1 2.8%

Peace 25 1 5%

Korean Peninsula 10 1 2%

Exchange 10 1 2%

Sunshine policy 11 1 2.2%

Others Less than 10 1 1.5% and below

Table. 4: The Word Frequency in the President Kim's Speech in 2000

Contrary to President Park’s speech, President Kim’s speech carries a different

type of narratives. The table above shows the frequency of the words used in the

President Kim's speech in 2000. In the speech, such words as ‘we,’ ‘peace,’ and ‘world’

have been repeatedly observed. Unlike in President Park's speech, the use of words

in President Kim’s speech carries positive narratives by implying a positive image of

North Korea.

As the table of over lexicalization of President Kim’s speech illustrates, each

word delivers its overlapping positive meaning. For example, the word ‘we’ in the

speech describes not only South Korea, but also North Korea, whereas President

Park's 'we' excludes North Korea. The word 'peace' carries another positive meaning

of 'co-existence,' while Park's 'peace' emphasizes North Korea's violation of peace

agreement and its betrayal of nationalism.»

45

South & North Korea

Historical Legitimacy

Co-existence

Prosperity

Security

We

Korean Peninsula

Peace

Cooperation

Agreement

Figure. 9: Over Lexicalization of the President Kim’s Speech

In terms of the mass media, the paper analyzes two types of movies that

deliver opposing narratives toward North Korea. In order to see how mass media

influences the perception change toward North Korea and how it causes identity

dilemmas, the paper explores two successful movies ^M ^^I^Is^l^lTeagukgi (2003)

and &W°H^/ Northern Limit Line (2015), both based on true stories.

Figure. 10: The Movie Taegukgi (2003)

The movie Taegukgi (2003) deals with the

story of two brothers who had to fight

against each other. The movies emphasizes

the unnecessity of the war by describing

the agony of the war through the

characters, the two brothers. Nevertheless,

the movie carries another narrative about

North Koreans: it highlights the pain of the

46

country’s partition. The movie portrays North Koreans as ruthless killing machines,

slaughtering Koreans, and as peace violators. Moreover, the movie reminds the

audience of how and who initiated the war between North and South Korea by

showing the brother’s peaceful days before North Korea attacks. The scene

emphasizes the brothers (South Koreans) as victims of the war initiated by North

Koreans. In particular, the negative narrative toward North Korea becomes stronger

when the movie shows the scene of North Korean soldiers brutally killing their

villagers in order to trap South Korean soldiers.

Similarly, the movie Northern Limit Line

(2015) carries another negative view

toward North Korea. The movie describes

the story of South Korean naval soldiers

who were killed from the sudden attack by

a North Korean naval ship in 2002. North

Korea is portrayed as a cold-blooded,

ruthless, and war-like country in the movie

by emphasizing the agony of victims’ family

and friends. Significantly, every Korean

Figure. 11: The Movie Northern Limit Line „ , , , .f20l51 family and individual can closely relate to this

movie due to the South Korean drafting system. Moreover, the movie describes North

Korea as a country that is not trustworthy and the country that destroys peace. By

47

juxtaposing two sceneries, the scene of people enjoying the World Cup and the scene

of the naval soldiers defending the northern limit line from the North Korean naval

attack, the movie also emphasizes that North Korea still attacks South Korea despite

the government’s friendly policies, such as the 'sunshine policy’ from Kim’s

administration. In doing so, the movie emphasizes South Korean nationalism and its

patriotism against North Korea.

As the movies show, the mass media carries narratives opposing the

government's North Korean policy; as a result, identity dilemmas have occurred.

Moreover, multiculturalism policy accelerated the identity dilemmas by suggesting a

new form of Korean society, which is multicultural/heterogeneous society from a

preexisting society based on homogeneity.

Consequent to the rapid social transformation, such as that that occurred

through multiculturalism, South Korea has attempted to seek ways to deal with the

transformation. Since the country lacks the experience of multiculturalism in terms

of politics and research, a certain direction or solution on this matter has not been

integrated yet among politicians and scholars. Moreover, the government's policies

on multiculturalism and North Korea are contradicting each other in terms of national

and cultural identity since the South Korean government has pursued politics of

identity toward North Korea. Also, social mass media contributes to this identity

48

dilemma by reproducing imbalanced narratives and representations regarding

multiculturalism and unification.

Quantitative Data Analysis

This section provides quantitative data that is designated to demonstrate the

perception changes toward North Korea. In this quantitative data section, the paper

attempts to demonstrate the correlation between effects of globalization on cultural

and national identity and the perception changes toward North Korea.

• Identification o f South Koreans’ Perception Changes

Besides the demographic change in South Korea, significant perception

changes regarding North Korea and nationalism have also been observed. Figure 7 is

the result of survey research conducted by the ministry of unification in 20 1 3.77 The

variables in the figure, age groups, are significant because each age group's

perception reflects the political and social trend that they have been influenced by.

According to Figure 12, each age group has a different point of view toward

North Korea. As the figure shows, the majority of 60s and over age group perceives

North Korea as a neighboring county (31.4%), and the image of enemy (28.6%) takes

the second largest perception. This can be explained because the age group has

77 Korea Ministry of Unification, "Status of Perception Change on North Korea in 2013," http://www.unikorea.go. kr/content.do?cmsid=3099

49

possibly experienced most of the historical events, including the partition of the

country, the Korean War, and the Cold War. Meanwhile, the age groups of 40s and 50s

mainly perceive the country as part of South Korea (33.6%), and the image of the

country as a neighbor (28.8%] isthe second largest perception. The perception of the

group in their 30s also differs from the previous age groups. The main perception

from the age group 30s on North Korea is a neighboring country (34.9%), and the

second largest image that the group perceives is ‘one of us' (25.5%).

Perception of North Korea by Age Group (2013)

M s SOs 40s SOs 60s and ever

■ One of us ■ Neighbor ■ Stranger ■Enemy

Figure. 12: Perception of North Korea by Age Group (2013)

The perception of the age group of 20s toward North Korea is also different

from other age groups. The age group mainly perceives North Korea as a neighboring

country (28.7%), and the second highest perception is enemy (23.5%). The findings

50

of each group are significant because each age group represents social and political

trends in South Korea. The age group of 60s and over has experienced the Cold War;

therefore, ideological competition and its promotion between North and South Korea

influenced their perception. As a result, the age group’s major perception toward

North Korea is 'neighboring country' and ‘enemy.’ On the other hand, the age groups

of 40s and 50s tend to perceive North Korea as the same ethnicity. The age group 40s

and 50s experienced democratization of South Korea and the end of the Cold War in

the mid-1980s and early 1990s. During this period, the government attempted to

improve its diplomatic relationship with North Korea by changing the policy toward

North Korea from hostile to cooperative.

The age groups of 30s and 20s are the group influenced by the effects of

globalization in terms of economy, politics, and culture. Especially, the rapid social

transformation, such as cultural and demographic diversification, influenced the age

groups in constructing a certain level of identity. During this period, the identity

dilemmas occurred because of several factors. As previously mentioned in the case

study of multiculturalism, the imbalanced policy toward North Korea or defectors and

multiculturalism contributed to the groups' perceptions. Moreover, several

aggressive actions and threats from North Korea, despite the South Korean

government's amicable diplomatic policy, precipitated identity dilemmas and the

negative perception toward North Korea.

51

Addition to the perception changes toward North Korea, the perception on

precondition for ‘Koreanness’ has also been changed. As a result of a survey that

attempts to measure a certain extent of national identity changes, significant changes

have been observed.78

Importance of precondition for Koreanness by Years

2005 2013

» Being Born in Korea * Having the Korean Bloodline ■ Living in Korea for most of one’s life

Figure. 13: Importance of Precondition for 'Koreanness' by Years

Figure 8 depicts a graph showing the result of the annual survey asking, ‘Are

the factors, being born in Korea, having Korean bloodline, and living in Korea for most

of one’s life, important preconditions for being a Korean?' As the figure shows, for

'being born in Korea’ as an important precondition of Koreanness, 81.9% of

respondents answered yes, and 18.1% of respondents answered no. Further, 80.9%

78 The ASAN Institute for Policy Study, "Daily Poll,” http://asaninst.org/contents/category/publications/public-opinion-surveys/special-survey/

52

answered yes on 'having the Korean bloodline.' Unlike those two factors, the long

period of living in Korea is not relatively considered to be important (64.6%).

On the other hand, the survey conducted in 2013 shows different results. The

perception toward the importance of precondition for Koreanness has notably

changed. For example, 69% of the respondents answered yes for 'being born in Korea,'

and 65% for 'having the Korean bloodline.' The percentage of respondents answering

yes for 'living in Korea for most of one’s life' has increased, whereas the importance

of 'being born in Korea’ and 'having Korean bloodline' strikingly dropped by 66% and

65.8%, respectively.

Importance of Precondition for Koreanness by Age Group (2013)

2 0 S 30S 40S 50S 60S AND OVER

■ Being Born in Korea • Havng the Korean Btoodlne - Irving n Korea for most of one's life

Figure. 14: Importance of Precondition for ‘Koreanness’ by Age Group (2013)

53

In this regard, Figure 14 shows the statistics from the survey on how each age

group considers those factors, and it provides a clearer picture.79 A significant

difference is observed between the age group 20s and 60s and over. Respondents in

the age group 60s and over perceive that ‘being born in Korea’ and 'having Korean

bloodline' are more important preconditions for being a Korean, while respondents

in the age group of 20s perceive that the long period of living in Korea is a more

important precondition for being a Korean.

The different perceptions among generations can be traced from the trend of

the social mass media and both internal and external policies implemented by

different regimes in South Korea. The South Korean government’s North Korean

policies were unfriendly during the Cold War, and the educational and social

atmosphere were influenced by government policies. The age group 60s and over has

experienced the country's separation and all the diplomatic tension with North Korea,

including the Cold War. Because of these experiences, the perception toward North

Korea from the age group is more likely to be both part of the country and enemy, and

their national identity is strongly based on ethnicity and bloodline. On the contrary,

the age group of 20s has been more exposed to the social and political result of

globalization. The age group has directly experienced multiculturalism policies and

its educational and social promotion as a result of globalization. Moreover, as

79 The ASAN Institute for Policy Study, "Daily Poll," http://asaninst.org/contents/category/publications/public-opinion-surveys/special-survey/

54

previously mentioned, national identity dilemmas derived from discord between

social media and the government can be found in the age group. Therefore, the age

group is likely to perceive North Korea as a neighboring country rather than one of

them and puts less stress on bloodline or ethnicity for precondition for being a Korean.

55

Conclusion

The Korean peninsula has been separated over five decades as a result of the

Korean War based on different ideologies. The partition of the country has changed

both countries in terms of economy and politics. In addition, the partition has also

deepened a cultural and national identity gap between both countries since both

North and South Korea have adopted different agendas and policies in order to

establish their legitimacy of the state through national and cultural identity. In

particular, South Korea has experienced abrupt economic, political, and social

transformation along with globalization since the late 1970s; as a result, national and

cultural identity has been changed along with those social phenomena in the country.

In this regard, the paper hypothesized that globalization and its impact on cultural

and national identity in South Korea negatively contribute to the relationship

between North and South Korea. The paper draws on both quantitative and

qualitative methodology in order to demonstrate what factors derived from

globalization and how they generate a certain level of identity change in South Korea.

The paper also analyzes their contribution to the relationship between North and

South Korea. As a qualitative methodology, the paper scrutinizes two case studies.

The first case study examined the process of linguistic heterogeneity between

North and South Korea; as a result, the intensification of linguistic heterogeneity has

been found in both countries. North and South Korea established and have

56

implemented different language policies for the legitimacy of regimes in each side by

enhancing national and cultural identity through language. In the case of North Korea,

the country emphasizes self-reliance and the independence of the country from

external forces, and it is reflected through its culture and politics, and its language

system in particular. The country has adopted Munhwa language policy since the

partition, and the language policy has developed within its policy boundary.

Consequently, as the diagram below shows, the language system in North Korea

consists of three core components.

North Korea

On the other hand, the language system in South Korea has developed on the

basis of ‘Han-Guel Orthography policy' established in 1933, and the language policy

57

allows the use of foreign language, such as English and Chinese letters. Moreover, the

economic growth and globalization influenced the language system in South Korea in

terms of national and cultural identity. Especially, English has been considered to be

the most important language to learn in South Korea, and it has played a significant

role in Korean society. Eventually, the partial Anglicization of identity has been

processed, and it can be often observed in Korean pop music. The diagram below is

the summary of language system in South Korea, and as it shows, South Korean

language allows the use of foreign language with its standard language.

South Korea

58

As a second case study, multiculturalism policy and identity dilemmas in South

Korea have been examined. In conjunction with quantitative data, certain identity

dilemmas have been observed as a result of multiculturalism and an inappropriate

governmental management of it. Since the history of multiculturalism or immigration

is short in South Korea, political or scholarly discourses and research have not been

developed well. Moreover, the role of social media and governmental policies toward

North Korea and multiculturalism has created a certain level of confusion in terms of

national and cultural identity. The country has fostered unification of the country

through the politics of identity; however, multiculturalism policy has inevitably

conflicted with North Korean policies. As the quantitative data shows, those dilemmas

can be found in perception changes toward North Korea and toward precondition of

Koreanness.

The findings from quantitative and qualitative data suggest that the issues of

cultural and national identity between the two countries are important in order to

improve the relationship with North Korea, especially in the era of globalization. The

two case studies show that national and cultural identity in South Korea have been

affected by globalization, and this has deepened the gap between North and South

Korea. Therefore, the findings from this study support the hypothesis that the impacts

of globalization on cultural and national identity negatively contribute to the

relationship between North and South Korea.

59

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