GIS and RRA in Local -Level Land Use Planning a Case Study in Sri Lanka

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GISdevelopment. net ---> AARS --- > ACR S 199 6 ---> Land Use GIS and RRA in Local -Level Land Use Planning A case study in Sri Lanka M.Mari, P.Bitter Dept. of Geography Universi ty of Zuri ch-Irchel Switzerland Abstract Land use planning, here defined as the process of identifying the optimal and sustainable use for a given piece of land under given environmental, social and economic conditions, has been one of the key issues in rural development for many year. Two main schools of thinking on how this process should be accomplished can be found today: The 'pechnocaratic school' argues that modern (western) science is needed to do the  job, whereas the 'participatory school' argues that he farmers know the problems and their solutions best and, therefore, land use planners should ask them. There have been arguments between the two schools for years; however, very little research has been done to actually compare the results of the two methodologies. The authors present such a case study from Sri Lanka and outline potential links to combine the strengths of both approaches. 1. Introduction 1.1 The GIS approach Agricultural land use planning activities are usually started with the objectives to increase productivity,and to improve the sustainability, i.e. to conserve the natural resources. There are various scientific approaches to the goal: Land capability evaluation, e.g. according to FAO guidelines Process and simulation models Process and simulation models Parametric in dices, e.g. the Storie Index The point here is not discus the advantages and disadvantages of those approaches. We would like to draw the attention on two important characteristics which they all have in common: They combine a (variable) amount of information on natural resources and conditions (soils, rainfall, terrain, etc. ).This in formation is typicall y repr esented in m ap form, i.e. it is spatial data. a. Th ey attem pt to util ise kn owl edg e on th e rel ati ons betwe en en viro nmental con di tio ns, land man agement practic e, and reactio n of the lan d to that practice. Th is kn owled ge can stem from experience (trial and error), from experts, or other sources. The crucial point is that this knowledge has been generated elsewhere. The 'scientific' land use planning then tries to transfer this exogenous knowledge by analogy to the area in question. b. Since spatial data is used and extrapolation of knowledge is attempted, it seems quite obvious to use a GIS to help in the process. In Sri Lanka, the probably first attempts at using computers in land use planning have been mad e more t han 10 years ago [DEN T 1986]. Sin ce then, further attempts w ith better software and more powerful computers have been launched by various organizations and projects on various scales (loal / District / National); some met with more and some with less success (see for instance DENT 1993, p. 18], [TURNER], [IIMI]. Indeed, the idea to be able to process huge amounts of data, to simulate alternative land use options, and eventually to determine the best land use at the push of a button hasn't lost it's fascination. The application of these scientific methods has also drawn quite a bit of criticism. We would like to outline two major challenges that are raised: Two data which is actually available, especially in developing countries, rarely meets the requirements of the models that are being used. Deficiencies can be the total absence of certain data (e.g. soil maps, climatic data), non-comparable classification schemes (also often the case with soil maps), inadequate scales, or insufficient geometric and thematic accuracy of the maps [dent 1993]. Thus statemen ts on crop su itabilities and sustain abi lity are mad e which are no t ju stifi able even by the models. Additionally, the models often tend to focus on 'hard data' on the physical environment (soils, climate, topography), but have no established place for data on socio-economic features (such as access to inputs and markets, availability of labour, land title security, cultural preferences) and for GIS and RRA in Local -L evel Lan d U se Plann ing A case st udy in Sri Lan ka htt p://w ww.a-a- r-s.org/acrs/ proceeding/AC RS1996/Papers/LU 96-5.ht 1 of 6 2011/12/06 03:49 PM

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GISdevelopment.net ---> AARS ---> ACRS 199 6 ---> Land Use

GIS and RRA in Local -Level Land Use Planning A case study in Sri Lanka

M.Mari, P.BitterDept. of Geography

University of Zurich-IrchelSwitzerland

Abstract

Land use planning, here defined as the process of identifying the optimal and sustainable use for a givenpiece of land under given environmental, social and economic conditions, has been one of the key issues inrural development for many year. Two main schools of thinking on how this process should be accomplishedcan be found today: The 'pechnocaratic school' argues that modern (western) science is needed to do the  job, whereas the 'participatory school' argues that he farmers know the problems and their solutions bestand, therefore, land use planners should ask them. There have been arguments between the two schools foryears; however, very little research has been done to actually compare the results of the two methodologies.The authors present such a case study from Sri Lanka and outline potential links to combine the strengths ofboth approaches.

1. Introduction

1.1 The GIS approach

Agricultural land use planning activities are usually started with the objectives to increase productivity,and toimprove the sustainability, i.e. to conserve the natural resources. There are various scientific approaches tothe goal:

Land capability evaluation, e.g. according to FAO guidelinesProcess and simulation modelsProcess and simulation modelsParametric indices, e.g. the Storie Index

The point here is not discus the advantages and disadvantages of those approaches. We would like to drawthe attention on two important characteristics which they all have in common:

They combine a (variable) amount of information on natural resources and conditions (soils, rainfall,terrain, etc.).This information is typically represented in map form, i.e. it is spatial data.

a.

They attempt to utilise knowledge on the relations between environmental conditions, landmanagement practice, and reaction of the land to that practice. This knowledge can stem fromexperience (trial and error), from experts, or other sources. The crucial point is that this knowledgehas been generated elsewhere. The 'scientific' land use planning then tries to transfer this exogenousknowledge by analogy to the area in question.

b.

Since spatial data is used and extrapolation of knowledge is attempted, it seems quite obvious to use a GISto help in the process. In Sri Lanka, the probably first attempts at using computers in land use planning have

been made more than 10 years ago [DENT 1986]. Since then, further attempts with better software and morepowerful computers have been launched by various organizations and projects on various scales (loal / District / National); some met with more and some with less success (see for instance DENT 1993, p. 18],[TURNER], [IIMI]. Indeed, the idea to be able to process huge amounts of data, to simulate alternative landuse options, and eventually to determine the best land use at the push of a button hasn't lost it's fascination.

The application of these scientific methods has also drawn quite a bit of criticism. We would like to outline twomajor challenges that are raised:

Two data which is actually available, especially in developing countries, rarely meets the requirementsof the models that are being used. Deficiencies can be the total absence of certain data (e.g. soilmaps, climatic data), non-comparable classification schemes (also often the case with soil maps),inadequate scales, or insufficient geometric and thematic accuracy of the maps [dent 1993]. Thus

statements on crop suitabilities and sustainability are made which are not justifiable even by themodels. Additionally, the models often tend to focus on 'hard data' on the physical environment (soils,climate, topography), but have no established place for data on socio-economic features (such asaccess to inputs and markets, availability of labour, land title security, cultural preferences) and for

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local knowledge.

the second line of criticism argues that the use of computers re-inforces tendencies of top-downplanning. Scientific land use planning has been a largely centralized, sectoral, and top-down affair evenbefore the advent of computers [DENT 1993, P.5]. The interests, needs, and also the knowledge ofthe farmers as actual land users have been completely neglected. The philosophical reason for thismay be that the central state with its institutions is perceived as the only grantor of development, andconsequently, also as the custodian of the natural resources. The practical reason is that the

application of scientific methods requires scientifically qualified staff which is available only at centrallevels.

However, the capacities of any Government for planning and, even more severely, implementation ofthe plans, are limited. Thus land use plans have often remained a piece of paper, if they came to thatstage al all. If can be assuemed that the introduction of computers raises new hopes in Governmentinstitutions that they can now perform their Herculean task without changing the basic concept.Moreover, the operation of computers requires even more specialized staff which can be found only incentral places, and the communication gap between planners and land users widens once again.

1.2 The participatory approach

Participatory planning has been promoted as an alternative to top-down land use planning. There are variousdegrees of participation; we understand it here as an active involvement of the land users in the identification

of needs, planning, and implementation. The fundamental belief of participation advocates is that the farmersknow their situation best and thus should play a key role in land use planning. Another objective, sometimesalso on the hidden agenda of donors, is the objective of policically empowering local communities throughparticipatory planning.

PRA /PRA

RRA is a set of methods to extensively understand problematic situations in certain areas and to providefoundations for development planning. The starting point is the knowledge of the local people. The aim of RRAis the creation of a framework for communication and learning. Some important tools in RRAs are sketchmapping, transect walking, listing and ranking of properties, group discussions, semi - structured interviews,analysis of seasonal and historical trends. While RRA initially developed mainly as an alternative toinformation collection by questionnaire surveys, PRA also leaves the planning responsibility. I.e. the decision-

making, to the villagers. Outsiders are supported to act as catalysts [CHAMBERS].

The main criticisms on participatory planning include the following points:

There is a risk of de-linking local from regional and national planning. The integration of local planswithin a wider framework (e.g. agricultural development policies, subsidy schemes, conservation plans)is technically and institutionally plans) is technically and institutionally difficult, and, ultimately, localdevelopment efforts may collapse through lack of higher level support [DENT 1993, p. 104]. Theunderlying problem is that local interests are often different from regional / national interests; aproblem which is known in every society. What further compounds the problem in the contest ofdevelopment cooperation is the lack of institutionalized platform for negotiating between the diverginginterests. If outsiders unilaterally focus on the local development interests and leave after their projectends, there will be no base for continuation.

The results of RRA / PRA sessions often resemble 'shopping lists; of individuals or groups rather thanstrategic plans for a sustainable development of potentials. People tend to expect instant solutions totheir immediate problems, if outsiders, supposedly with funding enter the village, Accordingly, they willtell what they suppose the outsiders expect to hear [LEACH]

2. The case study in Weeraketya

2.1 land use planning with GIS

The Sri Lanka Land Use Policy Planning Division [LUPPD] issued guidelines for the preparation of land useplans for Divisional Secretary Divisions, which are units of decentralized administration in Sri Lanka. Theguidelines are similar to the FAO guidelines for land use planning. Based on these guidelines, we implemented

a model for land ue planning on commercial GIS software (Arc/Info).

The intermediate results of this model GIS are planning maps for the various produce, e.g. coconut, paddyetc. They consist of two parts: the present and the calculated, ideal area of cultivation for each crop. Toachieve this objective, one has to assess certain variables which restrict the cultivation of plants, e.g. water

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availability, nutrition, temperature regime, erosion hazard, ease of land use. The classification andcombination of these restriction or suitability variables leads to suitability maps and to the ideal habitats of thecrops (fig. 1).

Figure 1 GIS land use planning model

The first step in the GIS -model is the production of the base converages of different suitability variables Lrange, slope, soil rockiness, rainfall annural mean and rainfall with 75 per cent expectancy. The next step is toclassify the variables for each crop separately into most (S1), moderately (S2), marginally (S3), and not

suitable (S4). This classification, which we termed 'crop suitability coverage' in fig. 1, is based on [DENT1985].

The final step is the combination of above factor-specific crop suitability coverages into an overall suitabilitywhich expresses the ideal area of cultivation of a particular cop. Another combination with the present area ofthis crop will result in the crop planning maps, e.g. for coconut (see fig. 2); or paddy etc.

Figure 2 P lanning map for coconut

The result shows a relatively small area (dark grey) where the cultivation of coconut is ideal and actuallybeing practiced. Large areas (light grey), principally in the north, are suitable but not is use. Mainly in thesouth coconut is growing n many places (middle grey) although it is unfavorable.

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2.2 Main results of RRA in villages

The aim of the RRAs in two villages in Weeraketya in southern Sri Lanka was to collect information frompeasant about their strategies and reasons for a certain land usage and land use planning and thus tocross-check the results of the GIS application. The perspective of the land users is in the center. However,since we didn't have the possibilities to implement any plans, we tried to avoid disappointment on the side ofthe farmers by not going to the extent of actually planning for land use changes.

We investigated four main areas:

Present land use

Current land useCultivation criteria and -decisionsCrop requirementsAgricultural inputImportance of crops for householdLand tenure

Seasonal differences

Seasonal land useTask distributionOther incomes

Land use changes

Recent and historical changesChanges in land tenureCultivation practicesInfluence on land useEffect, impact of the changes

Wishes for future land use

Problems, needs, expectationsAlternativesRealization, implementation

One of the RRA results are sketch maps of village areas that were drawn by the local people in the firstevening meeting. Besides getting to know each other and forming faith between locals and outsiders, themost important geographical information and the local problems of land use were discussed in this way. OtherRRA activities were interview with caretakers, peasants, big and interviews with caretakers, peasant, big andowners, smalholders as well as transect walks and group discussions.

Another outcome are the requirements of several plants, e.g. coconut, banana pepper, teak in relation to thesuitability variables of the GIS model (see chapter 2.1). By means of listing and ranking, local people expresstheir knowledge about physical needs of the plants, the relative important of certain requirements, advantagesand disadvantages of different soil types for certain crops.

Further results are various sketch maps from peasants that show he personal property with the present landuse or plans for future land use

Finally, a lot of information about he socio-eco-nomic and ecological situations in these communities has beenacquired.

3. Potential links be between the two approaches

3.1 Complementing GIS with RRA

Verification and completion of based data The coconut planning map (see fig. 2) shows large areas where thecultivation of this crop would be ideal but is ideal but is apparently not being practiced. Most of those reqionsare mapped as homesteads. The RRA fieldwork has revealed that that in fact a lot of coconut cultivation istaking place in these regions. However, these are "home gardens' whereas the class "coconut" in the land use

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map refers to estates only.

Such information could be documented by photographs and stored in the GIS. Other results from RRAsessions (sketch maps, problematic issues) can be photographed and included in the GIS to complete thepicture of natural environment and society.

Adjustment of models

In some places coconut is grown although it appears unfavorable. Based on discussions on crop

requirements and other RRA activities, the GIS model, especially the weighting of suitability variables, wasadjusted, differentiated and complemented. The result of the revised planning map for coconut presents amore realistic picture of the situation. The unsuitable areas are below the 1300 mm "75% rainfall level". Thiscorresponds with the experiences from the RRA fieldwork: rainfall is the most important constraint.

Gaining insight into functional relationships

The GIS model considers physical factors only and offers no explanation for the present land use situation.The relationship between environment, social and economic conditions of the land users are certainly animportant dimension in land use planning. We found that RRAs are an excellent method to provide insight intothe way of thinking and reasons for acting of different stakeholders.

Detail planning

Our GIS model is essentially based on data at a scale of 1:50'000. This is already better than can beexpected in many cases, but still too small for village level planning. Thus GIS models can reasonable beused at higher planning levels to define policies and broad structure plans. On the other hand, PRA could beused to "put the meat on the bones", that is, to work out detail plans at village level.

3.2 Complemening PRA with GIS?

Documentation of indigenous knowledge

The potential links between both approaches in the sense of a completion of RRA through GIS can be foundat different stages of the bottom-up land use planning process.

The basis of this planning is the indigenous knowledge of the target group. The reception, discussion andassessment of this knowledge are essential steps of bottom-up planning. GIS could be used to systematically

document and integrate such knowledge, e.g. local classification and usage systems for soils [MULLER-BOKER], [BLIEK]. However this raises the question who will benefit from such a collection.

It is also thinkable to try to use GIS to homogenize information on indigenous knowledge, i.e. to bring to intocomparable formats, or to interpolate results from spatially dispersed RRA's. However this approach is anintrinsic contradiction to the concept of indigenous knowledge, which is essentially local in nature.

Provision of additional information into PRA

The combination of indigenous and scientific knowledge promises a greater success in hand use planning.GIS with their analysis, modeling and visualization tools can bring scientific knowledge into participatory localplanning exercises. This could be information on p potentials for non-agricultural development, distributions ofservices, changes and trends etc. Moreover, the excellent possibilities of GIS to create customized visuals

can be used to communicate villages relevant information on regional conditions, structure plans or scenarios.Such visuals could easilty be provided by Government officials as well as NGO professionals-provided theyget access to the necessary data. Thus, communication between the planning levels can be improved, andthe risk of detaching local from regional / national planning which is inherent in PAN can be minimized.

4. Conclusions

we compared two approaches to local 0level and use planning : the 'technocratic' approach which applies'modern' science and GIS v. the participatory approach which is based on traditional indigenous knowledge.Although there are certain shortcomings in the present study (e.g. we did not consider the implementation ofland use plans, and 'local level' was interpreted differently in the two cases), we would like to draw somepreliminary conclusions on the methodologies.

After some field checking, the GIS model meets the ground situation surprisingly wellWith the GIS model it was possible to prepare an indicative land use map for a relatively large areawith very little effort (not accounting for the collection of base data). However, the scale of availabledata is too small for land use planning on the base of single plots.From the first two conclusions it follows that GIS can be a suitable tool in the definition of policies and

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broad structure plans at a regional level.Applying PRA for land use planning implicitly assumes the existence of a village community what amandate for land use planning. However, we found no such communities, farmers act largely asindividuals.RRA/ PRA appears to be a very effective method to build awareness on both sides and to improvecommunication between locals and outsiders, i.e. farmers and professional planners.Therefore we conclude that GIS and RRA / PRA are complementary rather than alternative methods.They both have their role to play at different stages and different levels of land use planning. The

debate between paradigms of planning, and not between methods. The underlying question is L Whocontrols the land resources - central Government, local communities, or individuals - and who is incharge of land use planning ? this is a political question, not a methodical one.We identified a few potential entry points to link the two methodologies more closely. Whether a betterintegration of methods will help to bring about a resolution of underlying political conflicts has yet to beseen. It would be interesting to undertake more comprehensive research in this direction.

Acknowledgments

The authors wish is to thank the people of Kuda Bedigama and Muruthawela, the Sri Lanka Land use PolicyPlanning Division, the Center for Remote Sensing at the Survey Department, and Mrs. Julie van der Bliek andMr. Mahinda Seneratne for their support in this research.

References

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German) Geographische Rundschau Vol. 47 No. 6: 375-LEACH, M& J Fairhead (1994)L Natural Resource Management : The production land use ofEnvironment Misinformation in Guinea's Forest-Savannah Tranistion Zone IDS Bulletin Vol. 25 No 2,Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, UKLUPPD (1993) : Guidelines for the preparation of land use plans for Divisional Secretary DivisionMinistry of Lands, ColomboTURNER, S T D & R White (1994) : Geographical Information Systems for natural resourcemanagement in South East Asia Environment and Forest Conservation Division, Mahaweli Authority ofSir Lanka

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