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Transcript of Gendered Learning
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Gendered Learning
and Learning About GenderOnline
A Content Analysis of Online Discussion
Kirsteen Monteith
University of Stirling
2002
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Abstract
This paper is a report on the findings of a study conducted on a higher education
online course run by the University of Stirling. This project aimed to consider
whether learning styles were gendered online and whether the Internet as a
medium of higher education was suited to men, women or both? Content analysis
techniques were used to examine the resulting transcript of texts for evidence of
gendered learning styles within a community of learners. Findings indicate that
gender is not masked in the text driven discussions on the Internet. Distinctive
learning styles are often gender linked. It is the contention of this study that the
distinction between traditionally male and female learning styles has become
blurred. While male students are retaining elements of a separate learning style
they are shifting towards a more connected learning approach, traditionally
associated with female learners. This project gives close consideration to three
major theories surrounding gender issues on the Internet; the demographic
agora, the male mystique, and the female frontier. The material presented in this
paper indicates that the virtual classroom is becoming a female domain.
Educators need to take a serious and wary approach to accepting claims of
ensured democratic participation in CMC-based learning environments.
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CONTENTS
IntroductionWere there are people, researchers [will] follow (Thomas 1996:2)Enter GenderOnline Higher Education
Research Problem
1. Gender and the Internet 9Introduction 9Why Bring Gender Online? 9A Demographic Agora 12Bringing Familiar Baggage to the New Frontier: A Digital Divide 14The Male Mystique 14
the superhighway to the village square 16Gender, Language and Communicating Online 16
Conversational Purpose 17Group Composition 17
Postings 18Communication Ethics 19
Concluding Remarks on Gender and the Internet 20
2. Online Learning @ the Virtual University 21Introduction 21Gender and the Virtual Classroom 22Gendered Learning Styles 24Separate and Connected Learning Styles 25Learning Styles in Traditional Higher Education 25Concluding Remarks 27
3. Into the Cyber Field: Research Design and Methods 29Introduction 29Research in the Virtual World 29Disadvantages of Research in the Virtual Realm 30Ethical Issues in Cyber-research 31The public/private dichotomy in Cyberspace 32
Informed consent 33The Importance of Student Postings in the Virtual Classroom 34The Research Population 34Content Analysis 35The Content Analysis Process 36
Participation 36Interactivity 37The Social Element 39
Concluding Remarks 40
4. Does Learning Come in Pink and Blue? Gender and Online Learning 41Introduction 41Participation 41Interaction 44The Social Element 48Conversation Purpose 51Communication Ethics 53Group Composition 54Concluding Remarks 55
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5. The Online Classroom Climate: A Chilly One for Women or Men? 57Introduction 57A Demographic Agora? 57Male Culture: Still Dominating? 58Unique Cultural and Relational Aspects of Womens Communication Online 59Concluding Remarks 60
6. Conclusion: Gendered Learning and Learning about Gender Online 62Do men and women have different learning styles in online higher educationenvironments? 62
Is the online higher education environment indicative of the so calledmale mystique or is the online learning environment a female domainor is it gender neutral? 63Limitations of this Project and Suggestions for Further Research 64
Bibliography 66
Appendix 70
Appendix 1 Record Sheet 71Appendix 2 Seminar Activity Graphs for group1 73Appendix 3 Seminar Activity Graphs for group2 74Appendix 4 Seminar Activity Graphs for group3 75Appendix 5 Seminar Activity Graphs for group4 76
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Introduction
Where there are people, researchers [will] follow (Thomas 1996:2)
A technological revolution has occurred, firstly in the wide-scale adoption of
computers and secondly in the ongoing adoption of the Internet, heralding the
Information Age (Schumacher and Morahan-Martin 2001). As the Internet
becomes increasingly important in our lives, the study of this technology has
become one of the fastest growing areas in the social sciences (Ferris 1996;
Jones 1994). Few technologies have generated as much paranoia, hype, and
interest, as the Internet (Chadwick 1998) and it is no secret that social
researchers have found cyberspace to be a rich source of data. Scholars are
examining the same topics, such as gender and education, online that have been
the staple of offline social inquiry for years.
Enter Gender
The claims for what the Internet has done or will do to change our lives (for the
better) are widely available in the media, in news stories, advertisements, and
editorials (Kramarae 1998: 100). The Internet has been described as a
democratic agora; an electronic meeting place where individuals, regardless of
gender, can communicate equally (Finke 2001; King 2000; Morahan-Martin
1998). It may well be the technological innovation of the twentieth century and
has penetrated almost every aspect of everyday life, from how we communicate,
to how we shop, play and learn (Jackson et al 2001: 363). But amidst the
enthusiasm there are real concerns about the Internets potential to segment
society rather than democratise it (Hoffman and Novak cited in Jackson et al
2001: 364). In light of the above, the present study will give consideration to
gender issues in an online environment.
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The information available on gender issues and the Internet, to date, can be
divided into three major theories. The first theory maintains that the Internet is
gender neutral, and that women and men can participate online on equal terms.
The second theory presents the virtual realm as a reflection of the offline world
where men and women operate on unequal terms, and men dominate (King
2000: 2). The third theory suggests that the Internet may be seen as a female
domain less as a superhighway and more as a village square, where people
meet, talk, and learn, a place where women are making it and moving into a
digital lifestyle that was previously perceived as a mens club (Spenders 2000).
Online Higher Education
To date, much of the educational interest and investment in information and
communication technology (ICT) has been for development, rather than research.
Yet ICT is now mission critical for educational provision in schools, universities,
colleges, industry and corporate agencies, providing and resourcing learning
across the community at large. The need to underpin educational development
and the need for a wider forum to inform and support good practice is clear.
Implementing distance education based on computer-mediated communication
(CMC) is one of the main ways higher education institutions can begin to address
the rising student population, that is characteristic of todays society (Blum 1999:
1). As higher education bodies invest more heavily in information technology and
as ICT becomes more integral to teaching, educators need to think about those
that may be left behind, such as ethnic minority groups, older people, and
women.
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When mismatches occur between the learning styles of the majority of students
in a class and the dominant teaching style, students may become bored and
inattentive, do poorly in exams and assessments, get discouraged about the
course, and themselves, and in some cases change to other courses or drop out
all together. Thus, the question of learning style is of prime importance.
Research Problem
The present study will consider male and female experiences of online learning,
via a quantitative and qualitative analysis of student postings from, Information
Technology and Society;a higher education online course run by the University of
Stirling. Asynchronous CMC-based distance education will be examined to
determine if the environment is equitable for both male and female students. By
examining learning styles and communication patterns of online student
messages, this studys purpose is to consider whether learning styles are
gendered online and whether the Internet as a medium of higher education is
suited to men, women or both? The findings can then be used to create a working
model for CMC-based distance education institutions that is equitable for both
male and female students. The study will tackle the following research questions:
Do men and women have different learning styles in online higher
education environments?
Is the online higher education environment indicative of the so-called
male mystique, a female domain or is it gender neutral?
The following two chapters, Gender and the Internetand Online Learning @ the
Virtual University, review the relevant literature on gender, the Internet and
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online learning, which provides the full contextualisation for this study. The third
chapter documents the research methods installed to meet the aims of the
project. Finally, the subsequent chapters will outline and analyse the research
findings. The concluding chapter will discuss the themes of the previous chapters
of analysis in relation to the wider aims of the project.
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CHAPTER 1
GENDER AND THE INTERNET
Introduction
The following two chapters draw together a range of issues from past literature
on the topics of gender, the Internet, and online learning. There is extensive
literature on gender issues and the Internet, with particular attention being given
to the phenomena of online discussion groups, Bulletin Board Systems (BBS), and
chatrooms (Ferris 1996; Herring 1994; Savicki et al. 1996). Much has been
written about online learning as well (Carswell et al. 2000; Hammon 1997; Hara
et al. 2000), however, while there is some common ground, there is very little
literature concerning gender and online learning issues simultaneously. As a
result, the following chapter will review the literature that covers gender issues
and, the Internet, in general, rather than looking at online learning specifically. It
will then turn to examine the literature on online learning separately and will look
to the limited literature on gender issues in this field. The aim of the following two
chapters is to pull together the key issues raised by these broad areas of
literature. It will also provide a framework of reference for understanding the
chapters that follow.
Why Bring Gender Online?
Gender is an elusive paradigm. We may be born with a particular set of
reproductive equipment, but biology does not make things clear-cut. For years
people have debated how much of a gender identity is biologically derived, and
how much it is socially constructed through external cues and influences (Ferris
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1996; Schmesier, 1996). Then came text-based CMC, where visual and audio
cues were seemingly irrelevant.
Offline we create our identities. We can appear bookish and quiet, or loud and
funny. Everyone is capable of such self-reinvention, but few attempt it.
Reinventing ourselves online, is said to be, simple by comparison. We can adopt
any name or handle (online nickname) we like and one person can have several
different identities. Women pose as men, men pose as women (McAdams 1996).
Turkle (1995: 212) suggests that for a man to present himself as female online
requires only writing a description. Whereas, for a man to play a woman offline
he might have to shave various parts of his body, wear makeup, perhaps a
wig, a dress, and high heels, perhaps change his voice, walk and mannerisms.
(Turkle 1995: 212). Shade (cited in Schmesier, 1996: 1) notes One of the
characteristics of computer mediated-communication (CMC) is its lack of easy
social contextualization. Therefore, in a medium where it is possible to construct
and/or discard identities at a whim, it is feasible to ask why are we bringing
gender online?
Many women have found that gender follows them into the virtual realm, and sets
a tone for their interactions there, to such an extent that some women
purposefully choose gender-neutral identities (Truong 1993). McAdams (1996)
asks, Is it possible to be neither woman nor man online, but rather a person
without gender? Bruckman (1993) suggests that gender is so fundamental to
human interactions, that the idea of a person without gender is absurd.
It has been suggested that, in text-based virtual environments, it is possible to
pretend to be the opposite gender (Bruckman 1993). Suler (1999) argues that
gender swapping is probably much more commonplace than we realise. By
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enabling people to experience what it feels like to be the opposite gender or to
have no gender at all, the practice encourages reflection on the way ideas about
gender shape our expectations (Turkle 1995: 210). In online environments,
people often reflect the values that our society attaches to gender (Bruckman
1993). To pass as a woman for any length of time requires understanding of how
gender inflects on speech, manner, interaction, participation and the
interpretation of experience. Women attempting to pass as men face the same
challenge. In Turkles (1995: 212) study, a female participant stated that she had
worked hard to pass as a man online. In these virtual worlds, the way gender
structures basic human interaction is often noticed and reflected upon (Bruckman
1993). McAdams (1996) proposes that it would require much conscious effort to
maintain a gendered identity other than our bodys, and it may be that our
minds, so bound up with our bodies in most aspects of our lives, would give the
game away, as such gender is paramount to our online experiences.
Although research on CMC dates back to the early days of technology in the
1970s, researchers have only recently begun to take the gender of users into
account. This is not surprising considering that men have traditionally dominated
the technology and have comprised the majority of users of computers networks
since their inception, but the result is that most of what has been written on CMC
incorporates a very one-sided perspective (Herring 1994: 1). However, recent
research has been uncovering some eye-opening differences in the ways men
and women interact online. Thus, as a result, the growing awareness of the
impact of gender online validates the study of gender in the virtual world as an
important research topic.
The information available on gender issues and the Internet, to date, can be
divided into three major theories; the democratic agora, the male mystique and
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the female domain. These theoretical perspectives will now be discussed in more
detail.
A Democratic Agora
The Internet has been described as a democratic agora; an electronic meeting
place where individuals, regardless of nationality, social status, gender, ethnicity,
age, or physical abilities can communicate equally (Finke 2001; King 2000;
Morahan-Martin 1998). A commercial for a large telecom company in America
advertises; On the Internet, there is no race (pause) there is no gender
(pause) there is no age (pause). (Mason 2002). The rest of the commercial
rolls along this genre, portraying the wonderful absence of social qualifiers on the
Internet, ending on how the company is taking us to this new social utopia. This
advert and many others are portraying the Internet as an exemplary social space.
The idea is that the world out there on the Internet can erase the social reality of
isms (racism, sexism, and ageism), that we experience on a daily basis, to
produce an ism free zone. The absence of physical cues as to a senders identity
has been thought to remove all trace of information as regards to gender,
ethnicity, social class, and age - making the medium inherently democratic and
egalitarian (Herring 2000: 1). Perhaps this was the finding that led many
researchers, coming into the field, to predict that the unique characteristics of
CMC would democratise communication and mitigate gender differences (Ferris
1996: 29; Herring 2000: 1). However, Sherman et al(2000: 885) suggests that
assumptions that the Internet is gender neutral are possibly premature.
Until recently, no real opportunity to investigate the equalising effects of CMC on
gendered communication existed due to the low levels of female participation
online (Schumacher and Morahan 2001: 96). As more women began to venture
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online in the 1990s, infiltrating what had previously been an almost exclusively
male dominated arena, studies of gender and CMC started appearing with greater
frequency. Early findings in CMC research claimed that gender was invisible online
(Herring 2000: 1), and it was also claimed that CMC promoted social equality
(Connelly, Jessup & Valaciah; Kiesler; Sproull cited in Ferris 1996: 29).
Interestingly, claims of widespread gender anonymity have not been supported
by recent research on the Internet (Morahan-Martin 1998).
A number of more recent studies have reported that the gap between the number
of men and women online has narrowed in recent years (Jackson et al2001: 364;
Sherman et al 2000: 885). Use of the Internet by females has increased
dramatically in the last few years; women are taking advantage of this mode of
communication in ever-growing numbers (Savicki et al. 1996: 2). Although it has
been suggested that women, world wide, still use the Internet less and in
different ways, from their male counter-parts (Morahan-Martin 1998: 1). It
should be noted here that claims of parity in the percentage of males and females
online does not necessarily translate into, men and women sharing equal online
experiences (Sherman et al2000: 885). Males, are said to, use more Internet
applications and for more reasons than females, are more adept at the cutting
edge technologies, and are more likely to play Internet games, such as MUDs
(Multi-user Domains), MUSHes (Multi-user Shared Hallucination), and MOOs
(MUD, Object Oriented), than females. Other studies have reported that women
are far more favourable to email than men (Morahan-Martin 1998: 4). In light of
the recent increase in the number of women online, this project will go beyond
purely statistical measures and will provide a quantitative and qualitative
investigation of male and female experiences in online higher education.
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Bringing Familiar Baggage to the New Frontier: a Digital Divide
Amidst the enthusiasm surrounding the Internet are real concerns about the
Internets potential to segment society rather than democratise it (Hoffman and
Novak cited in Jackson et al 2001: 364). Sherman et als (2000: 893) study
concluded that the difference between men and womens experience of the
Internet are linked to broader questions of gender in society, and predicts that
gender issues in cyberspace are likely to persist as long as they also exist offline.
As Arnold (2001) proposes, oppressions do not go away just because there are
apparent safeguards in its virtuality and distance from face-to-face encounters.
Real world biases and power relations do not simply dissolve inside the virtual
realm (Brayton 1997: 4). Given the long history of gender differences in
computer attitudes and use (Morahan-Martin 1998), it would be surprising if
these differences disappeared on the Internet, whose most common mode of
delivery is the computer (Jackson et al 2001: 364). Most participants in CMC
interact in their offline identities, without attempting to disguise their gender
(Herring 2000: 2). Our desire to be gendered online stems from our near inability
to be ungendered offline (McAdams 1996). Moreover, Henry (1999: 2) states,
that the Internet can actually create and reinforce the inequalities in society. The
present project will draw on the above findings and will examine male and female
experiences of online higher education.
The Male Mystique
From this standpoint, Internet culture is seen as an inherently male culture. Males
are said to have dominated the Internet since its inception (Austin-Smith 1995;
Gerrard 1996; Herring 1994; Morahan-Martin 1998; Schumacher & Morahan-
Martin 2001). Even the metaphors used to describe the Internet are masculine;
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The Electronic Frontier, Cyberspace and The Information Superhighway
(Morahan-Martin 1998: 2). Primarily male scientists, mathematicians, and
technologically sophisticated computer hackers (Gerrard 1996; Morahan-Martin
1998) developed the Internet. As Kantrozvitz suggests (cited in Brayton: 1997:
4) computer culture is created, defined and controlled by men. Women often
feel about as welcome as a system crash. Sexist jokes, pornography, stories of
sexual harassment, and stalking, tell women that virtual reality is a male reality
(Gerrard 1996: 1).
As men and women, we are raised in a social climate that has gendered
technology as part of masculine identity. To be male is to be technological; to be
female is to be technophobic (Morahan-Martin 1998: 3), regardless of the reality
that women and men experience (Brayton 1997: 4). Researchers have argued
that men design the new technologies, and women push buttons (Gerrard 1996:
1). By almost any measure we might choose, men dominate the computer world
through sheer numbers (Finke 2001: 2). These large numbers suggest that those
who are designing hardware, software, and networks, supporting and servicing
them, and teaching about them are most likely to be men (Finke 2001: 2).
What matters here is that this is the social context in which online courses take
place. Does this pervasive conception of computers affect students participation?
Does the image of the computer as a male technology make men more
comfortable and women less so in a virtual classroom? The present study will give
consideration to whether the student postings from the online course Information
Technology and Societyis indicative of this male mystique.
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The superhighway to the village square
In contrast, Spenders (2000) paper The Digital Lifestyle for Women suggests
that the Internet may be seen as a social communication medium less as a
superhighway and more as a village square, where people meet, talk, learn and
trade, a place where women are making it and moving into a digital lifestyle
that was previously perceived as a mens club. It has been proposed that women
have all the relevant characteristics for the digital age. Behar-Molad (2000)
suggests that the Internet is most suited to womens psychological profiles and
make-up. The impetus is on change, and some researchers believe that it is
because women have fewer vested interests in the status quo that they are much
more open to change than their male counterparts. Others look to womens
biological and social lives, and suggest that, until recently womens lives were
altered drastically by marriage and motherhood, whilst mens could remain
largely unchanged. Spender (2000) advocates that, in the knowledge society of
the future, self-management will be a valued characteristic, along with flexibility,
multitasking, and the capacity to constantly re-evaluate and collaborate (all
stereotypically female traits). Tunnel vision, fixation on a future goal, and a desire
to do it on your own and to dominate (all stereotypically male traits), will not be
helpful attributes in online environments. Thus, this literature implies that the
Internet, is in fact, a female domain. This project will draw on the ideas of
Spender (2000) and Behar-Molad (2000) and the notions of a male mystique,
and the democratic agora, that dominated early research on CIT.
Gender, Language and Communicating Online
Kramarae (cited in Ferris 1996: 30) suggests that language plays a crucial role in
the social construction of gender and thus, a consideration of gender in online
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communication must begin with a consideration of gender differences in the use
of language (Ferris 1996).
Conversational Purpose
It has been suggested that conversational purpose, between genders, differ
online as it does in face-to-face communication; men want to establish control,
and status, while women want to maintain supportive and tentative interaction
(Morahan-Martin 1998: 1). When online, it has been argued that women are
more inclined than men to engage in socio-emotional and relational patterns of
communication which might exhibit, what Jaffe et al. (cited in Ferris 1996: 34)
calls social interdependence. Moreover, women are said to be more focused on
positive interaction and co-operation, thus being more socially supportive of their
colleagues (Morahan-Martin 1998: 1). Other research in this area supports this
finding socio-linguistic, Tannen, (cited in Gerrard 1996: 3) argues that womens
talk is more co-operative and intimate than mens, whereas men are more likely
to report information and debate opinions. Tannen has also observed that in
conversation, women try to minimise or avoid conflict, while men are more likely
to be confrontational. Parks and Floyd (cited in Ferris 1996: 35) found that
women are significantly more likely than men to form personal relationships
online.
Group Composition
Savicki et al.s(1996) study focuses on group gender composition. They presume
that groups composed of all men or all women will represent extreme positions on
several gender-related variables, while mixed groups will fall between the
extremes. Similarly, Herrings (1994) work suggests that individual members
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found their communication style to become mixed with the composition of the
group. These observations are consistent with those of Kanter (cited in Savicki et
al. 1996: 2) who predicts that gendered styles will be proportional to the gender
composition of the group. Herring (1994: 4) proposes that participants must
adopt the dominant style to keep with the norms of the group.
Savicki et al. (1996) found that, women in female only groups were more
satisfied with the group process and had more advanced levels of group
development than did either male only or evenly mixed groups. Female only
groups used the greatest proportion of I (I, me, my, myself) pronouns, the
most self-disclosure and sent more messages explicitly referring to other
members of the group, while the male only groups used more factual and third
party assertions. Moreover, consistent with Herrings (1994) hypothesis, male
only groups used more coarse language (swearing and slang) and changed their
opinions less.
In the present study, there are more female members than male members taking
part in the course. In light of this, and the above findings, it can be proposed that
the members of the group will adopt a female style of communication. It is the
intention of this project to examine this proposition.
Postings
Herring (1994: 1), in her ethnographical work with academic discussion
lists/forums during 1991-1994, observed that women seemed to be sitting on
the sidelines while men were airing their opinions and getting all the attention by
posting lengthy and more frequent messages. The most prominent reason given
for not contributing to discussions was intimidation. Interestingly, Herring
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(1994) found that men and women reacted differently to feeling intimidated. Men
seemed to accept such behaviour as a normal feature of online discussion while
women responded with profound aversion. Ferriss (1996) study showed that
womens contributions are often ignored, downplayed, or criticised. Interestingly,
the nature of CMC plays a crucial role, here, as it is easy to ignore unwanted
communication by simply deleting or not responding to messages.
Communication Ethics
Herring (1994: 5) focuses on the notion of flaming, defined as the expression of
strong negative emotion, use of derogatory, obscene, or inappropriate language
and personal insults. A popular explanation advanced by CMC researchers is that
flaming is a by-product of the medium itself the decentralised and anonymous
nature of CMC leads to disinhabitation in users and a tendency to forget that
there is a human being at the receiving end of ones emotional outbursts (Herring
1994: 5). Herring (1994: 5) proposes that men are more likely to flame because
men and women have different communication ethics, and male ethical codes can
be evoked to justify flaming.
A review of the literature leads to the conclusion that men's and womens
communication in cyberspace differs, and as such, can be said to mirror that of
face-to-face communication offline (Ferris 1996: 29). The present study will give
consideration to the conversational purpose, group composition, the number and
frequency of postings, and the communication ethics, of male and female
postings from the online course Information Technology and Society.
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Concluding Remarks on Gender and the Internet
The growing awareness of the impact of gender online validates the study of
gender and the Internet as an important research topic. The existence of gender
in the virtual world has important implications for the claim that CMC is
anonymous, gender-blind and hence inherently democratic. If our online
communication style reveals our gender, then gender differences, along with their
social consequences, are likely to persist in the virtual realm. This being the case;
the study of gender online is an intriguing topic for review.
This chapter has highlighted three theoretical standpoints in relation to gender
and the Internet. Each standpoint views the online world differently. These
viewpoints are as follows; a democratic agora, a place where individuals,
regardless of gender, can communicate equally (Finke 2001; King 2000;
Morahan-Martin 1998), a male frontier, in which, the Internet is seen inherently
as a mens club (Spencer 2001), and a female domain, where women are more
suited to the virtual realm than their male counterparts. The present study will
consider whether online education is indicative of the so called democratic agora
and male mystique that has surrounded much of the early research on the
Internet or whether the online learning environment is a female domain.
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CHAPTER 2
ONLINE LEARNING @ THE VIRTUAL UNIVERSITY
Introduction
In todays higher education environment many students find it difficult to
schedule their learning due to family and work commitments (Young et al1999).
Many educators are therefore experimenting with flexible learning so students
have a choice in how, where and when they learn. The Internet is an ideal
medium for this because courses can be delivered on demand anywhere in the
wired world. (Hammon 1997: 12). Internet-based instruction is gaining
acceptance as an alternative to the traditional classroom setting (Arbaugh 2000:
503) and, as such, is set to be become a core activity rather than occupying the
fringes of higher education (Dearing 1997). The relevance of CIT for universities
can be viewed within the context of an increased emphasis on lifelong learning
and the impact CIT is having on all aspects of education. From this perspective,
education is not something that only happens during childhood and early
adulthood. It is now a continuing process throughout an individuals life (Ryan et
al. 2000: 9) and is an important subject for investigation. Since it is a relatively
new means of communicating knowledge, research on this topic is still in its
infancy.
This means that questions that have been thoroughly studied for traditional
classrooms may need to be revisited for online courses. Much of the research to
date on online learning has been concerned with comparing online to more
traditional learning environments (Carswell et al. 2000). Moreover, little work has
been done to identify which democratic groups of students benefit from this
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approach to learning (Young et al1999). The present study will give consideration
to male and female students.
Knowledge of the nature of the learning process that goes on in higher education
is sketchy. Laurillard (cited in Timms 1998) has pointed out that British higher
education spends less on research into what it does than the glue industry. It is
less extraordinary when you think that HE, given its concern with research spends
less than 1% on understanding what it is that we spend so much of our time
doing. This study aims to help fill this gap.
Online learning communities are groups of individuals who use computer
networks to share ideas, information, and insights about a given theme or topic
to support the ongoing learning experiences of all the members. Learning
communities are populated by experts, novices, teachers and students of all
ages (Fontana cited in Timms 1998: 6).
Gender and the Virtual Classroom
In spite of the increase in the number of women partaking in online education,
there are few studies that are based upon a gender conscious perspective (Blum
1999: 47). The following section will draw upon a somewhat sketchy and limited
literature concerning gender and online learning.
Researchers have argued that men see cyberspace, in general and internet-based
education in particular, as a way to provide education to the masses more quickly
and at less cost. (Arbaugh 2000: 504). On the other hand, it has been suggested
that women see cyberspace as a means to develop increased collaboration and
support networks for increasing learning and communication of the entire group
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(Herring 1994: 4). If these observations are accurate, they may have significant
implications for how online courses should be developed and delivered and, as
such, this topic needs to be investigated.
Some researchers claim that women are disadvantaged in online courses
(McSporran and Young 2001:2). Cole et al(cited in McSporran and Young 2001:
3) suggest that males have dominated traditional computing classrooms and, as
such, have shaped the subjects image. Researchers have reported that this
locker room atmosphere has extended to online courses (McSporran and Young
2001: 3). Males are said to behave aggressively and monopolise conversational
space and tales of online violence and harassment has predominated. Blum
(1999) describes how males dominate an online educational discussion forum,
abusing women with negative comments about their computing and technical
knowledge, causing the women to stop using the discussion forum and leave the
cyber-classroom. Some researchers claim that this situation continues and males
dominate the virtual classroom. Claims of male dominance may be linked to the
Internet population which was predominantly male in the early 1990s (McSporran
and Young 2001: 3). Others propose that the situation is changing rapidly.
Savicki et al. (1996: 2) have proposed the use of the Internet by females has
increased dramatically in the last few years, and women are taking advantage of
this mode of communication in ever-growing numbers. With more women online,
resulting in more women using online learning, male voices should no longer
dominate (McSporran and Young 2001: 3).
Arbaughs (2000: 503) work on learning and class based participation in an MBA
online course proposed that there were no significant differences in learning, and
only moderately significant differences in class participation, between men and
women. However, within Arbaughs (2000: 504) study the men did report more
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difficulty interacting in the course, and interaction difficulty was a significant
predictor of class participation.
Gendered Learning Styles
A primary area in which we might see gender-based differences is student
learning (Arbaugh 2000: 506). Learning is a complex skill. It is not just a matter
of acquiring information, but also entails remembering and recollection and the
application of acquired information to master and develop new skills (Garland et
al. 1998: 1). A learning style is a pattern of behaviour that you use for learning.
Different learners have different learning styles (Lewis and Orton 2000: 47).
There is marked disagreement whether the Internet is suitable to the learning
styles of both male and female students. Anderson (cited in McSporran and Young
2001: 3) suggests that female learners have a marked preference for face-to-face
communication. In contrast, however, Belanger (cited in McSporran and Young
2001: 3) emphasises that online learning may prove to be more suitable to the
learning style of women. Even more interestingly, a Canadian study of the use of
the Internet for learning reported that 81% of the women reported a positive
learning experience compared to 77% of men (McSporran and Young 2001: 3).
McSporran and Young (2001: 10) found that the attributes for successful online
learning include self regulated learning and being able to multi-task dealing
with interruptions and events then rescheduling as necessary. The student must
then be able to re-focus quickly and continue working. They also suggest that it is
the loner males that are disadvantaged by distance learning (McSporran and
Young 2001: 4). Thus, it is questionable which group - men or women adopt
best to online education as a method of learning. Honey and Mumford (cited in
Carswell 2000: 32) have highlighted 4 categories of learning styles: the activist,
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the reflector, the theoristand the pragmatist. Although this is not an exhaustive
presentation of the various categories that underpin types of student learning,
nevertheless, taken either singularly or in conjunction, they do offer a possible
frame of reference to interpret the differing learning styles of men and women.
Separate and Connected Learning Styles
Belenky et al(1997) and MacKeracher (cited in Blum 1999) have identified two
preferred learning styles: separate and connected. According to both Belenky et
al(1997)and MacKeracher (cited in Blum 1999), adult students typically prefer to
learn either in a separate or connected manner. Students who prefer to learn in a
separate manner are associated with autonomy, separation, certainty, control,
competition, and abstraction; the gender of separate learners is often male (Blum
1999: 48).
Thanks to the work by Belenky et al. (1997) and MacKeracher (cited in Blum
1999), there is considerable evidence to suggest that many women tend to
approach learning in more connected ways. A Connected learning style is one
which places emphasis on relationships, empathy, careful listening and one where
cooperation and collaboration is stressed rather than competition.
Learning Styles in Traditional Higher Education
In 1968 Perry undertook a study of male undergraduate students at New England
College. From this study he determined that young men pass through a
developmental sequence in their thinking modes. There are six stages to Perrys
developmental process, these are as follows: (1) male students see the world as
black/white, right/wrong - they are convinced there is one right answer, (2) male
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students see there is diversity of opinion, but feel that authorities that describe
diversity are poorly qualified, or just exercising students so students will be
forced to find the right answer themselves, (3) male students begin to feel that
diversity is temporary - they feel that maybe the right answer just hasn't been
found yet, (4) male students understand that diversity is a legitimate state, but
they would still prefer to know what is right, (5) male students see that
everyone has a right to his or her own opinion, and finally (6) the male student
develops a personal commitment to the relativistic world (Blackmore 1996).
Nearly twenty years later Belenky et al. (1997)wondered how women fit into this
male scale (if at all). In their study they discovered that women do indeed have
different ways of knowing. Belenky et al. (1997)chose not to describe the way
women think in a sequence, although women do move from one style of thinking
to others as they mature and gain life experience. In outline, Belenky et al.
(1997)found that women have the following possible ways of knowing: female
students can feel mindless and voiceless, subject to whims of external authority,
and that female students may feel they can receive knowledge, but not create it,
as a result, truth and knowledge are private and subjectively known or intuited, in
contrast female students are said to be invested in learning and applying
objective procedures for obtaining and communicating knowledge, and female
students view knowledge as contextual and can create knowledge found
objectively or subjectively (Blackmore 1996).
Thus, evidence suggests that males and females, in more traditional
environments, tend to approach learning from a different perspective (Schwartz
and Hanson 1992). Schwartz and Hansons (1992) research on mathematical
education for female students in traditional classroom settings suggests that
females prefer to use a conversational style that fosters group consensus and a
connected learning style. Males, conversely, learn through argument and
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individual activity and, are said to, operate within a separate learning style
(Blum 1999: 46). It cannot be assumed that online education provides an
equitable learning environment when traditional higher education has been well
documented to have inequitable characteristics for female students.
It should be noted here, however, that describing anything as masculine or
feminine is difficult and more often than not, constructed, in this case we can
maintain the labels while recognising that they are not entirely accurate, for there
are males who have a feminine style of learning and communicating and vice
versa. We must also recognise that these labels do not mean that these are at
essence feminine or masculine characteristics, but only a result of socialisation
into our gendered roles.
Concluding Remarks
The growing awareness of the impact of gender online and the rapid increase of
online education validates the study of gender and online learning as an
important research subject. The previous two chapters have proposed that while
much has been written about gender and the Internet, and online learning,
separately, little has been written on the two topics conjunctively. Furthermore,
the neglect of a simultaneous discussion of gender, the Internet, and online
learning means that this study can attempt to fill this gap, and build on the
sparse literature to date. The present study will consider male and female
experiences of online learning, via a quantitative and qualitative analysis of
student postings from a higher education online course run by the University of
Stirling. The aim of this study is to tackle the following research question(s):
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Do men and women have different learning styles in online higher
education environments?
Is the online higher education environment indicative of the so-called
male mystique, a female domain or is it gender neutral?
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CHAPTER 3
INTO THE CYBER FIELD
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
Introduction
The following body of work sets out the methodology adopted to meet the aims of
this study. It will draw upon previous literature on the uses of the chosen method
content analysis. A review of the importance of content analysis of online
student postings, along with descriptions of the actual process of the data
generation and analysis stage, will be discussed. The chapter also confronts
some of the advantages and challenges that using the Internet as a research tool
creates.
Research in the Virtual World
Homes (cited in Illingworth 2001: 4) suggests that the perceived advantage of
virtual reality and CMC lies in its ability to simulate the real world without any of
its limitations, thus, potentially, leaving the individual free to create. As such the
Internet provides the research community with the chance to interface with
respondents in ways which may overcome some of the barriers imposed by
conventional research approaches. The researcher can engage in research on a
world-wide, low cost, almost instantaneous scale and, according to more
favourable reports, reduce the impact of instrumental biases such as the race or
gender of the researcher (Illingworth 2001: 5). The Internet provides a medium
whereby the researcher has access to a world of behaviour and ideas in the form
of electronic mail, bulletin boards, discussion forums and chat rooms.
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Disadvantages of Research in the Virtual Realm
Social scientists conducting research online are presented with a number of
methodological problems, some of them unique to the medium itself, and are
subsequently different from those they are likely to encounter in research offline
(Hamman 1998).
One significant disadvantage of CMC is that non-verbal cues, such as, gestures,
facial expression, tone of voice are non-existent. This lack of physicality and a
reliance on written rather than verbal communication potentially leads to the loss
of important observational elements (Illingworth 2001: 5). As a result,
researchers are forced to make certain assumptions about the participants (Hara
et al2000). Also active listeners or lurkers, who might read and not respond to
messages, are lost (Hara et al2000).
Online researchers should be cautious about where the study is taking place, like
a telephone call, the place where the participants inhabit is defined only by acts
of interaction and communication as there is no place in the virtual world beyond
the metaphor (Rutter and Smith 1999:5). When the researcher selects an online
community as the focus of his [or her] studywhere does he [or she] actually
go? (Thomsen 1998:3). There is no place to go to carry out fieldwork. As a
result, data gathering seems a matter of deskwork rather than fieldwork.
Given the very nature of many online communities, data gathering is usually done
online, via text (Thomsen 1998:11). This necessary emphasis on text presents
both opportunities and limits. In one sense, there is less to miss in a text-based
environment. All speech, behaviour, community rules, and history are, in
principle, available online. This may make the task seem deceptively easy,
however, researchers must realise the limits of text based analysis. Stone (cited
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in Hammon 1998:4) makes an important distinction between face-to-face
communication and CMC, explaining that people who communicate offline, use
multiple communication modes simultaneously speech, gestures, and facial
expression, whereas CMC is, what she calls, narrow-bandwidth because
communication is restricted to lines of text, and a handful of emoticons (visual
arrangement of text characters to symbolise emotions). The ease, with which
misinterpretations of language can occur in text based CMC is of grave concern.
The differences in participation may occur for a variety of reasons. The limits on
face-to-face interaction reduce participants social presence, thereby diminishing
traditional social cues for participation (Rice; Sproull and Kiesler cited in Arbaugh
2000: 507). In contrast, online communication has been said to help make
participation more equal across participants (Arbaugh 2000: 507).
CMC generated messages may belong to the class of print, but they have little in
common with texts as we know them. The chronological sequence of the
messages does not partake of the logic of spoken or written discourse. CMC
messages follow upon each other without immediate continuity of meaning,
issuing from several authors who do not usually consult one another before
transmitting (Henri 1992: 118). Thus, the very nature of CMC can lead to
problems when attempting to analyse such data.
Ethical Issues in Cyber-research
Most of us know how to behave at cocktail partiesfew of us know the rules of
cyberspace becausethose rules do not exist. (Jones 1994:35).
The expansion of cyberstudies brings with it questions of ethics - guiding how we
gather data, treat subjects and publicise the results (Jones 1994:30). Cyberspace
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provides no dispensation to ignore ethical precepts. Researchers are as obligated
to protect human subjects and do right in electronic environments as in more
conventional ones (Thomas 1996:107). It is not easy to determine what
constitutes right conduct or how to do it, in the virtual realm, however, Jones
(1994:34) proposes that we use our experiences in the real world of social
science, and apply them to social research in cyberspace.
The public/private dichotomy in Cyberspace
Cyber-researchers frequently pose the following question; is cyberspace a public
space? Many have debated whether conversations held in cyberspace are public
or private, and thus whether researchers have the right to observe and analyse
online discussions without the permission of the participants. Our conventional
sense of public and private spaces could be transferred metaphorically into
cyberspace, to provide a framework for deciding expectations about research
online (Jones 1994:34). There are numerous distinctions made online which
increasingly offer Internet access, on public and private levels, rooms, places
and so forth (Jones 1994: 32). Therefore, it is apparent that distinctions between
public and private areas in cyberspace are made, and made repeatedly, in a
variety of different contexts. As Thomas (cited in Paccagnella 1997:8) suggests,
eavesdropping on a private conversation, even in a public place, is surreptitious,
and therefore, unethical. Some authors argue, however, that online interaction is
public. Rafaeli (cited in Paccagnella 1997:8) suggests that public discourse or
CMC is just that: public. However, just because discussion takes place in public
does not mean that it is public and, as such, ethically available to the researcher
(Rutter and Smith 1999:8). The present study views all levels of cyberspace as
private; as a result, informed consent was sought from all the participants.
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Informed consent
Most social research necessitates obtaining the consent and co-operation of
subjects who are to assist in investigations and of significant others in the
institutions or organisations providing the research facilities (Cohen et al. 2000:
50). The principle of informed consent arises from the subjects right to freedom
and self-determination and right to refuse to take part (Cohen et al. 2000: 50).
Once the course director of Information Technology and Society had granted
permission the following message was posted on the students main bulletin
board:
'Hi, I am a postgraduate working on my masters dissertation. My project is
concerned with online learning and gender. I would like to analyse the
data from your discussion groups, comparing and contrasting male and
female postings. The aim of my project is to examine male and female
learning styles in an online environment. All information collected will be
non-identifiable and confidential. If you do not wish to be involved in this
project please reply to me at [email protected] and please do
not hesitate to contact me if you have any questions. Thank you for your
time and good luck with the course.
The individual postings could be traced, by myself and by the members of the
teaching team, therefore, anonymity could not be granted, rather, confidentiality
was given. This means that although the researcher and a limited number of staff
members at the University of Stirling could trace who provided the information,
the connection would not be made publicly. All names and names of places have
been changed for the purpose of this study.
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The Importance of Student Postings in the Virtual Classroom
It has been suggested that CMC is proving to be a gold mine of information
concerning the psycho-social dynamics at work among students, the learning
strategies adopted, and the acquisition of knowledge and skills. Henri (1992:
119) has proposed that an attentive educator, reading between the lines in
texts transmitting by CMC, will find information unavailable in any other learning
situation. The time limits of on-campus classroom work can make it impossible
for all learners to have their say. On the other hand, online discussion groups,
freed of the constraints imposed by the time and space, (Henri 1992: 118) offer a
convenient medium for observation as they are easily accessible and offer the
opportunity for equal participation for all members (Ferris 1996: 30). For
McCreary (cited in Henri 1992: 119), the value of CMC lies in its use of the
written word the form of communication which, more than any other, can
demand exactness, coherent organisation of thought, and clear, restrained and
authentic expression.
Henri (1992: 119) suggests that, at present, educators are not making use of
CMC exchanges to further the learning process. This is due to the fact that they
have no means of dealing with the abundance of information contained in the
messages, nor of interpreting the elements of meaning which have significance
for the learning process (Henri 1992: 118). The present study aims to create an
analytical model for investigating such data.
The Research Population
Data was generated from the online messages of students on an Applied Social
Science course that is offered to both undergraduate and postgraduate students
by the University of Stirling. The course is entitled Information Technology and
Society. The aims and objectives of the course were to consider the relationships
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between developments in communications and information technologies and
society. The prerequisites were confidence in the use of computers, access to the
Internet, and four semesters of study in Sociology and Social Policy, Education or
Psychology (the relevant requirements in line with the official University
guidelines). On successful completion of the course, students were to be able to
demonstrate advanced skills in the use of the Internet, be able to collaborate in
groups, as well as work independently. Most of the course material was available
on the Internet and computer conferencing was an integral component of the
course activities. 29 students participated in the course, of which, 7 were male
and 22 were female. The students were split into 4 groups for discussions. The
first, middle and last seminar sessions will be analysed.
Content Analysis
Content analysis was used to tackle the research questions. Content analysis is a
generic name for a variety of textual analyses that typically involves comparing,
contrasting and categorising a set of data (Hara et al. 2000: 121), in this case,
online discussions. Although content analysis in CMC is arguably one of the most
promising areas for research (Kuehn cited in Hara et al. 2000: 119), minimal
research exists in this area. One reason for this is that researchers lack a reliable
instrument for content analysis of online discussions (Hara et al. 2000: 119). This
study, therefore aims to establish criteria to analyse the content of several online
seminars that will perhaps provide an entry point for other work in this arena.
The study analysed the entire transcripts of twelve online seminars.
At present, our knowledge of online discussions is rather superficial. Our
descriptions so far have been largely quantitative, e.g. number of participants,
messages, words etc (Henri 1992: 120). While many research studies use
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quantitative methodology for online content analyses, there is a growing
emphasis on qualitative approaches (Hara et al. 2000: 119). To utilise the
benefits of both methods the present study will apply both quantitative and
qualitative criteria to analyse the content of computer conferencing as a form of
electronic interaction. By using both quantitative and qualitative measures, the
study hoped to provide a more comprehensive picture of online discussions. As
Henri (1992: 124) suggests, quantitative data can be useful in content analysis if
it is not the only factor considered, and if it is analysed in conjunction with data
from more qualitative analyses.
The Content Analysis Process
A pilot content analysis was carried out. The pilot study was used to establish
some preliminary themes, such as interaction patterns and social cues. From the
pilot study and, the recommendations of Henri (1992), Hara et al. (2000)and
Jaffe et al. (1995) for content analysis in online discussions, a content analysis
plan was devised. After a general reading, each subsequent reading specifically
focused on the participation and social processes exhibited in the electronic
transcripts as well as the interactivity patterns among the students. Thus, the
content analysis framework consists of 3 dimensions: participation, interaction,
and social. First the participation element was considered, second the interaction
patterns in the sessions were mapped out and finally, the apparent social cues
were coded.
Participation
The analytical model dealing with participation draws on Henris (1992) ideas. The
usual approach in studies such as this kind a straight count of messages was
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deemed too superficial, since the message is a highly variable one. Some
messages contain very little information, others contain several paragraphs
dealing with numerous ideas, and set out complex arguments which may be
broken up into several messages. Messages of such unequal length cannot serve
as precise measures of active participation (Henri 1992: 126). The method used
in the present study provided data on both the overall participation and active
participation in the learning process (participation in seminars that is directly
related to the subject of study). Thus, data was complied on the number of
messages and the number of active messages and the figures for male and
female students was compared.
In compiling this data it was possible to distinguish between students messages
and educators messages. The comparative number of student and educator
messages may indicate how much the learning processes, or the students
themselves, are centred on the educator, and what levels of collaboration and
authority are at work in the learning process. Male and female responses and
non-responses to educator messages were compared.
Interactivity
In terms of the concept of interactivity, the study drew on Bretzs (cited in Henri
1992: 128) model. This model consists of 3 steps. They include (1)
communication of information; (2) a first response to this information; and (3) a
second answer related to the first. This process can be represented schematically
in the following manner:
A =======> B =======> A =======> B (Henri 1992: 128).
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The interaction in Information Technology and Societyappeared to be much more
complex, however. Since more than two participants were involved in each
discussion, the interaction or message intent was not always as linear as Henris
(1992) model might suggest. Certainly, student B could respond to student C, D
and E as well as to student A (Hara et al. 2000: 123).
Messages were identified by one of 3 categories: explicit interaction, implicit
interaction and independent statement (Henri 1992: 127). Explicit interaction
was a direct response or commentary to a specific message or person, in which
the student either branched their posting to anothers or explicitly named the
person whose posting they were replying to. This data was noted on a seminar
activity graph (please see Appendix for example), as used by Hara et al in their
2000 study of an applied educational psychology course.
A line with an arrow was drawn, for example, (2) (4) which means that the
fourth message is a response to the second message by using a direct reference
to another participant or branching their posting to anothers. A more implicit
interaction involved indirect responses or commentary, wherein the content of
another persons posting was mentioned, but not the name of the contributor.
Implicit interaction was linked by a dotted line with an arrow. Lastly, an
independent statement was shown as an isolated number since it lacks referential
cues to previous messages and does not lead to further statements. Male and
female postings were differentiated, as well as student and educator postings.
Such postings were later compared, and emerging themes were noted and
subsequently considered. It should be noted here that posts that were explicitly
or implicitly related to the focus of the discussion (usually mentioned in an
opening statement, generally, made by the educator) were not recorded on the
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seminar activity graphs, because it was deemed somewhat obvious that the
students would direct their postings towards the session topic.
The Social Element
This study also explores the frequency of the social cues or acknowledgements.
Henri (1992: 126) defines social messages as a statement or part of a statement
not related to [the] formal content of [the] subject matter. As such, social cues
might include a self-introduction, expression of feeling (e.g. Im feeling great),
a greeting (e.g. Hi, everyone), closure (e.g. Thats it for now), jokes, the use
of symbolic icons (e.g. ) and compliments to others (Hara et al. 2000: 124).
The study also coded for the presence of the following instances, taken from
research carried out by Jaffe et al. (1995), and compared male and female
findings. The themes are as follows:
1. References to self, defined and coded as the subjects use of first-person
pronouns such as I, me, my, etc.
2. Use of supporting statements, defined as the electronic display of emotion
by the subject. Three items were coded to represent emotional
statements:
Use of exclamations
Use of emoticons or emotional icons that utilise textual symbols to
draw facial expressions, such as : - ) and : - (
The use of textual symbols to express certain emotions, such as,
capitals to emphasise or to shout, or the use of %$@*# to display
dissatisfaction.
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Although this is not an exhaustive list of possible themes, it is inclusive of many
of the central aspects of CMC.
Finally the postings from each session were re-read as a whole and key themes
and issues were recorded on a record sheet (see appendix 1). Each posting was
then read individually and any comments were again recorded on the appropriate
record sheets. At this stage, the data was analysed with the following topics in
mind: conversation purpose, communication ethics and group composition. All
findings were then analysed for differences and/or similarities between male and
female postings.
Concluding Remarks
This chapter has considered the issues of research in the virtual realm including
the advantages, and disadvantages of this type of research and the ethical issues
involved. It has highlighted the importance of content analysis of CMC and has
documented the content analysis process. The rationale behind the pilot study
and the subsequent construction of the content analysis plan was to maximise the
potential of the content analysis process as a research tool. As Krippendorff
(1980) suggests, a coherent content analysis is required to be reliable, in as
much that, different researchers at different times must be able to apply the
same technique to the same data and produce similar findings. Therefore, much
time was spent in constructing an easy-to-follow process to enhance the reliability
of the study.
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CHAPTER 4
DOES LEARNING COME IN PINK AND BLUE?
GENDER AND ONLINE LEARNING
Introduction
Within the succeeding chapters, the findings of the content analysis will be
discussed. This chapter aims to explore the research question: Do men and
women have different learning styles in online higher education environments? It
will give consideration to the following factors: the participation and interaction
patterns of the group members, the existence (or non-existence) of any social
cues in the discussions, the conversational purpose and communication ethics of
the students, and finally, group composition and the affect this has on the above
factors.
Participation
The present study provided data on the number of posts per session, the number
of active posts (participation in seminars directly related to the subject matter),
and the number of educator, and student postings.
Strikingly, only one session contained inactive postings. Of the twenty messages
posted by group D in session 1, four were recorded as active posts. Interestingly,
in group Ds first session the educator requested that they share some personal
information about themselves. The reason being that members of this group were
scattered geographically and professionally. Therefore, it was deemed helpful for
everyone to produce a few lines about themselves. This request was not made in
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any of the other sessions. The majority of students in the other groups were
undergraduates living near or on campus, and were likely to already know each
other offline. Posts solely containing biographical information were regarded as
inactive because they did not fit within the pre-conceived notion of an active post
- participation in seminars that is directly related to the subject under study, in
this session The history and nature of the Internet. Previous research in this
area would suggest that only female members are likely to participate in
discussions of a more personal nature. In contrast, both genders responded to
the educators request equally. The content of the biographical accounts,
however, differed between men and women. This will be discussed further in the
section entitled The Social Element.
None of the remaining sessions contained purely inactive posts, suggesting that
both male and female students were concentrating on the topic at hand. It may
be possible to link this finding with the fact that the students were provided with
a bulletin board specifically set up as somewhere for them to post informal
messages. They were free, within the normal bounds of decency and behaviour,
to discuss anything they wanted within this forum from the latest episode of
Eastenders to the performance of their favourite football team. The idea was to
provide a virtual forum for the kind of interaction that takes place in the coffee
bar, corridors and the students union on campus. Therefore, it is not surprising,
in light of this, that the students did not embark on many wholly inactive postings
within the boards specifically designed for discussion on pre-determined course
topics. It should be noted here that within the posts deemed active, several of
these contained a sentence and/or paragraph that could be deemed inactive. It
was only female students who engaged in this type of communication:
I hope it makes a little sense to someone, otherwise blame it
on the coffee - don't recommend the Rocket-Fuel brand if you
plan on sleeping anytime in the near future (Group 2, female)
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time for a few beers, cheers Julie (Group 2, female).
All of the active messages posted by men clearly focused on the topic at hand and
very rarely strayed from the learning process.
In only one case, the numbers of male posts exceed the number of female posts.
Largely female posts outnumbered male posts. This can, to a large extent, be
attributed to the greater number of female students enrolled in the course,
totalling 22 of the 29 students. However, even when the number of male students
participating in a single session was greater than the number of female students,
the number of female posts was still higher. This finding is contradictory to those
of Herring (1994). Herrings (1994) work proposed that women seemed to be
sitting on the sidelines while men were dominating the discussion by posting
more messages. Evidence, from previous research, suggests that women
participate more actively and enjoy greater influence in environments where an
individual controls interaction or individuals entrusted with maintaining order and
focusing the group (Herring 2000: 4). It is possible that the educators presence
affected the group in this way. Overall, in contrast to previous research, it
appears from this study that text-based CMC seminars provide women with the
freedom to make their voices heard.
In compiling the data on participation, it was possible to distinguish between
students posts and educators posts. As it has been previously suggested, the
comparative number of student and educator messages may indicate how much
the learning processes, or the students themselves, are centred on the educator,
and what levels of collaboration and authority are at work in the learning process.
In all cases, but one, the number of student messages outnumbered the number
of educator messages. It can be inferred from this finding that the students were
not greatly educator driven and as such, the learning process was largely student
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oriented. The interaction patterns of the group members can illuminate whether it
was men or women, or both who were the most responsive and unresponsive to
the educators posts. The following section on interaction will discuss this further.
Interaction
From the seminar activity graphs (see appendix 2-13), which offer a pictorial
history of the interactivity between the seminar postings, it can be seen that
educator posts very rarely stimulated specifically male or female reactions.
(3) (2) [1] (10) (15)
(4) (6) (12) (16)
(5)(9)
(7)
(11)(13)
(14)(8)
(18) (17)(19)
[20]
Figure 1. Seminar Activity Graph for group 1, session 1.
More than often, and this is clearly illustrated in group 1s first session (see figure
1), the role of the educator seemed to be to reply to any posts that had not been
responded to. Such posts were sent largely by female students in this instance, in
a form of conclusion and/or agreement post. For instance, in the quote below a
female student likens her opinion of the emergence of the Internet with flying:
On a personal note, to me its a bit like flying, I find it
amazing to find myself flying above clouds, a mysterious
achievement, I have the same thoughts about the PC and the
internet, almost too much to comprehend. (Group 1, female).
KeyBlue Male student
Red Female studentGreen Educator
Hard line Explicit/branched
postDotted Line- Implicit postNo line Independent post
() Post number[] Opening or concluding
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None of the subsequent posts, from either male or female students, relate back
to this idea of flying and it is the educator who later posts:
as we move on from using the PC as the window to the Internet,
through iTV to mobile computing, the wearable computer etc the
impression of flying may get even more intense! (Group 1,educator).
There is no distinct pattern between the number of posts linked (directly or
indirectly) to the educators posts and male/female posts. More females than
males branched posts directly from the educators posts, suggesting that female
students are slightly more educator driven that their male counterparts (see
figure 2).
(19) [1]
[2] (4)
(7) (3)
(5) (6)
(8)
(17) (15) (11) (9)
(20) (18) (13)
(16)
Figure 2. Seminar Activity Graph for group 4, session 1.
However, on the whole the students did not link to the educators posts very
often. It seems, from the data collected on interactivity patterns, that both
genders were not reliant on educator instruction, and the discussion was student
driven.
Another analysis was performed to determine how often students referred to the
posts of others in their sessions; an indicator of interactivity and personalisation
KeyBlue Male student
Red Female studentGreen Educator
Hard line Explicit/branchedpostDotted Line- Implicit post
No line Independent post
() Post number[] Opening or concluding
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within the seminar, and can also lead to an understanding of the levels of
collaboration at work among the students.
(3) (2) [1] (10) (15)
(4) (6) (12) (16)
(5)(9)
(7)(11)
(13)
(14)(8)
(18) (17)(19)
[20]
Figure 3. Seminar Activity Graph for group 1, session 1
From the seminar activity graphs for group 1 it can be seen that, while both men
and women in the first session were reluctant to refer to others posts, the female
students did indeed attempt to do so, while their male counterparts did not (see
figure 3).
(12) (11)
(3) (8)(13) (10)
[1](2) (6)
(4) (5) (7) (9)
KeyBlue Male studentRed Female student
Green Educator
Hard line Explicit/branched
postDotted Line- Implicit postNo line Independent post
() Post number[] Opening or concluding
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Figure 4. Seminar Activity Graph group 1, session 3.
In the middle session, both male and female students were referring to previous
posts, which indicates an increase in collaboration between the students, perhaps
as they become more acquainted with the medium (see figure 4).
[1] (4)(2)
(5)
(6) (3)(9)
(7) (8)
(10)[11]
Figure 5. Seminar Activity Graph for group 1, session 5.
It was noted, in the last session, that males tended to refer back to other male
posts and educator posts (see figure 5). This can be likened to instances of male
dominance in online discourse, discussed previously by Herring (1994), who
suggested that males often ignore female messages. From this finding it can be
inferred that female students are more inclined to embark on a collaborative
learning process than their male counterparts. However, this study has shown
that male students are more likely than their earlier cohorts to engage in a more
co-operational learning style.
KeyBlue Male studentRed Female student
Green Educator
Hard line Explicit/branched
postDotted Line- Implicit postNo line Independent post
() Post number[] Opening or concluding
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The Social Element
The frequency of social messages (a statement or part of a statement not related
to the formal content of the discussion) might indicate the level of learner focus
on the task, or the level of social cohesiveness established in the group, or that
affective support plays a greater or lesser role in the learning process. High levels
of socially oriented messages may sometimes be a disruptive element, distracting
learners from the purpose of the communication. This is visible in group Ds first
session, in which, the educator requests that they share some personal
information about themselves. Only 4 of the 20 posts are active, which means
that the intended topic for discussion is largely neglected. It is, however,
detrimental to simply assume that the students biographical contributions did
not, relate to and enhance the discussions to follow. As in other cases, these
types of messages can be supportive of the learning process (Henri 1992: 126-
127).
As it has been previously stated, the students in group D were requested to share
some personal information with the group. In response to this request, the male
postings included a short synopsis of their occupations and in only one case a
brief summery of where they lived. Similarly the female students also included
information on where they lived and worked:
I'd just like to say hello. My name is Lynne and I'm a staffnurse, living in Dunfermline, about half way between Edinburgh
and Stirling. I work in the operating department of a small
hospital in Kirkcaldy, about 12 miles from where I live. (Group 4, female).
Female students also included information regarding their families:
I am married and have a 15 month old boy (Group 4, female).
None of the male students offered information regarding their family lives. It can
be suggested, that the male students were partaking, in a more formal and
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impersonal manner. Blums (1999: 55) study suggests that messages of a more
personal nature, in which, the content has references to family, are indicative of a
more connected learning style. Posts with very little personal information are
symbolic of a more separate, independent learning style.
Several students also offered statements in regard to their feelings about the
course ahead. While the male comments tended to be of a more positive nature:
I am looking forward to this course. (Group 4, male)
the female members tended to be more negative:
I am looking forward to doing this course although am somewhatcomputer illiterate, although I hope to rectify this over the
next few weeks.!!! (Group 4, female)
I have very recently joined the computer age so hope I can keep
up. (Group 4, female)
I remain a technophobe at heart! (Group 4, female).
Previous research indicates that women have reported greater levels of computer
anxiety than their male counterparts, and the present study supports this finding
(Jackson et al 2001: 372). This suggests that gender differences exist in the
attitudes of the technical aspects of online learning.
Katz and Aspden (cited in Blum 1999: 49) found that females frequently
employed tag words, which they suggest implied a connected learning style. Tag
words are those at the end of a sentence, paragraph or message used to confirm
a statement, invite response and inclusion, or solidarity within a group (Tanner
cited in Markel 2002: 2). For instance, the words isnt it? are tag words when
used in the context of its really cold in here, isnt it? A female student posted
the following message:
The school point is a good one - but surely like universities
and colleges they should receive free of charge internet access
(don't they?) (A3: 77-79).
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Similar to Katz and Aspdens (cited in Blum 1999: 49) findings, none of the male
members used tag words in their messages. This can be likened to the notions of
the male separate learning style.
As it has been previously suggested social cues might include a self-introduction,
expression of feeling (e.g. Im feeling great), jokes, and the use of symbolic
icons (e.g. ) (Hara et al. 2000: 124). None of the students (except those in
group 4) employed Hara et als notion of self-introduction. Similarly, expressions
of feeling were infrequent and distributed equally between men and women. No
jokes were posted by either male nor female students. The use of symbolic icons
occurred once and it was a male student who posted a smiley face. It is feasible
to propose that much of the social cues discussed above were evident within the
boards specifically set up as somewhere for the students to post informal
messages rather than on the boards designed for discussion on pre-determined
course topics.
Social cues may also include a greeting (e.g. Hi, everyone), and closure (e.g.
Thats it for now). Significantly more women than men posted greetings and
closure messages. This is indicative of the traditional view of a male separate
learning style and a female connected learning style. It should be highlighted,
however, that this finding is swayed by the greater number of female members
participating in the course.
Savicki et al. (1996) found that females used the greatest proportion of I (I,
me, my, myself) pronouns, while the male only groups used more factual and
third party assertions. Contrary to Savickis (1996) claim, all male and female
students tended to use first-person pronouns. This finding can be likened to the
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more feminine connected learning style and is illustrative of the shift towards a
more collaborative learning process online.
Conversational Purpose
It has been suggested that conversational purpose, between genders, differs
online; men want to establish control, and status, while women want to maintain
supportive and tentative interaction (Morahan-Martin 1998: 1). In the absence of
male students in group B, traditional male traits, such as, establishing control of
the discussion, were taken on by the female members of the group. The first
message posted by a female student in session 1 clearly sets out the topics for
discussion, reiterating the key issues for consideration offered in the course plan
(which is available online for all the students to access as and when they wish to
do so) numbering them from 1 to 3. Interestingly, however, what separates this
post from the more controlling, traditionally male posts, is the closing paragraph:
I have attempted to address the tasks but I am in no waystating facts I appeciate other peoples thoughts on what I have
written.
Thanks Melanie (Group 2, female).
In the above statement, although this student has exercised a typically male
characteristic of taking control of the discussion she then makes a plea for others