GIJUBHAI BADEKHA ECOND EMORIAL ECTURE 2009€¦ · impressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha....

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NCERT Memorial Lecture Series 1885-1939 GIJUBHAI BADEKHA SECOND MEMORIAL LECTURE 2009 THEME : Culture and Development Implications for Classroom Practice T.S. SARASWATHI 1885-1939 1885 Birth 15 November, Birth Place : Chittal Swarashtra 1897 First Marriage with Late Hariben 1906 Second Marriage with Late Jariben 1907 Left for East Africa 1909 Return to India 1910 Law Education in Bombay (Mumbai) 1913 High Court Pleader, "Badvan Camp" 1913 Birth of Shri Narendra Bhai (Son) 1915 Legal Advisor of Shri Dakshinamurti Bhavan 1916 Associated with Dakshinamurti Vidyarthi Bhavan 1920 Establishment of Bal Mandir 1922 Inauguration of Bal Mandir Bhavan Near Takhteswar Bhav-Mandir in Bhavnagar by Kasturba Gandhi 1925 First Montessorie Conference, Bhavnagar 1925 Establishment of Adhyapan Mandir 1928 Second Montessorie Conference, Ahmedabad (Chaired) 1930 Living in Refugee Camps in Satyagraha Movement, Banar Parishad, Surat, Beginning of Akshargyan Yojna 1936 Discontinued Association with Shri Dakshinamurti Vidyarthi Bhavan 1937 Samman Thailly Bheint 1938 Work in Gujarat; Established Last Study Temple in Rajkot 1939 Died on 23 June, Bombay (Mumbai)

Transcript of GIJUBHAI BADEKHA ECOND EMORIAL ECTURE 2009€¦ · impressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha....

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NCERT

Mem

oria

l Lec

ture

Ser

ies

1885-1939

GIJUBHAI BADEKHA SECOND MEMORIAL LECTURE

2009THEME : Culture and Development

Implications for Classroom PracticeT.S. SARASWATHI

1885-1939

1885 Birth 15 November, Birth Place : Chittal Swarashtra1897 First Marriage with Late Hariben1906 Second Marriage with Late Jariben1907 Left for East Africa1909 Return to India1910 Law Education in Bombay (Mumbai)1913 High Court Pleader, "Badvan Camp"1913 Birth of Shri Narendra Bhai (Son)1915 Legal Advisor of Shri Dakshinamurti Bhavan1916 Associated with Dakshinamurti Vidyarthi Bhavan1920 Establishment of Bal Mandir1922 Inauguration of Bal Mandir Bhavan Near Takhteswar

Bhav-Mandir in Bhavnagar by Kasturba Gandhi1925 First Montessorie Conference, Bhavnagar1925 Establishment of Adhyapan Mandir1928 Second Montessorie Conference, Ahmedabad (Chaired)1930 Living in Refugee Camps in Satyagraha Movement, Banar

Parishad, Surat, Beginning of Akshargyan Yojna1936 Discontinued Association with Shri Dakshinamurti Vidyarthi

Bhavan 1937 Samman Thailly Bheint1938 Work in Gujarat; Established Last Study Temple in Rajkot1939 Died on 23 June, Bombay (Mumbai)

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NCERT

MMMMMEMORIALEMORIALEMORIALEMORIALEMORIAL L L L L LECTUREECTUREECTUREECTUREECTURE S S S S SERIESERIESERIESERIESERIES

GIJUBHAI BADEKHA

SECOND MEMORIAL LECTURE

at

Adiseshiah Auditorium

MIDS, Chennai

20 January 2009

THEME : Culture and DevelopmentImplications for Classroom Practices

T.S. SARASWATHI

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First EditionJuly 2010 Asadha 1932

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CONTENTS

OUR OBJECTIVES V

SECTION I 1Gijubhai Badekha : On Being a Primary Teacher

SECTION II 8Gijubhai Badekha Memorial Lecture�2008-09Theme : Culture and Development�Implications forClassroom Practices

ABOUT THE SPEAKER 24

ANNEXURE

I : Memorial Lecture Series 2007-08 25II : Memorial Lecture Series 2008-09 27

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It will do if our school does not have a vast library ofbooks on education. It will not do if no one reads asingle book on education related topics.

Excerpted from Prathmikshalama ShikshakFirst published in 1932

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OUR OBJECTIVES

The National Council of Educational Research Training(NCERT)* is an apex organisation, assisting and advisingthe Central and State Governments by undertakingresearch, survey, and development, training and extensionactivities for all stages of school and teacher education.

One of the objectives of the Council is to act as a clearinghouse and disseminator of ideas relating to school andteacher education. We have initiated the current MemorialLecture Series in order to fulfill this role and tocommemorate the life and work of great educationalthinkers. Our aim is to strive to raise the level of publicawareness about the seminal contributions made in thefield of education by eminent men and women of India.We expect that such awareness will set off a chain ofdiscourse and discussion. This, we hope, will makeeducation a lively subject of inquiry while simultaneouslyencouraging a sustained public engagement with thisimportant domain of national life.

The memorial lecture series covers public lecturescommemorating the life and work of nine eminent Indianeducational thinkers and practitioners.

Title and Venue of Memorial Lecture Series

Title Venue

Gijubhai Badekha Memorial Madras Institute of DevelopmentLecture Studies, Chennai

Rabindranath Tagore Memorial Regional Institute of EducationLecture Bhubaneswar

Zakir Hussain Memorial Regional Institute of EducationLecture Mysore

* More information on NCERT is available at : www.ncert.nic.in

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vi

Mahadevi Verma Memorial Regional Institute of EducationLecture Bhopal

B.M. Pugh Memorial North East Regional Institute ofLecture Education, Shillong

Savitribai Phule Memorial SNDT Women�s College, MumbaiLecture

Marjorie Sykes Memorial Regional Institute of EducationLecture Ajmer

Sri Aurobindo Memorial Presidency College, KolkataLecture

Mahatma Gandhi Memorial National Institute of EducationLecture NCERT, New Delhi

We invite persons of eminence from academia andpublic life to deliver these lectures in English or any otherIndian language. Our intention is to reach to largeaudiences consisting in particular of teachers, students,parents, writers, artists, NGOs, government servants andmembers of local communities.

We hope these lecture series will be of use to ouraudience as well as the public in and outside the countryin general. I must acknowledge the contribution ofMs Konsam Diana, Junior Project Fellow for helping mewith the finalisation of this manuscript. The contributionof the Publication Department (NCERT) is also dulyacknowledged.

ANUPAM AHUJA

Convenor

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SECTION I

GIJUBHAI BADEKHA

ON BEING A PRIMARY TEACHER

HARPREET JASS*

ABSTRACT

Experiments of great thinkers and educationists can act asbeacon light to guide our thoughts. One such thinker, teacherand educationist we had in India is Gijubhai Badekha. Helived and worked in Gujarat. The purpose of the article is tolook into his thoughts and ideas as answer to presentchallenges of primary education in India. Strength of histhoughts lies in his simple description of situation or the problemhe faces and then with equal honesty he tries to find the answerto it. He uses commonsense to see what works with children toteach them concepts. He also tries to understand the underlyingconcept of the topic to be taught. His fight is against the systemand those notions of learning that fails children or do not allowthem to become good learners. Teaching is very challengingand serious job according to him and requires sincerity on partof teacher to see what works out the best.

INTRODUCTION

Among many thinkers and theorists, one comes across inthe field of Education; a very simple yet convincing, andimpressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha. He penshis educational ideas and thoughts against the backdropof colonised India and an equally �colonised� system of

* Ms Harpreet Jass is currently teaching elementary education,child development and pedagogy of science at the Department ofEducational Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

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education. A system which is highly bureaucratic wherefor every little detail the hands are bound by rules andteachers finds no system to try-out new ideas or bringchange to make children learn in efficient manner.The problems he raised are unfortunately still the problemsthat most of the primary teachers are facing in India orcould be in many other parts of the world. Especially thoseparts of the world where education is imparted to learners�majority of whom belongs to a different social and economicbackground that of their teachers. This difference in thebackgrounds of learner and teacher is likely one factoramong several others that are held responsible for poorlevel of teaching and learning by teachers. Or if we word itdifferently where the world of school is very different fromthe everyday life of learners and hence the divides betweeneducated and non-educated is too overt and implyconnotations to the status of both. Badekha�s argumentsand experience tries to answer such deep questions.He raises such profound questions about the educationsystem, which forms the backdrop of most of his writings.However, his trysts and struggles which are beautiful, simpleand honest have equally plausible answers for educationistsand teachers to look at. Hence, an immense scope to benefitfrom his practical accounts and other thoughtful ideas.

Against the above backdrop, this article is an effort toexplore contributions of Gijubhai with relevance to presentstate of education in India, highlighting what is real learningor good education. The conviction is that even in presenttimes how meaningful his works and writings are.Article also discusses underpinning of his educationalthoughts and �experimentation� as key to achieve thechange of real learning in the system.

BIRTH AND LIFE

Gijubhai�s own life has been an exemplary to try-out �new�and bring change. He was born on 15 November 1885.He was high court lawyer by profession. Birth of his sonmade him wonder about the education of child and his

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developmental needs. He found his answers in the worksof Maria Montessorie, another noted educationist, teacherand thinker from Italy. He became a primary teacher andco-founded his experimentation and trysts with the systemto bring about real learning for the children. In 1920 hefounded the first pre-primary school � Bal Mandir �under the aegis of Shri Dakshinamurti Vidyarthi Bhavan.Henceforth his ideas not only on education of children inschool but also about parenting and child developmentstarted ossifying.

In the words of Pandya 2008 who has been translatingworks of Gijubhai from Gujarati, the language he pennedhis ideas:

In the 19 years till his untimely death in 1939, Gijubhaiworked incessantly, contributing a lifetime of work in the areaof children�s literature and education. He left behind a legacyof prolific writing (nearly 200 publications for children, youth,parents and educators). His best known work is Divaswapna(meaning day dreams). First published in 1939 in Gujarati, itis an original contribution to ideas on pedagogy.

Now many of his works are translated into English,Hindi and also in Punjabi. With the translation of his ideasin many languages the hope of disseminating his ideasand hence making change possible could be realised innear future.

UNCOMPLICATED ELOQUENCE

The power of his thoughts lies in the simple description ofthe situation and the action he takes to address the problemfaced in that situation. He stands as an example of a reflectiveteacher with a very spontaneous commonsense to react andact in the situations of primary classes in Indian context.His style of writing is as if he is talking to someone and onefeels that as these are their own words and thoughts onlythat someone has dare to put in this form and bring in thesolution too. Many of us would have done the same or wouldlove to do what Gijubhai found as solution to the problem.His simplicity is in the conviction with which he writes andalso practicability of what he is doing.

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Another very important point that one finds to call histhoughts as practical, is that the jargon of theoretical andphilosophical standpoints or terms has been missing inhis reflective and analytical accounts that we come acrossin his works, making him easy to relate to everydaychallenges of a primary teacher. Most of us as teachersfind it relatively difficult to remember any theory and almostimpossible to find its implication. Works like that of hisare complete practical accounts and ready reckon for anyprimary teacher to try out in her/his classroom.

But the weaving of all the implications of theory andphilosophy is equally there. His thoughts have genesis in�child-centered� education and he cites several examplesof the same in his classroom experience with children.Gijubhai therefore can be called as reflective teacher whosetheory is simple and based on experimentation.

REAL EDUCATION

His works Divaswapna, Mata Pita Se, and others solidifieshis thoughts on Education that what does he expect fromus as he takes us towards to the real nature of educationhe has been demanding. His works reminds us of not onlygoodness of the child, nature of real learning but alsocritical role and responsibility of adults as parents andteachers to educate the child. His experiment of teachingchildren in meaningful manner begins with the conflictbetween theory and practice. He wishes to have the�first-hand experience� of the classroom.

Real purpose of education that teacher shouldunderstand is that children should love their school andteachers. If the children want to come to the school sincethey are treated with respect and there are enoughmeaningful learning opportunities, he feels no childrenwould deny coming to the school. Gijubhai cites several ofuseful learning activities like story telling, drama, gamesand paper folding to name a few that could serve manyobjectives of teaching-learning at primary level and makeit relevant for children. However, teacher�s intuition to link

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all these methods to curriculum is the real challenge andmust. Real learning is also learning where children learnby doing and hence are independent with their learningand do not depend on textbook or teacher as source ofinformation alone. In words of Gijubhai in Divaswapnawhat he thinks games are

Games are real education. Great powers are born on theplayground. Games means character building. p.20

His ideas on imparting value education to children asagainst religious indoctrination could be observed in his words

��.we should try to live religion. Parents must try andteachers must try. We could tell children stories from thePuranas, and the Upanishadas, whenever there is a referenceto these in their textbooks. Let us tell them stories of saints justas we tell them stories of historical personages. ��.let us notmake our children memorise and recite holy verses! Let us notteach religious dogmas and scriptures and the like in the nameof moral instruction.� p.44

This way he tries to argue for meaningful educationfor children in different areas�History, Language orpreparing for exams or school function. He argues thatunderlying assumptions of methods we follow have flawshence a need to re-look at it. This will make alternativemethods or use of the same method in more effective andcorrect manner. He believes that for any topic teachershould figure out the underlying concept and then helpchildren identify that through activities.

EXPERIMENTATION � KEY TO CHANGE

He put a firm faith in alternatives he wishes to try withchildren and make change possible. We as teachers havestopped to argue for changes and alternatives onarguments say, these are not possible or too idealistic oron several other similar arguments. Gijubhai makes itpossible by saying that �experimentation� is the key tobring the change. A teacher with an untiring spirit tolearn, to question the existing system, methods and evenfailure of individual teacher or student, can try severalthings that will make �real� learning takes place and which

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is not only for exams and some outward reward alone.However, outward rewards of praise, applause and goodmarks are also achieved by him in his experiment ofeducation.

It is honest since his trysts are met with failures, doubtsand also criticism of fellow teachers� complains of theirresponsibilities of family, securing job and oppression ofbureaucracy. All this is the reality of a common human aswell and also of a job in a system. The system seemsaversive to change and our individual needs and also socialexpectations of stability, survival which is both economicas well as social in nature. All of us find it challenging tomeet the demands of system, job and our own personalneeds. But Gijubhai answered this by saying the key lieswithin. Once we start questioning the system and recognisethat it is even our personal need to do our job of teachingin efficient manner. Good teaching is the real satisfactionand key of change.

The first step of experimentation is �failure� and that iswhat Gijubhai�s tryst or experiment begins with. His first dayof teaching made him realise that his plans may not workthe way he has planned, as he describes in the first chapterof Divaswapna. Students in his class did not respond to hisplans of silence, concentration and discussion as he hadplanned. Our experiments not working, is something thatall the primary teachers will agree to. But he with hisexperimentation could figure out methods of stories andgames to make students interested in real concepts and notmere rote memorisation. One can say that he could figureout at least that much success rate of his new experimentsthat he kept on going while most of us are likely to bebelittled by failures. He could also not bring many changesdue to social or bureaucratic demands but yet many of thechanges he cites are positive signs. Say children might needto prepare for exams but let them continue to read and playand not only focus on paper-pencil tasks alone.

His writing of Divaswapna is especially the weaving ofsuch new ideas, failures, disgrace and solutions. It makes

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reader feel very normal and humane that job of primaryteachers might be all this but bit of real success is alsopossible.

A very novel experiment by him was to divide the dayinto activities, games, and stories and not go by strictauthority of time table. He happens to use his own instinctto organise his days with the children. Several otherfeatures of good and useful teaching practices one can seeand find in his works.

CONCLUSION

Reading Gijubhai is opening of world of possibilities to makeprimary education beneficial for student and teacher.Purpose of this article is also to motivate a reader, any onewho loves children to look further into the works and wordsof Gijubhai, and look out for the answers and problems ofeducation he has articulated for us. One may not findGijubhai struggling with his filial responsibilities but heargues in his works addressing parents that we even needto question what is good for our children and not only theone whom we teach in schools. This is where his ideas drawthe tangent of looking at life and our own existence inalternative manner; schooling will also be meaningful henceonce we try to make life meaningful. All of us as primaryteachers may feel the need of a real alternative look at life,real meaning and purpose of it, which means not only tofulfill demands as put forth by society or system on us.The idea is to live real and meaningful life and also make itsame through the educational experience for the children.

REFERENCES

BADEKHA, GIJUBHAI. 1990. Divaswapna. An Educator�s Reverietranslated by Chittaranjan Pathak. National Book Trust,New Delhi.

PANDYA, MAMTA. 2008. Gijubhai on Education from learningnet-india.org

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SECTION II

GIJUBHAI BADEKHA MEMORIAL LECTURE

2008-09THEME : CULTURE AND DEVELOPMENT

IMPLICATIONS FOR CLASSROOM PRACTICES

T.S. SARASWATHI*

ABSTRACT

Theoretically, psychological differences among humangroups can be accounted for in three distinct ways:(a) exposure to different local ecological conditions maycause underlying psychological mechanisms to beexpressed differently (evoked culture); (b) people may acquirepsychological tendencies through socialisation andenculturation (cultural transmission); and (c) populationdifferences in gene frequencies may be associatedwith particular behaviour tendencies (non-culturalgenetic variation).

An understanding of the role of culture in developmentof psychological processes has significant implicationsfor teacher training and classroom practices. Theseinclude: (a) the fallacy of stereotyping and treating groupsas monolithic; (b) viewing culture as immutable andessentialised, contrary to evidence of change amidststability; (c) the constraints of evaluative comparisonsand the importance of tolerance for differences; and

* Senior Professor (Retd.), Human Development and Family Studies,Maharaja Sayajirao University, Baroda, India

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(d) greater appreciation of the richness of culturaldifferences which can serve to enhance rather thandiminish the classroom climate.

During the past four decades, cross-cultural andcultural psychologies have built a rich landscape ofknowledge related to the role of culture in humandevelopment. While cross-cultural psychology viewsculture as an independent variable that influencesbehaviour and development, cultural psychologists haveviewed culture and individual activity as co-constructive.Cross-cultural psychology in particular has sought to:(a) test existing theories in various cultural contexts;(b) explore new cultural systems to discover psychologicalphenomena not available in cultures studied so far; and(c) generate a more universal theory of humandevelopment based on the first two sets of activities.

The present paper will: (a) examine the nature of theconstruction of knowledge regarding culture anddevelopment; and (b) profile the existing knowledge baseregarding cultural variations and similarities in variousdomains of human functioning. A significant portion of theinformation is drawn from a recent review by Heine andNorenzayan (2006) with their kind permission to use theirreview with due acknowledgement. The main thrust of thearguments will be on the explanations offered to understandcultural group differences and their implications for classroompractices in multi-cultural settings.

CULTURE AS MAN-MADE ENVIRONMENT

'There are varied definitions of culture in the existingliterature. (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, and Dasen, 2002).One comprehensive and classic definition is presented hereto highlight the fact that culture is an integral part ofhuman development.

�Culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, ofand for behaviour acquired and transmitted by symbols,constituting the distinctive achievements of human groups,including their embodiments in artifacts: the essential coreof culture consists of traditional (i.e. historically derived

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and selected) ideas and especially their attached values;cultural systems may be, on the one hand, considered asproducts of action, and on the other, as conditioningelements of further action (Kroeber and Kluckholm,1952,p.181, cited in Berry et al, 2002).

Culture is seen as �in here� (in our heads and the resultof individual activity (co-constructive and participatory)or as �out there� (outside our skin) and as the antecedentof behaviour. The former is the basic assumptionof cultural psychology while the latter characterisescross-cultural psychology. The rich literature from boththese schools of thought have contributed to and enhancedour understanding of the interface between culture andhuman development.

GOALS OF CROSS-CULTURAL AND CULTURAL PSYCHOLOGY

The goals of cross-cultural psychology are (Segall, Dasen,Berry, and Poortinga, 1999):

1. To transport current hypotheses and conclusionsabout human behaviour to other cultural contextsin order to test their validity.

2. To explore new cultural systems, to discoverpsychological phenomena not available in the firstculture.

3. To integrate psychological knowledge gained fromthe first two activities and to generate a more penhuman psychology that would be valid for most ifnot all people.

Cross-cultural psychology adopts a positivisticparadigm and emphasises derived etic and culturaluniversalism even while accommodating culturalrelativism in some respects.

Cultural psychology, on the other hand, aims toexplicate how culture and individuals constitute orconstruct each other. The emphasis in cultural psychologyis not on the search for universalism as much as in thecultural activity of meaning making, hence onintersubjectivity, interpretation and cultural relativism.

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In the following sections, we will summarise how thelandscapes of knowledge regarding culture and humandevelopment have been constructed, and the majorsubstantive ideas that have emerged there from.

The primary source of the substantive information is basedon Heine and Nozenzayan�s (2006) article entitled �TowardIntegration: Cultural Psychological sciences.� (With kindpermission to do so dated, 1 November 2008). Other specificreferences and anecdotal examples have been added by thepresent author.

TWO STAGES OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY

Most scientific inquiry proceeds through two stages. In thefirst stage, new theories that facilitate the observation anddiscovery of interesting phenomena are proposed, andvarious methodological confounds ruled out. In the secondstage, the inner workings of phenomena are more preciselyexplained, and underlying mechanisms are identified.In cross-cultural/cultural psychologies, Stage I researchtypically propose theories that predict cultural differences,in particular, psychological processes, whereas Stage IIresearch seeks to more precisely explain the observedcultural differences by identifying the critical variables thataccount for them. The two processes however, are notmutually exclusive and often overlap each other.

One of the major criticisms in the discipline has beenregarding the restricted data base that has been used tounderstand basic psychological processes. Research haspredominantly used Euro-American college students assubjects. Yet, claims have been made about universalityin basic psychological processes without necessarilytesting the validity of such a claim. Hence, enhancingexternal validity becomes an important goal of Stage Iinquiry. Of course, there remains the trade-off betweenmaximising internal validity with adequate controls therebyrestricting generalisability and enhancing the scope forexternal validity, thereby limiting internal validity. Evenwhen external validity is enhanced by good cross-culturalresearch, one need to bear in mind that universality may

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be established at various levels of generalisation and may not necessarily be universal in the literal sense of theword.

STAGE I : TOWARDS IDENTIFYING CULTURAL

VARIATIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL PROCESSES

Stage I research also helps identify cultural variations inpsychological processes. There are a number of richtheoretical models that allow for predictions about theextent to which various models will replicate in othercultural contexts. Pronounced and theoretically meaningfulcultural differences have been found in fundamentalpsychological processes such as preference for highsubjective well-being, the manifestation of psychologicaldisorders, the need for high self esteem, and a preferencefor formal reasoning. In general, the cultural differencestend to be more pronounced in studies that comparebehaviours that reflect implicit psychological tendenciesand less pronounced in studies that compare explicit self-reported cultural values. One of the important componentsof Stage I research has been to identify specific situationsin which some cultural differences in psychologicalprocesses are made manifest. For example, middle-easterncultures which still practice 'Honour Killing' are notaggressive across situations but only when their family'Honour' is threatened by an illicit relation or offensiveremark by the foe. Similarly, East Asians do not alwaysprefer intuitive reasoning strategies more than Westernersdo and show a preference for formal reasoning incompleting abstract tasks, even though they may chooseto apply intuitive reasoning in other situations.

A related key focus of Stage I research has been toconduct a systematic series of studies to rule outcompeting artifactual accounts of cultural differences.Efforts to determine the validity of cultural differencesconstitute a large part of the studies that are conducted instage I research. (See Van De Vijver and Leung, 2000 fordiscussions on methodological problems related to thisissue).The range of identified cultural differences in

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psychological phenomena has expanded in recent yearsaided by prominent theoretical developments such as onthe prototypes of independence-interdependence (Markusand Kitayama, 1991).

As a corollary to identifying cultural differences, Stage Icross-cultural research also informs theories aboutpsychological universals or cultural similarities.A significant contribution in this regard comes fromanthropologists (For example, Schlegel and Barry�s, 1991work on adolescence analysing HRAF data on 186cultures) and the classic work by the Whiting group onchild training and personality (Whiting and associates,1963). Compelling evolutionary accounts for the origin ofpsychological processes need to consider the adaptive valueof the processes at the level of abstraction whereuniversality is more evident, or they need to specify theconditions under which they are operating (See Keller,1997 for discussions on the evolutionary perspectives).Work by my students in Baroda with rural and urbanwomen revealed that the standard tools of self-esteem thatfocused on an individualistic perspective yielded poorscores whereas open-ended interviews highlighted thatwomen in these communities derived their self-esteem bythe collective achievement of their husbands and children.Similarly, positive self-enhancement is derived from social(family or group) approval and appreciation rather thanin terms of how one describes one�s self. In fact, self praiseis considered arrogance in collectivistic cultures whichexpect the individual to underplay one�s virtues.

One of the major short comings of the most influentialresearches in cross-cultural psychology has been that ithas focused on comparisons between North Americans andEast Asians (the work by Markus and Kitayama, 1991which generated a lot of interesting research is one suchexample). It is very likely that other cultural comparisonsmay throw up demographic and cultural variables ofinterest. Contributions by Whiting and associates (Whiting,1963 onwards), Cole and associates (Cole, Gay, Glick andSharp, 1971, and later work) and Segall, Campbell andHerskovits (1966) are excellent examples of potential

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contributions from work with other cultures. Another oftencited criticism is that cultural psychological research hasbeen largely limited to exploration of the extent to whichtheories developed in the West generalise to non-westerncultures. Contributions from cultural psychology (Shweder,1990) and indigenous psychology (Sinha, 1997) addressthis shortcoming.

There is a pressing need to shift from exploring whetherphenomena identified in the West generalise elsewhere toexploring whether other indigenously identifiedphenomena generalise to the West.

Ramanujan (1990) and Sinha and Tripathi (1994)discuss the example of 'tolerance for contradiction'observed among Indians who can co-exist with science andreligion or science and astrology with no obvious cognitivedissonance in their individual lives. It would be interestingto see whether such a tolerance generalises to theEuro-Americans. Similarly, there has been anecdotalevidence highlighting the prevalence of mathematicalconcepts in the every day life of south Indians throughclose contact and familiarity with classical music whereinthe numerical count in the rhythm is critical as also the practice of decorating the front yard with dailydrawings of intricate designs that call for an appreciationof arithmetic and geometric concepts. The perceivedsuperiority of South Indians of both gendersin mathematics both among resident Indians andIndian Diasporas could lead to interesting cross-culturalresearch.

STAGE II : TOWARDS EXPLAINING CULTURAL DIFFERENCES

Stage II research seeks to explain how cultural differencesin psychological processes are produced and sustained.Cross-cultural research enables the unpackaging ofconfounding variables. Cole and his associates� study ofage, schooling and cognition in Liberia (1971) is anexcellent example of segregating the role of schooling andage, something which cannot be done in cultures withuniversal and compulsory schooling. Absence of genderdifferences in mathematical abilities among South Indians

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and hypothesis related to everyday experience inmathematics could lead to unpackaging situational andcontextual variables.

Several interesting methodological strategies have beenused to ascertain the reasons for cultural differences andexplain them.

1. Mediational Strategies

A frequently used strategy is to identify cultural differenceson two measures and then examine whether the culturaldifferences in the relationship between the two measures isin the predicted direction. As the reader is well aware, thereare inherent limitations with such corelational strategies,particularly with data based on self reports. Culturalvariables are often not transparent and self evident to theparticipant who may have been encultured in the said beliefsand practices without even being conscious of them andarticulate about it. Further, correlations do not clarify causalrelations nor the direction of the relationships observedleading only to tentative inferences that need further testing.

2. Experimental Strategies

An interesting strategy is to prime constructs hypothesisedto vary across cultures and then examine whether suchpriming can lead people from one culture to respond morelike those of another culture in select experimental tasks.Work in the area of independence-interdependence is ofparticular interest.

A variety of other experimental or quasi-experimentalapproaches have also been used to identify mechanismsunderlying cultural differences. One approach is to identifykey experiences that vary across cultures and measurewhether greater exposure to these experiences leads tochange in psychological variables. For example, trainingin Oriental or Ayurvedic medicine could foster a holisticway of thinking, with longer periods of exposure likely toimpact more.

New research has gone beyond independence-interdependence to examine additional cultural

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affordances that may explain cultural differences incognition. Heine and Norenzayan (2006) cite the study byMiyamoto, Nisbett and Masuda (2006) which showed that(a) randomly sampled Japanese scenes were visually morecomplex than randomly sampled American scenes(as judged by both objective and subjective measures); and(b) both American and Japanese participants exposed toJapanese scenes were more likely to show holisticprocessing in a subsequent task than were participantsexposed to American scenes.

Another useful approach is the triangulation strategy.The procedure involves first examining a psychologicalphenomenon in two cultures A and B that differ in atheoretically predicted direction. The second step involvescultures B and C (a third culture) wherein B differs from Cin another psychological characteristic, but C and A sharea commonality. Heine and Norenzayan (2006) discuss aninteresting example of similar ecological reasoning amongMayan villagers and Americans with expertise in biology(such as seen in park keepers) but both differed from otherAmericans who were not exposed to ecological reasoningthat relies on knowledge about the inter relations amongplants and animals.

Although still in its infancy, Stage II research hasdeepened cross-cultural psychologists� understanding ofpsychological mechanisms by broadening the horizons inthe search for reasons for cultural differences.

EXPLANATIONS FOR GROUP DIFFERENCES

Theoretically, psychological differences among humangroups can be accounted for in three distinct ways (aftermethodological artifacts have been ruled out): (a) exposureto different local ecological conditions may cause anunderlying psychological mechanism to be expresseddifferently (evoked culture); (b) people may acquirepsychological tendencies through social learning processesthat are biased in favour of learning from in-groupmembers (transmitted or epidemiological culture);

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or(c) population differences in gene frequency may beassociated with particular behavioural tendencies (non-cultural genetic variation). Each of these is explained brieflyin the following section.

A. Evoked Culture

The often cited example in cross-cultural psychology ofevoked culture pertains to food sharing (Berry, 1966).Where foraging and hunting success is highly variableacross time, egalitarian norms for food sharing andsanctions against hoarding are strong; this is not the casewhere supply of food is relatively stable such as insedentary agrarian cultures.The other example relates tomate selection where even today, in societies where infantand maternal mortality are high and where there is needfor several children to assist the parents in running a farmor assisting in earning a livelihood, robust women whoare physically strong and hold promise for hard work andgood reproductive prospects are preferred over thin anddelicate looking females(see Buss et al, 1990).Environmental factors that evoke holistic cognitivetendencies among Japanese were referred to in the previoussection.

B. Transmitted and Epidemiological Culture

Cultural transmission is the primary engine that producesthe bulk of stable variation across groups. Transmissionis through socialisation in the family and in other socio-cultural settings, enculturation through total culturalimmersion, and through formal and non-formal education.It is useful to distinguish between evoked and transmittedculture as explanation of cultural differences; yet, inactuality, these two processes reflect a continuum ratherthan a dichotomy. One possibility is that ecologicaldifferences evoke initial responses that vary adaptivelyacross different environments, but then these responsesare picked up and perpetuated even when the initialconditions are no longer present. A prominent example in

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the Indian setting is the practice among North IndianHindus of a strict taboo regarding marriage alliances amongfamilies residing in seven villages surrounding the brideor groom. Such a practice (which is in contrast to theencouragement of cross cousin marriages in SouthernIndia) initially aimed at prohibiting marriages among closerelatives who inhabited villages close by since that couldresult in inheritance of genetic disorders running in thefamily. This practice continues even today when thedemographic distribution of families has changeddrastically, and the strict taboo continues, and often, onereads of honour killing by parents or close relatives whencousins fall in love, elope and marry.

Cultural psychologists could take advantage of thenaturally occurring 'experiments' to isolate the effects oftransmitted culture by comparing groups living in similarenvironments but with different beliefs and practices(See review of work in this area by Camilleri andMalewska-Peyre, 1997, and Berry and Sam, 1997).One isoften surprised to note the extent to which culturaldifferences are preserved, for example, among Indians whomigrated to Africa some three to four generations ago andthe Indian Diaspora in the USA which consciouslypreserves its cultural heritage in the family and homesettings, even while integrating with fellow Americans inthe work setting.

C. Genetic Variation as Explanation forPsychological Differences

A controversial explanation for psychological differencesbetween cultures is that they could derive from geneticdifferences. This possibility should be examined with care,given the unfortunate history of racism and conquest thathas often accompanied biological explanations of groupdifferences. The words �savages�, �primitive�, �barbarian� andso on to describe cultures different from those in the Westwere in usage until recently. Behaviour geneticists haverepeatedly warned about the need for caution in inferences

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regarding genetic differences between cultures as often �thewithin culture� differences exceed �the between culture�differences. Nevertheless, a growing body of researchcontinues to identify genes that vary systematically acrosspopulations. These include genes associated with distinctblood groups, skin colour, lactose intolerance, resistanceto malaria and several other characteristics. Groupdifferences could well result from selection pressures(survival of the fittest), the consequence of thermalregulation, pathogen resistance, diet constraints and thelike. The Parsee (Zoroastrian) community in India offersexcellent opportunities for genetic research havingpreserved it genetic identity through monitored inbreeding.Genes related to longevity, despite the prevalence of severalgenetically inherited diseases, have been investigated asreported in a recent seminar organised by the PARZORgroup at Bombay in December 2008. Most psychologicaltraits and tendencies are unlikely to meet the stringentcriteria for indicating genetic inheritance. What would beuseful to understand is as to how cultural practices havesustained the influence of the genome. Empirical resultstypically show that immigrants and their descendentsexhibit psychological processes intermediate to those oftheir heritable culture and their cohorts in the host culture,which is evidence consistent with a cultural, rather thangenetic explanation of group differences.

PROXIMAL AND DISTAL EXPLANATIONS

OF CULTURAL DIFFERENCES

Distal explanations are historical analyses that involvesocial, economic and geographic factors that may havegiven rise to culturally stable patterns of thought andbehaviour. Proximal explanations, on the other hand,involve individual level psychological processes includingbeliefs, knowledge and experiences with the world that havebeen shaped by these historical developments, and couldbe directly implicated in cultural differences inpsychological characteristics. The former deals with culture

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level analysis, and the latter, individual level of analysis.An excellent example of distal explanation is seen in the1991 work by Schlegel and Barry who examined thesecondary data from Human Resource Area files (HRAF)from 186 pre industrial cultures, to provide ananthropological account of adolescent development acrosscultures. A contemporary example of proximal explanationcould be the perseverance of honour culture in societieswhere men and women are executed on charges of fallingin love with a stranger, an enemy�s kin or eloping with analready married person, thus, bringing the family to shame.A historical precedent that evolved to preserve the group�sidentity and maintain taboos prescribed by the culturehave sustained in practice even though the said taboosare irrelevant and serve no purpose today.

IMPLICATIONS FOR CLASSROOM PRACTICES

The rich data on cultures assembled by Cross-Culturaland Cultural Psychology over the past four decades haveseveral implications for classroom practices, especially ina multi-cultural society like India where caste and religionplay an important role in social interactions. Key ideas thatemerge from work in this area are listed below and offer abase for reflection and practice.! We tend to treat groups as monolithic and generalise

our stereotypes regarding groups to individual pupils.For example, we take it for granted that children of aparticular caste are dull and incapable of learningabstract concepts, or that members of some groupsare not clean, or others whose ancestors were dacoits,will inherit the tendency to be thieves. Each one of thesebeliefs that openly affects classroom practices can bechallenged and proved as unfounded.

! We tend to view culture as immutable and essentialised.Cultural studies as well as studies in humandevelopment in any given culture show clearly thatboth stability and change are characteristics of bothcultures and individual ontogeny. In a society where

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caste prejudices are deeply rooted, change can occurin first generation learners only when teachers believethat neither culture nor individual behaviour are static.There is adequate data base to support such a claim.

! Another malaise that plagues our classroom practicesin the evaluative comparisons rewards children byvirtue of their class, caste and occupationalbackground advantages at the cost of those who enjoyno such privileges. Developing an attitude of tolerancefor alternative life styles, belief systems and languageforms pays rich dividends in terms of providing anenabling environment for learning, particularly for firstgenerations learners from the lower castes.

! Cross-cultural psychology also offers us observationson cultural prejudice, culture blindness andmulti-culturalism as options in classroom practices ina multi-cultural society such as ours. Needless toemphasise that for both teachers and pupils, a positiveattitude towards multi-culturalism pays the bestdividends.

! Finally, experiences in a multi-cultural classroom canlead to greater appreciation of cultural differences in acomplex society such as in India. An appreciation ofdifferences when fostered in children by a teacher, whocan transcend differences and see the richness in thediversity, can help nurture a generation that is bothtolerant and appreciative of diversity in religions,ethnicity, and language as we do of cuisines, textiles,and music and dance forms.In conclusion, I wish to emphasise that there are ethical

issues involved in how we structure the landscapeof knowledge, especially in the social sciences.Theoretical ideas often get rectified, and are reflected mostclearly in the classroom teaching-learning situations,wherein as teachers, we engage both students andourselves in shaping a shared understanding, reflectingeither our prejudices or our tolerance for alternativeworld views.

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REFERENCES

BERRY, J.W. 1966. Temne and Eskimo Perceptual Skills.International Journal of Psychology, pp. 207-229.

BERRY, J.W. and D. SAM, 1997. Acculturation and Adaptation.In J.W.Berry, H.H.Segall, and C. Kagitcibasi (Eds)Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology. Vol.3, SocialBehaviour and Applications (Second Edition), (pp. 291-326). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon.

BERRY, J.W., Y.H. POORTINGA, H.H. SEGALL, and DASEN, 2002.Cross-Cultural Psychology. Research and Applications.Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, UK.

BUSS, D.M., M. ABBOTT, A. ANGLEITNER, A. ASHERIAN, A. BIAGGIO,A. BLANCO-VILLASENOR, et al 1990. International preferencesin Selecting Mates: A study of 37 Cultures. Journal ofCross-Cultural Psychology. 21, 5-47.

CAMILLERI,C. and H. MALEWSKA � PEYRE, 1997. Socialisation andIdentity Strategies. In J.W.Berry, P.R.Dasen, andT.S.Saraswathi (Eds). Handbook of Cross-CulturalPsychology. Vol. 2, Basic Processes and HumanDevelopment. (Second Edition), pp. 41-67, NeedhamHeights, M.A.: Allyn and Bacon.

COLE, M., J. GAY, J.A. GLICK, and D.W. SHARP, 1971. The CulturalContext of Learning and Thinking. Basic Books. New York.

HEINE, S.J. and A. NORENZAYAN, 2006. Towards a PsychologicalScience for a Cultural Species. Perspectives inPsychological Science. Vol.1(3), pp. 251-269.

KELLER, H. 1997. Evolutionary Approaches. In J.W.Berry,Y.H.Poortinga, and J.Pandey (Eds.). Handbook ofCross-Cultural Psychology. Vol.1. Theory and Method.(Second Edition), pp.215-255. Needham Heights, M.A.:Allyn and Bacon.

MARKUS, H.R. and S. KITAYAMA, 1991. Culture and the Self:Implications for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation.Psychological Review, 98, pp 224-253.

RAMANUJAN, A.K. 1990. Is There an Indian Way of Thinking?An Informal Essay. In K.M. Marriot (Ed.). India ThroughHindu Categories. pp. 41-58. Sage, New Delhi.

SCHLEGEL A., and H. Barry III, 1991. Adolescence: AnAnthropological Inquiry. The Free Press, New York.

SEGALL, H.H., D.T. CAMPBELL, and M.J. HERKOVITS, 1966.The Influence of Culture on Visual Perception.Indianopolis: Bobbs-Merrill.

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SEGALL, H.H., P.R. DASEN, J.W. BERRY, and Y.H. POORTINGA, 1999.(Second edition). Human Behaviour in Global Perspective.An Introduction to Cross-Cultural Psychology. NeedhamHeights, M.A.: Allyn and Bacon.

SHWEDER, R.A. 1991. Thinking Through Cultures. Cambridge,M.A.: Harvard University Press. Harvard.

SINHA, D. 1997. Indigenising Psychology. In J.W.Berry, Y.H.Poortinga, and J. Pandey, Handbook of Cross-CulturalPsychology, Vol. 1, Theory and Method. (Pp. 215- 255).Needham Heights, M.A.: Allyn and Bacon.

SINHA, D. and R.C. TRIPATHI, 1994. Individualism in a CollectiveCulture: A Case Study of Co-existence of Opposites.In U.Kim et al (Ed). Individualism and collectivism:Theory, Method, and Applications, (pp. 123-136).Cross-Cultural Research Methodology Series. Vol.16.Thousand Oaks, Sage, C.A.

VAN DE VIJVER, F.J.R. and K. Leung, 2000. MethodologicalIssues in Psychological Research on Culture. Journal ofCross-Cultural Psychology, (Millenium Special Issue)v Vol.31(1), 33-51.

WHITING, B.B. (Ed.) 1963. Six Cultures: Studies in ChildRearing. Cambridge, M.A. Harvard University Press,Harvard.

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ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Professor T.S. Saraswathi retired as Senior Professor inHuman Development and Family Studies from theMaharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, India.She obtained her doctoral degree in Psychology and ChildDevelopment, as a Ford Fellow at Iowa State University,Ames, Iowa, USA in 1972. She was also a visiting FulbrightScholar at Cornell University in 1983-84. She has heldvisiting academic appointments in Tufts University, La SalleUniversity, the Phillipines, and at Bogacizi University,Istambul, Turkey, since 2001.

Professor Saraswathi has co-edited Volume 2 of theHandbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology (1997, with Berryand Dasen); The International Encyclopaedia ofAdolescence (2007, with Arnett et al,) World Youth:Adolescence in Eight Regions of the World (2003, withLarson and Brown). Her edited volumes in India includeCross-cultural Perspectives in Human Development (2003)and Culture, Socialisation, and Human Development(1999), both by Sage Publications. She has contributedscientific papers in the areas of moral development, cultureand socialisation, adolescent development and socialpolicy. Currently she is an Associate Fellow at the NationalInstitute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore.

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Page 34: GIJUBHAI BADEKHA ECOND EMORIAL ECTURE 2009€¦ · impressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha. He pens his educational ideas and thoughts against the backdrop of colonised India

27GIJUBHAI BADEKHA SECOND MEMORIAL LECTURE

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Page 35: GIJUBHAI BADEKHA ECOND EMORIAL ECTURE 2009€¦ · impressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha. He pens his educational ideas and thoughts against the backdrop of colonised India

28 GIJUBHAI BADEKHA SECOND MEMORIAL LECTURE

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Page 36: GIJUBHAI BADEKHA ECOND EMORIAL ECTURE 2009€¦ · impressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha. He pens his educational ideas and thoughts against the backdrop of colonised India

29GIJUBHAI BADEKHA SECOND MEMORIAL LECTURE

NOTES

Page 37: GIJUBHAI BADEKHA ECOND EMORIAL ECTURE 2009€¦ · impressive contribution is of Gijubhai Badekha. He pens his educational ideas and thoughts against the backdrop of colonised India

NOTES