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Gender & Marketing (Consumer Behavior Perspective) Çağdaş Tunca Seminar In Brand Management Instructor: Prof. Gul Bayraktaroglu

Transcript of Gender

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Gender & Marketing (Consumer Behavior Perspective)

Çağdaş Tunca

Seminar In Brand Management

Instructor: Prof. Gul Bayraktaroglu

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Contents Introduction ...................................................................................................... 2

1. Gender Differences ...................................................................................... 2

1.1 The Biosocial Approach ............................................................................ 4

1.1.2 Social Learning Theory - Gender Development ..................................... 6

1.1.2.1 Gender Roles ........................................................................................ 8

1.1.2.2 Feminist Theory ................................................................................... 8

1.1.2.2.a Gender Inequality ....................................................................... 9

1.1.2.2.b Gender Oppression ..................................................................... 9

1.1.2.2.c Structural Oppression............................................................... 10

1.2 Media Representations of Gender Roles. ................................................. 10

1.3 Gender dIfferences in Consumer Behaivor; ............................................. 12

1.3.1 branding ............................................................................................ 15

1.3.1.1 Brand commıtment ......................................................................... 16

1.3.2 Hedonıc consumption AND iMPULSE BUYiNG ............................ 17

1.3.3 Statistics of Women Consumer ......................................................... 19

2. Marketing for Genders – Gender Segmentation ........................................ 21

2.1 Marketing Implıcatıons & Examples ....................................................... 22

References ...................................................................................................... 27

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INTRODUCTION

In the last fifty years, the world we live in has changed dramatically.

Women have gained greater financial independence and responsibility.

This is due in part to the fact that more women graduate college each

year than men. The trend toward larger numbers of women graduating

started with the baby boom generation (Holland, 2012). The baby

boom generation has created a group of women who are well educated,

financially independent, and capable of making their own investment

and purchasing decisions. Women currently account for eighty-five

percent of consumer purchases in the United States (Sam et. al, 2010).

Women often decide large and small purchases alike as they have

taken over the role of the primary breadwinner of the family. In

Prudential Financial’s biennial study, “the majority of women today

are financially responsible for generating their own and their families’

income (Fearnow, 2012). However, only three percent of creative

directors for advertising agencies are women (Holland, 2012).

Companies need to adapt to the changing market place in order to not

only survive but also thrive as a business. The need for companies to

adapt to the current market is not a new phenomenon. It has always

been a challenge to adapt to market changes, but adapting to a radical

shift in market segmentation can be even more difficult.

1. GENDER DIFFERENCES

Men and women traditionally approach purchasing decisions very

differently. The difference is created because men and women want

different things out of a buying decision. Women look to satisfy long

term needs and wants while men are shorter sighted and look at

satisfying immediate or short term needs and wants (Baker, 2012).

Traditionally the purchasing decision is to move from customer

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awareness to interest in purchasing and finally narrowing of options.

Marketers who try and engage customers everywhere they go

constantly inundate the modern consumer. For example, on an average

drive to work a potential customer is likely to encounter radio ads,

billboards, sign spinners, and store signs. These same consumers are

likely to have checked a news website and accessed email or Facebook

encountering banner adds all before work. This type of marketing

overload has caused a shift in the process used to make purchasing

decisions. According to a recent survey discussed in the Harvard

Business Review blog, only about a third of consumers use the

traditional approach to the purchasing decision. Another third use what

they refer to as the open-ended path. These are consumers that

constantly research differences in products and change their mind

about which brand to buy. The final third have abandoned the search

process entirely and focus on one brand exclusively (Anderson, 2012).

Women prefer to shop at a relaxed pace when they actually go to a

store. They want to examine merchandise, compare items and prices,

ask questions, try things on, and then make purchases. There is a pride

in the ability to be prudent and get the best products for the best prices

(Levit). This is a market that stores like T.J. Maxx have honed in on.

They make women feel accomplished for getting the best deal. T.J.

Maxx has used the accomplishment and the need to share with women

in their latest marketing campaign, Maxx Moments (Moore, 2008).

Narratives and stories such as the Maxx Moments appeal to women’s

emotions. Women act on emotion in purchasing decisions (Baker,

2012). Companies that help others by supporting a cause also appeal to

women. Social responsibility in companies has grown to be an integral

part of the marketing strategy, particularly with women. In the age of

social media, portraying a company’s affiliation is easier than ever.

Brands like Yoplait, General Mills, and Campbell’s have all done this

extremely well. Yoplait’s’ tops to support breast cancer has been very

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effective. When done right, “cause marketing” can turn into brand

loyalty and increased profits from both genders (Shayon, 2011).

How do men and women form opinions? According to decision-

making confidence, “women use other people’s opinions to help make

their own decision. Men use other people’s decisions to help them

form their own opinion.” They go on to explain that women like to

know why other women made the choices they made, while men like

to know that other men are happy having made the same decision as

them (Baker, 2012).

1.1 THE BIOSOCIAL APPROACH

Biosocial theory argues that gender cannot be explained by biology

alone. Instead it sees gender as determined by both biological and social

factors working in conjunction with each other. Money and Ehrhardt

argued that when a new-born baby is labelled as male or female, this

labelling has consequences for how the child will be perceived and

treated. Various research studies presented babies live or on videotape

and found that participants labelled babies’ behaviour differently and in

gender-stereotyped ways, according to whether they were told that a

baby was a girl or a boy. This suggests that adults respond to the child’s

gender.

Money and Ehrhardt believed that the differential treatment of babies

depending on their sex is what determines a child’s gender identity and

from this emerges its gender role identity and sexual orientation. As a

result they predicted that if a genetic male is labelled as a girl and

treated as a girl before the age of two to three, he would acquire the

gender identity of a girl. Thus the key to gender development,

according to Money and Ehrhardt, is the label that a person is given

and their sex of rearing, not their biological sex.

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The biosocial approach is supported by Smith and Lloyd who dressed

babies in non-specific gender clothes, then labelled them with a boy’s

or a girl’s name. They found that people would play with them

differently according to their gender label, with ‘boys’ being treated in

a more physical manner. This supports the biosocial theory as it shows

that when a baby is labelled as male or female, they are perceived

differently.

The biosocial approach is also supported by Bradley et al who reported

on a case of a biological male who, after accidental damage to his

penis, had reassignment surgery and was raised as a female. This

individual exhibited some male behaviours as a child but preferred

female company and as a result, perceived himself as female and was

happy that way. This suggests that sex rearing is more important that

biology as suggested by Money and Ehrhardt.

Another piece of research support come from Schaffer who showed a

sample of over 200 male and female adults a video of a 9 month old

baby named either David or Dana, playing with toys and responding to

stimuli. The adults labelled the babies behaviour and emotions in

gender-typical ways according to whether they believed it to be a boy

or a girl. This supports the biosocial approach as it shows that adults

treat babies differently depending on their biological sex label.

However, the biosocial approach is contradicted by Reiner and

Gearhart who reported on 16 biological males who were born without

a penis and given gender reassignment surgery and raised as females.

They found that all exhibited male tendencies and ten decided to

become male again by the age of 16. This suggests that biological

factors are more important than social upbringing in gender

development.

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Another contradicting piece of research is by Luxen who reports that a

number of research has shown that very young children and even

animals display sex differences in their toy preferences. This

contradicts the biosocial approach as it shows that even before the ages

of 2-3 years, children and animals show sex differences in their

behaviour suggesting that biological factors are more important.

A strength of the approach is that in terms of real world application,

biosocial theory is more valuble than biological explanations as it does

not imply that sex differences are innate and cannot be changed by

altering social context. Biosocial theory is valuable because it supports

the feminist view that changes in social roles will lead to changes in

psychological differences between men and women. In addition, it has

high ethical appeal because sex roles are perceived as social and

therefore more flexible.

However a limitation is that Money and Ehrhardt collected the

majority of supporting research from abnormal individuals which

makes it difficult to generalise to the whole population as not everyone

has hormonal imbalances. Also, research on abnormal individuals

raises ethical concerns because such participants are especially

vulnerable to distress and psychological harm. This was evident in the

David Reimer case study.

1.1.2 SOCIAL LEARNING THEORY - GENDER DEVELOPMENT

Social learning theory regards gender identity and role as a set of

behaviours that are learned from the environment. The main way that

gender behaviours are learned is through the process of observational

learning. Children observe the people around them behaving in various

ways, some of which relate to gender. They pay attention to some of

these people (models) and encode their behaviour. At a later time they

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may imitate the behaviour they have observed. They may do this

regardless of whether the behaviour is ‘gender appropriate’ or not but

there are a number of processes that make it more likely that a child

will reproduce the behaviour that its society deems appropriate for its

sex.

First, the child is more likely to attend to and imitate those people it

perceives as similar to itself. Consequently, it is more likely to imitate

behaviour modeled by people the same sex as it is. Second, the people

around the child will respond to the behaviour it imitates with either

reinforcement or punishment. It is likely that the child will be

reinforced for acting in gender appropriate ways and punished or

ignored for gender inappropriate behaviour. Third, the child will also

have observed the consequences of other people’s behaviour and will

be motivated to imitate the behaviour it has seen reinforced and avoid

imitating the behaviour it has seen punished (vicarious reinforcement

and punishment).

After that, social learning theorists identified specific sex-typed

behaviors (Mischel, 1970). A behavior is sex-typed when it is more

expected and therefore seen as appropriate when performed by one

sex, but less expected and therefore seen as inappropriate when

performed by the other sex. Making a list of sex-typed behaviors

results in the articulation of a gender or sex role, which we’ve already

discussed, so sex-typed behaviors are also similar to the concept of

gender norms. The idea of sex-typed behaviors adds the idea, not

necessarily contained in the idea of gender norms, that we very

purposefully categorize behaviors as appropriate to one sex but not the

other. Gender socialization works, according to social learning

theorists, by rewarding children for engaging in sex-typed behavior

that is consistent with their assigned sex category. The classic example

is crying; while a little girl may be soothed when she cries, a little boy

may be told that boys don’t cry. Crying is a sex-typed behavior, seen

as OK for girls and therefore not a punishable behavior. But because it

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is not seen as an appropriate behavior for boys, the little boy may be

punished or corrected for his crying behavior.

1.1.2.1 GENDER ROLES

Gender role attitudes is a complex construct, and it is based on the

gender role concept. Gender role refers to culturally-derived activities

related with the characteristics of masculinity and femininity that an

individual may adapt, and gender role attitudes refers to individuals’

beliefs about their social roles and responsibilities that are appropriate

and socially acceptable for men and women (Spence and Sawin 1985).

The attitudinal differences may range from an egalitarian view

(regardless of sex, any gender roles are appropriate for both men and

women) to a more traditional view (there are different gender roles for

men and women). Gender role and gender role attitudes are not

necessarily congruent with each other. For example, a woman who

reports favorable egalitarian attitudes toward homework may engage

some traditional feminine gender roles at the same time (Deaux 1985;

Fischer and Arnold 1994, Palan 2001).

1.1.2.2 FEMINIST THEORY

Feminist theory is one of the major contemporary sociological theories,

which analyzes the status of women and men in society with the

purpose of using that knowledge to better women's lives. Feminist

theorists have also started to question the differences between women,

including how race, class, ethnicity, and age intersect with gender.

Feminist theory is most concerned with giving a voice to women and

highlighting the various ways women have contributed to society.

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1.1.2.2.A GENDER INEQUALITY

Gender-inequality theories recognize that women's location in, and

experience of, social situations are not only different but also unequal

to men's. Liberal feminists argue that women have the same capacity

as men for moral reasoning and agency, but that patriarchy,

particularly the sexist patterning of the division of labor, has

historically denied women the opportunity to express and practice this

reasoning. Women have been isolated to the private sphere of the

household and, thus, left without a voice in the public sphere. Even

after women enter the public sphere, they are still expected to manage

the private sphere and take care of household duties and child rearing.

Liberal feminists point out that marriage is a site of gender inequality

and that women do not benefit from being married as men do. Indeed,

married women have higher levels of stress than unmarried women and

married men. According to liberal feminists, the sexual division of

labor in both the public and private spheres needs to be altered in order

for women to achieve equality.

1.1.2.2.B GENDER OPPRESSION

Theories of gender oppression go further than theories of gender

difference and gender inequality by arguing that not only are women

different from or unequal to men, but that they are actively oppressed,

subordinated, and even abused by men. Power is the key variable in the

two main theories of gender oppression: psychoanalytic feminism and

radical feminism. Psychoanalytic feminists attempt to explain power

relations between men and women by reformulating Freud's theories of

the subconscious and unconscious, human emotions, and childhood

development. They feel that conscious calculation cannot fully explain

the production and reproduction of patriarchy. Radical feminists argue

that being a woman is a positive thing in and of itself, but that this is

not acknowledged in patriarchal societies where women are oppressed.

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They identify physical violence as being at the base of patriarchy, but

they think that patriarchy can be defeated if women recognize their

own value and strength, establish a sisterhood of trust with other

women, confront oppression critically, and form female separatist

networks in the private and public spheres.

1.1.2.2.C STRUCTURAL OPPRESSION

Structural oppression theories posit that women's oppression and

inequality are a result of capitalism, patriarchy, and racism. Socialist

feminists agree with Karl Marx and Freidrich Engels that the working

class is exploited as a consequence of the capitalist mode of

production, but they seek to extend this exploitation not just to class

but also to gender. Intersectionality theorists seek to explain oppression

and inequality across a variety of variables, including class, gender,

race, ethnicity, and age. They make the important insight that not all

women experience oppression in the same way. White women and

black women, for example, face different forms of discrimination in

the workplace. Thus, different groups of women come to view the

world through a shared standpoint of "heterogeneous commonality."

1.2 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS OF GENDER ROLES.

Children are continually exposed to models of gender-linked behavior

in readers, storybooks, video games and in representations of society

on the television screen of every household (Courtney & Whipple,

1974; Dietz, 1998; Harris & Voorhees, 1981; Jacklin & Mischel, 1973;

Miller & Reeves, 1976; Thomson & Zerbinos, 1997; Turner-Bowker,

1996). Males are generally portrayed as directive, venturesome,

enterprising, and pursuing engaging occupations and recreational

activities. In contrast, women are usually shown as acting in

dependent, unambitious and emotional ways. These stereotypic

portrayals of gender roles are not confined to North America. Similar

stereotyping of gender roles has been reported in the televised fare of

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Great Britain, Australia, Mexico, and Italy (Bretl & Cantor, 1988;

Furnham & Voli, 1989; Gilly, 1988; Mazzella, Durkin, Cerini, &

Buralli, 1992). Male and female televised characters are also portrayed

as differing in agentic capabilities. Men are more likely to be shown

exercising control over events, whereas women tend to be more at the

mercy of others, especially in coercive relationships which populate

the prime time fare (Hodges, Brandt, & Kline, 1981).

The exaggerated gender stereotyping extends to the portrayal of

occupational roles in the televised world. Men are shown pursuing

careers often of high status, whereas women are largely confined to

domestic roles or employed in low status jobs (Durkin, 1985). For both

sexes, these occupational representations neither fit the common

vocations of most men nor the heavy involvement of women in the

workplace in real life (Seggar & Wheeler, 1973). In the modern

computerized workplace, men appear as managers and experts,

whereas women appear as clerical workers or as merely attractive

attendants in computer work stations (Ware & Stuck, 1985).

The gender stereotypes are replicated in television commercials as

well. Women are usually shown in the home as consumers of

advertised products. Men, in contrast, are more likely to be portrayed

as authoritative salesmen for the advertised products (Gilly, 1988;

Mazzella et al., 1992; Manstead & McCulloch, 1981). Even when men

do not appear in commercials, they are often presiding over the 37

depicted scenarios in the voice-overs (Furnham & Bitar, 1993). When

women do make it into the televised sales roles, they generally

promote food and beauty care products rather than computers, stocks

and bonds or automobiles as do their televised male counterparts

(Allan & Coltrane, 1996; Furnham & Bitar, 1993). Although there

have been some changes so that the gender occupational differentiation

is less pronounced, much stereotyping still remains in the occupational

roles of men and women portrayed in the televised and print media

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(Bretl & Cantor, 1988; Kang, 1997; Manstead & McCulloch, 1981;

Mazzella et al, 1992).

In the social domain, some of the flagrant gender stereotypes in

televised portrayals has been toned down. However, rather than

modeling common capabilities, aspirations and roles by both sexes,

women are being portrayed as emulating the more abrasive features of

the masculine stereotype (St. Peter, 1979). Efforts to close the gender

gap in the televised world seem to be taking the form of promoting

masculine caricatures.

From the early preschool years children watch a great deal of

television day in and day out (Wright & Huston, 1983). Considering

the media representations of gender in diverse spheres of life, heavy

viewers of television are exposed to a vast amount of stereotypic

gender role modeling. Not surprisingly, those who have a heavy diet of

the televised fare display more stereotypic gender role conceptions

than do light viewers (McGhee & Frueh, 1980).

Studies in which females are portrayed in a counter-stereotypic way

attest to the influence of modeling on gender-role conceptions.

Nonstereotypic modeling expands children's aspirations and the range

of role options they deem appropriate to their gender (Ashby &

Wittmaier, 1978; O'Bryant & Corder-Bolz, 1978). Repeated symbolic

modeling of egalitarian role pursuits by males and females enduringly

reduces the gender-role stereotyping in young children (Flerx, Fidler &

Rogers, 1976; Ochman, 1996; Thompson & Zerbinos, 1997;).

1.3 GENDER DIFFERENCES IN CONSUMER BEHAIVOR;

Western societies have changed dramatically over the past 40 years,

and the mere assumption that men and women behave differently in

terms of consumption becomes outdated and misleading for both

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marketing scholars and practitioners (Palan 2001; Stern 1988). Since

the 1960s, researchers have begun to introduce different aspects of

gender (other than sex) and suggest its possible impacts on consumer

behaviors. Though only limited studies address multiple gender effects

and consumer behavior, research in the area has continued unabated.

On the other hand, some studies have documented significant

differences. For example, women put more time and effort into

shopping for Christmas presents than men (Fischer and Arnold, 1990),

and enjoy shopping in general more than men do (Rook and Hoch,

1985). Studies also show that women process information in

advertising and product information messages in a more detailed and

comprehensive manner than men (Meyers-Levy and Sternthal, 1991;

Kempf et al., 2006);(Laroche et al., 2000). Women also tend to make

more impulse purchases than men (Coley and Burgess, 2003; Dittmar

et al., 1995; Rook and Hoch, 1985).

Importantly, many of women’s documented shopping habits resemble

behaviors that would have been needed in a world where gathering

available food resources – fruit, nuts, tubers and the like – was critical

to staving off starvation. Kruger and Byker (2009) found that women

tend to carefully scrutinize products before they buy, prefer to choose

from an assortment of products, and are more likely than men to pay

attention to when items are likely to be on sale. Similarly, gatherers

will examine the fruit in a patch carefully, choosing only those which

are ripe and ready to eat, and will return to specific patches according

to seasonal changes in ripeness and abundance (Kruger and Byker,

2009).

Further insights come from the literature comparing men’s and

women’s spatial orientation and navigational skills. There is evidence

that although men have better spatial skills in general, women may

possess specific spatial skills suited for gathering (Silverman et al.,

2007). One study conducted at a large farmers’ market showed that

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women were better than men at pointing to the locations of stalls where

they had previously been given particular food items (New et al.,

2007). This makes sense in hunger-gatherer terms, as foraging sites –

unlike game – can be counted on to stay in the same place.

Multi-tasking in shops :women are polychromic men are

monochromic

Multi-tasking is often portrayed as a key advantage women have over

men when it comes to shopping. They can jump between categories,

buy bras and bread in a single breath and still find time to get the

family holiday booked. Men, as ‘grab and go’ shoppers may struggle

with this, and prefer to stay focused on the single task in hand, perhaps

experiencing stress when the shopping list keeps getting added to, or

when the pursuit of their single goal is interrupted. Polychromic

shopping behaviour (retail multi-tasking) is more flexible, adaptable

and responsive to the situation than monochromic (single-tasking)

shopping behaviour. But as more retailers focus on instore

engagement, shopper interception initiatives, cross-merchandising and

multichannel marketing, are women more able to deal with this retail

store evolution than men? Research from the US (Lindquist, J)

provides guidance for retailers who appreciate the difference:

Those polychromic time use shoppers who enjoy changing among

activities may want the retailer to provide a variety of product

presentations, free trials, and demonstrations, while other more

monochromic shoppers may simply wish to focus on their desired

purchases. It is essential that retailers attempt to better understand how

different types of shoppers wish to use their time.

PRICE !

US research (Green, R.D) has shown that in husband and wife

shopping relationships, husbands perceived that hypermarkets had

higher prices than their wives did, providing a counterpoint to the

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common perception that women are the more price-concerned of the

two sexes. It was further highlighted that advertising messaging in

relation to retailer quality weren’t getting through to husbands in the

same way that they were to wives. Husbands appeared to be more

critical in their assessment of their hypermarket, with more extensive

judgement factors revealed in their assessment processes. Hence,

although men thought hypermarkets were more expensive than

females, lowering prices alone wouldn’t necessarily improve how they

were perceived as quality retailers and the money spent on getting the

quality message across to guys was not apparently well directed.

TIME !

Studies have shown that are significant decision factors involved in

how men approach shopping in-store, and reveal key differences

between male and female mindsets. Researchers in the UK (Bakerwell,

C.) identified decision making styles and priorities unique to men. For

‘wallet and watch’ disciples, two of these traits are particularly

noteworthy, as they refer to time spent shopping and loyalty to

particular retailers. They reported for example that: The male traits of

time-energy conserving and store promiscuity suggest male shoppers

save time either through visiting the same store and buying quickly

(time-energy conserving) or being indifferent to which store is selected

and the brands offered by it (store promiscuity). In Iran, similar

research has revealed similar results for the Gen Y male shopper: Iran

men demonstrate bargain hunting tendencies, brand indifference and

are short of time to shop (Hanzee, K.H)

1.3.1 BRANDING

In terms of brand and advertising messaging, research from the UK

UK (Bakerwell, C.) reveals that men may respond more positively to

aspiration brand messaging than females, who may reject marketing

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messages which emphasise ‘standing out from the crowd’. To

communicate effectively with male consumers, retailer should

therefore emphasise success, prestige and achievement in relation to

brand adherence much more so than for female customers, who may

find this emphasis alienating. Women may like to be noticed, but do

not necessarily welcome the brand-limelight. Men however may like to

be seen as taking centre-stage as the leading brand-man:

Males may be more materialistic and have a stronger orientation

towards external validation through visually portraying prestige and

accomplishment. Males also may be more active in processing

advertising cues, which emphasize the conspicuousness of brands.

Alternatively, females may be rejecting messages to ‘be noticed’ or

‘stand out’ and/or they may not be accurately processing these cues as

males do.

Research from India reveals that men have a higher risk taking

propensity when it comes to new brand experiences, and maybe

therefore more likely to try new products and to brand switch as a

consequence. Mature male consumers were however less likely to talk

to peers about their recent purchases than younger males, limiting

perhaps the effectiveness of word of mouth marketing for new

products aimed at older male demographics (Hanzee, K.H).

1.3.1.1 BRAND COMMITMENT

Brand commitment is highly associated with brand loyalty (Kim et al.,

2008); some argue that it is a necessary and sufficient condition for

brand loyalty (e.g. Knox and Walker, 2001). While brand commitment

is a function of brand characteristics (Kim et al., 2008), it may also be

related to consumer traits. For instance, both brand commitment and

loyalty are associated with risk aversion (Matzler et al., 2006).

There is evidence that risk aversion has a genetic basis (Miles et al.,

2001) and also that women tend be more risk averse than men (Byrnes

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et al., 1999). From the evolutionary perspective, risk aversion is likely

to have been selected for in women: A cautious, risk averse mother

would have had better chances of protecting her children, and therefore

passing on her genes to future generations. A tendency toward risk

taking, on the other hand, would have benefited ancestral men as they

engaged in the competition for resources and mates (Wilson and Daly,

1985).

1.3.2 HEDONIC CONSUMPTION AND IMPULSE BUYING

Hirschman and Holbrook (1982) nicely described hedonic

consumption as “those facets of consumer behavior that relate to the

multisensory, fantasy and emotive aspects of one’s experience with

products.” That is, a hedonic shopping experience involves multiple

sensory modalities, such as touch, taste, scent, and sound; it is likely to

include imaginative ideation and to produce emotional arousal.

Hedonic consumption also has indirect effects on wellbeing, by

improving consumers’ satisfaction within relevant life domains (Zhong

and Mitchell, 2010)

The idea that consumption – shopping – can be a hedonic experience

makes sense in light of the evolutionary perspective. People are more

likely to spend time doing something, however important, if they enjoy

it; and where survival depended on hunting and foraging, those who

took pleasure in the pursuit and kill (men) or in making the most

nutrient-rich finds (women) would be at an advantage. Present-day

shopping is more similar to foraging than to hunting; like foraging, it

involves making choices from among a range (large or small) of

available objects. In fact, women report enjoying shopping more than

men and are more likely to view it as a recreational pastime (Kruger

and Byker, 2009).

Women report higher levels of hedonic consumption in comparison

to men.

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Impulse Buying

Retailers typically view impulse buying as an important component of

their business; measures used to stimulate impulse buying include

strategic product placement and point-of-purchase advertising displays

(Wood, 1998). Impulse buying can be described as having a strong and

sudden desire to buy a product which one did not intend to purchase,

and doing so without much contemplation (Rook and Fisher, 1995;

Rook, 1987). Impulse buying is related to hedonic consumption (Rook

and Hoch, 1985). Consumers report that they feel better after an

impulsive purchase (Rook, 1987), even experiencing a sense of being

rewarded (Hausman, 2000). Although such purchases are

unintentional, they may indeed be perceived as satisfying certain needs

(Hausman, 2000). Indeed, impulse buying has been linked to negative

emotions (Silvera et al., 2008) and may serve as a way to alleviate

negative affect (Verplanken et al., 2005).

There are at least four reasons why women may be more inclined to

impulse buying. First, since impulse buying is related to hedonic

consumption, and women score higher in hedonic consumption than

men, we can expect them to show higher levels of impulse buying as

well. Second, women, more than men, suffer from anxiety (Feingold,

1994) and depression (Wade et al., 2002). Given the link between

impulse buying and negative emotions (Silvera et al., 2008);

(Verplanken et al., 2005), women may use impulse buying as a means

to improve their mental state.

Third, consumers with a high need to touch are more susceptible to

impulse buying (Peck and Childers, 2006). There is evidence that

women have a greater need to experience things tactilely than men

(Workman, 2010). This need to touch may be a product of natural

selection. We have already described how foragers need to examine

potential food resources carefully, selecting those that are ripest or in

best condition for eating (Kruger and Byker, 2009); doubtless all the

senses – especially sight, smell, taste, and touch – would be employed

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in this selection process. Maternal parenting is another possible trigger

of the selection process in regard to touch. In an observational study in

Sweden, mothers showed more tending behaviors towards their infants,

including touching and holding, than fathers did. These differences

existed even in non-traditional families in which fathers took parental

leave (Lamb et al., 1982).

Finally, it may be that natural selection selected against behaviors that

might lead to impulse buying in men. The hunt requires great care in

the timing of the “purchase”: strike too early and the prey will flee.

Foraging is kinder toward errors in timing. If a forager digs up a tuber

prematurely, the loss (in terms of the time and calories expended) is

small.

1.3.3 STATISTICS OF WOMEN CONSUMER

Women make up 51% of the population and spend $6 trillion dollars

every year. They make 88% of retail purchases and buy:

• 53% of all stocks

• 51% of all sports equipment

• 66% of all PC’s

• 51% of consumer electronics

• 47% of hardware and home improvement materials

•85% of toilet tissue

• 81% of groceries

• 75% of over-the-counter drugs

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• 90% of greeting cards

•94% of all home furnishings

•46% of men’s wear

•60% of flowers

•65% of cars

•80% of all health care

•88% of medical insurance

•60% of self help books

•4 out of 5 homes in America

•7 out of 10 appliances Women also manage 75%

Women comprise over 62% of the workforce and make up over half of

all managers. Every 60 seconds a women starts a new business.

Women earn 55% of all bachelors and masters degrees, 59% of

associate degrees, and 40% of doctoral degrees.

One in four women make more than their husbands, and 43% of people

with assets over $500,000 dollars are women. It is believed that by the

year 2020, women will control most of the wealth in the US.

Family status and employment status are the most important factors

when trying to appeal to women. For example, women who are “stay at

home moms” are more likely to act similarly than career women,

regardless of age. Men are exactly the opposite. The most important

factors to men are age, income and education. The difference in what

each gender makes an important factor is explained by the types of

purchasing decisions men and women make. A majority of decisions

made by men are for themselves while a majority of decisions for

women are about others. A woman typically makes financial decisions

for herself, her significant other, her children, and even her parents.

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Women are more often in charge of family finances than in previous

generations (Heermann, 2010).

As it is known that, women make eighty-five percent of buying

decisions. This is a fairly recent discovery despite the fact that women

have been associated with shopping, as long the concept has existed.

Even now many marketing groups take the wrong approach in

marketing to women. Companies often believe that they need to

market to women so differently that they try to create an entirely

separate brand in order to reach women. This often back fires on the

company and further alienates women from the brand, as they tend to

water down the message and the product. It can also alienate men as

they feminize the product. Marketing to women when done correctly is

a smart all around marketing strategy. Effective marketing to women is

about setting high standards and consistently delivering on your

promises (Holland, 2012). As discussed before, research has shown

that women are generally better at reading body language and facial

expressions than men. This perceptive nature makes women more

receptive to contextual brand messaging (Levit). Women are also

excellent at detecting inconsistencies in the marketing message. If your

product performance and retail experience do not match your message

you have lost her trust and she will find another place to spend her

money (Holland, 2012). However, if women trust your product and

find it to be a quality product they are willing to pay a premium for the

product.

2. MARKETING FOR GENDERS – GENDER

SEGMENTATION

Gender segmentation has long been used in clothing, cosmetics,

toiletries, and magazines. For example, Procter & Gamble was among

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the first with Secret, a brand specially formulated for a woman’s

chemistry, packaged and advertised to reinforce the female image.

More recently, many mostly women’s cosmetics makers have begun

marketing men’s lines. For example, L’Oreal offers Men’s Expert skin

care products and a VIVE For Men grooming line. Ads proclaim,

“Now L’Oreal Paris brings its grooming technology and expertise to

men . . . because you’re worth it too.” Nike has recently stepped up its

efforts to capture the women’s sports apparel market. It wasn’t until

2000 that Nike made women’s shoes using molds made from women’s

feet, rather than simply using a small man’s foot mold. Since then,

however, Nike has changed its approach to women. It has overhauled

its women’s apparel line—called Nikewomen—to create better fitting,

more colorful, more fashionable workout clothes for women. Its

revamped Nikewomen.com Web site now features the apparel, along

with workout trend highlights. And Nike has been opening

Nikewomen stores in several major cities

2.1 MARKETING IMPLICATIONS & EXAMPLES

Gender differences have been manifested across a wide variety of

marketing practices. Marketers use sex as an important segmentation

variable to classify a product or a brand for men or for women. They

also use brands to convey different gender images, either masculine or

feminine.

Through factoring some gender-related cues into brands, marketers

help consumers develop certain implicit symbolic meanings to

associate the brands with their own gender perceptions (Gainer 1993;

Kates 2002; Yorkston and De Mello 2005). As such, gender and brand

perceptions are related to consumer attitudes and behaviors. In fact,

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researchers have addressed gender and brand relationships in several

different ways.

Examples for Masculine Products;

Marlboro Man

The Marlboro Man is assuredly the

most successful and most controversial

manly brand icon. Created in 1954 by

advertiser Leo Burnett, the Marlboro

Man was a lone, rugged cowboy who

always had a Marlboro cigarette coolly

dangling from his lips. The story of

why the Marlboro Man was created is

pretty fascinating. Marlboro cigarettes

were some of the first in the U.S. to feature filters.

After anti-tobacco litigation, which resulted in limits being placed on

cigarette advertising in magazines and on radio, television, and

billboards. Because of the negative press surrounding the Marlboro

Man and tobacco in general, Philip Morris discontinued the campaign

in 1999. Despite being laid to rest with other brand icons, the Marlboro

Man still lives on in pop culture and continues to influence the way

masculinity is portrayed in America.

Mr. Clean

In 1958, Proctor and Gamble

introduced a new home cleaner

they dubbed Mr. Clean and

created one of the most iconic

brand icons in history. P&G

wanted a strong, manly looking

guy to be the face of their product in order to first, appeal to the ladies

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who would be buying the product, and second, to convey the message

that Mr. Clean is there to kill the dirts !

Gucci

Male consumers are an

increasingly profitable market

for luxury brands, especially

when it comes to fragrance and

beauty. However, marketers face

the challenge of breaking down

the barriers and stereotypes

related to male consumption of

fragrance and beauty products.

Gucci has shown how to achieve engagement from male consumers

through its Gucci Guilty ‘For Men’ advertisements

Omega

This watch advertisement

portrays the theory of visual

culture. In western culture, a

man's watch serves as more than

just a tool to tell time, but more as

a representation of success,

wealth, power, masculinity and

taste. This advertisement portrays

these characteristics by

associating the watch with James

Bond, the ideal example of a

strong and powerful man of class.

Old Spice

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The Wild Collection, a new line

from Old Spice, implies that its

fragrances can enhance the primal

and sophisticated appeal of its

users.Advertising for Old Spice's

"Wild Collection" appeals to wild,

masculine side of men while having

a little more sophisticated look and

feel.

Examples for feminine products;

Gucci

A Gucci designer brand,

advertising Flora fragrance. The

colours used in this image are

light and pale, the background is

dark, making the woman, text and

product stand out to the viewer.

The woman has a bunch of

flowers attached to her clothes,

this a hidden message that the

perfume will make you smell as

beautiful as this. The font of

'Flora' is feminine and attractive

which suggests it's elegant.

Misty

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Misty used feminine

graphics on its packs to

attract young women to

their brand; rainbows

adorned Misty packs, while

flowers and butterflies could

be found on Eve packs. In

1999, the slogan "Find your

rainbow" postured the brand

as an opportunity for

women to find individuality

and freedom, a common

tactic in cigarette ads

targeted at young people.

Samsung

“The La’Fleur Collection is designed to

celebrate and enhance the elegant beauty

and lifestyle of women. The Collection

brings essential apps that enable women to

indulge in an exciting and balanced

lifestyle, According to Kwon Jae Hoon,

Managing Director of Samsung Malaysia

Electronics. Be it at home, work or play, the

La’Fleur’s customisable and time-saving

applications will enable women to stay on top of the different roles

they juggle in life. The collection is a way of showing our appreciation

to women by developing more intuitive and personal devices that

allows the freedom of self-expression.

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