Gasparini_Isis and Osiris

Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2011 DOI: 10.1163/156852711X593304

Numen 58 (2011) 697728 brill.nl/nu

Isis and Osiris: Demonology vs. Henotheism?

Valentino GaspariniKollegforschergruppe Religise Individualisierung in historischer Perspektive

Max-Weber-Kolleg der Universitt Erfurt, Am Hgel, 1D-99084 Erfurt, Germany

[email protected]

AbstractReams and reams have been written by scholars about the demonological and henothe-istic features of the Isiac cult. The role played by Isis in Apuleius Metamorphoses as supreme and primigenial Goddess and, at the same time, as demon has been recently interpreted by N. Mthy as an effort to create a mythical image, a literary character who personifies the myth joining philosophical and religious demands. R. Turcan pre-fers to interpret this feature of Apuleius and Plutarchs work as a result of a substantial philosophical change within Middle Platonism: they renounced demonology to the advantage of Isis feminine henotheism, an answer of a certain paganism to the theo-logical crisis typical of the second century a.d., an Age of Anxiety. But, as shown by G. Sfameni Gasparro, Isis henotheistic role is not a product of the imperial theological crisis, but has its roots in the Hellenistic epoch (see aretalogistic literature). An inscrip-tion of Thessalonica gives us the pretext for bringing up this issue once more and investigating how the Egyptian religion (and in particular its demonological and henotheistic connotations) had to be imbued with Hellenistic Greek philosophy, and how Plutarchs and Apuleius propagandistic choice of Isis and Osiris as personifica-tions of a religious and philosophical Supreme Being was first of all an attempt at reconcilement among different cultural and philosophical systems.

KeywordsApuleius, demonology, henotheism, Isis, Osiris, Plutarch

In recent years the history of religions has witnessed an appreciable tendency to dismantle the categories commonly used to label the very complex dynamics of assimilation, association, cohabitation, equiva-lence, fusion and interaction among divinities in the ancient world: terms such as syncretism or henotheism are being replaced by more

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articulate attempts at defining these variegated processes of polymor-phism of the deities and polysemy of their images.1 This is what J.-M. Pailler defined as the Third Age of the studies of the Oriental Religions (Pailler 1989). The increasingly evident elasticity and dyna-mism of ancient cults not only entails relations of coexistence or exclu-siveness among them, but primarily a sensible inner fluidity of their theological status, whose components can sometimes appear even to contemporaries as contradictory and conflicting.

The following article deals with one of those apparent paradoxes and one of these religions: the relationship between cosmic and soteriologi-cal features possessed by the Egyptian cults in the Greek and Roman epoch. This could look like an artificial problem, since these connota-tions are also not unusual among several other cults of that period. Yet what we will try to do here is to introduce in this complex equation the demonological and henotheistic features that the critics (and in partic-ular Nicole Mthy, Robert Turcan and Giulia Sfameni Gasparro) have recognized in it, and to analyze their diachronic role and development both in the main epigraphic and literary sources and even inside the Greek philosophical background with which the Egyptian religion was imbued. This investigation will help us to understand how, during Hel-lenism, Isis soteriological mastery of human individual destiny adopted a range so wide as to include the universal destiny as well: in this way, the sublimation of her demonological sympatheia resulted compatible with her cosmic features and thus Plutarch and Apuleius, during the second century a.d., could choose Isis and Osiris as personifications of a Supreme Being, who was able to embody at the same time their phil-osophical thought (based on the Platonic dualism) and their religious preference (oriented towards henotheism).

Nicole Mthy and Isis as Literary Mythical Image

Luckily for the development of the discipline that now it is fashionable and even useful to call isiacology (Leclant 2000:xx), critics have

1) Cf. Dunand 1973a; Lvque 1973; Dunand 1975; Versnel 1990; Motte and Pirenne-Delforge 1994; Dunand 1999; Malaise 2000; and, more recently and specifi-cally, Malaise 2005 and Xella 2009.

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recently ceased to deny the use of Apuleius Metamorphoses as a faithful source of religious information. Over time, reams and reams have been written about this topic,2 and for decades scholars have been very scep-tical about the role of the Apuleian Isis as a trustworthy source for this religious figure.3 Many of them interpreted her as a simple literary creation,4 even going as far as considering the Metamorphoses as a satire or a parody.5

Among those who have criticized these tendencies, underlining how deeply Apuleius was acquainted with (and probably initiated into) Egyptian cults and how accurately he inserted the Goddess in his novel, is Nicole Mthy. To begin with, this scholars merit lies in having stressed in her analysis (Mthy 1996, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c) a sort of anomaly in Isis divine behaviour. Indeed, Isis is presented in the Metamorphoses as a Supreme Divinity, not only in an aesthetical sense (as in Fick-Michel 1991:468), but also in a religious one, as a quick survey easily shows: Isis is una (Apul., Met. XI.5),6 summa (1, 1011, 22, 2526),7 maxima (12, 13), augusta (16, 22), sancta (25) and sanctissima (25),8 regina (5, 26), invicta (7), perpetua (25), potens (7, 22, 26), omnipotens

2) Only some of the most relevant works are: Berreth 1931; Wittmann 1938; Scazzoso 1951; Grimal 1957; Bergman 1967; Walsh 1968; Martin 1970; Grimal 1971; Schlam 1971; Bergman 1972; Smith 1972; Bohm 19723; Hani 1973; Marin Ceballos 1973; Perry 1967; Beaujeu 1975; Griffiths 1975; Monteduro Roccavini 1979; Walsh 1981; Berg-man 1982; Beaujeu 1983; Hidalgo de la Vega 1983; Fry 1984; Grimal 1985; Boscolo 1986; Hidalgo de la Vega 1986; Ternes 1986; Fick 1987a; Moreschini 1987; Pizzolato 1989; Penwill 1990; Fick-Michel 1991; Fick 1992; Mimbu Kilol 1994; Sandy 1994; Walsh 1994; Beck 1996; Harrison 1996; Hidalgo de la Vega 1996; Mthy 1996; Mthy 1999a; Mthy 1999b; Mthy 1999c; Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2000; Finkelpearl and Schlam 2000; Harrison 2000; El-Nowieemy 2007; Hidalgo de la Vega 2007; Sanzi 2007a; Takcs 20082009.3) For instance: Walsh 1968:1467; Bohm 19723; Walsh 1981; Moreschini 1987:21920.4) Grimal 1957:161; Perry 1967:238; Grimal 1985:10; Fick-Michel 1991:500, 506. Contra Scazzoso 1951; Beaujeu 1975:88.5) This trend dies hard: see Harrison 2000:238, 24852.6) Numen unicum multiformi specie, ritu vario, nomine multiiugo totus veneratur orbis. Cf. also Apul., De dog. Plat. I.5, 6 and 11; De Mund. XXXVII.7) Cf. also Apul., De dog. Plat. I.11 and 12, II.1 and 23; De Mund. XXV.8) Cf. Apul., De dog. Plat. I.5 and 1112; De Mund. XXVII and XXXI. See also Mthy 1999a.


(16), praepotens (1) and saeculorum progenies initialis (5). Her primige-nial power is unlimited: rector mundi (25),9 rerum naturae parens (5),10 elementorum omnium domina (5),11 tibi serviunt elementa (25). Even Gods must obey: prima caelitum (5), summa numinum (5), regina manium (5), regina caeli (2),12 siderum caelestium stirps (9), deorum dearumque facies uniformis (5), te superi colunt, observant inferi (25). She embodies in the Metamorphoses one whom Apuleius himself describes in one of his philosophical treatises (the Apologia) as ille basileus, totius rerum naturae causa et ratio et origo initialis, summus animi genitor, aeternus animantum sospitator, adsiduus mundi sui opifex, sed enim sine opera opifex, sine cura sospitator, sine propagatione genitor, neque loco neque tempore neque vice ulla comprehensus eoque paucis cogitabilis, nem-ini effabilis (LXIV).

Isis is the Primigenial Goddess, an ineffable heavenly being, even more powerful than Destiny: while traditional Greek and Roman Olympic divinities in the last resort have to obey Fortune and submit to the Moira, in the Metamorphoses Isis is able to master Destiny, iden-tifying herself with Fortuna- and the .13 The tran-scendent role of Isis makes her incognizable and unidentifiable (quoquo nomine, quoquo ritu, quaqua facie te fas est invocare . . ., Apul., Met. XI.2) and consequently ineffabilis (Apul., De deo Soc. III),14 indicta et innominabilis (Apul., De dog. Plat. I.5). Indeed, communication between the Supreme Being and humans becomes impossible, just as Apuleius expressly confirms several times in other works such as

9) Tu rotas orbem, luminas solem, regis mundum, calcas Tartarum. Cf. also Apul., De Mund. XXIV; De dog. Plat. I.5, 710.10) Cf. also Apul., De deo Soc. III.11) Cf. also Apul., De deo Soc. III; De Mund. III. See also Belayche 2010.12) Cf. Hoevels 1974. 13) About this particular topic see: Guilmot 1962; Bergman 1967; Griffiths 1975:2414; Monteduro Roccavini 1979; Fry 1984; Winkler 1985:40; Fick 1987a:413; Fick-Michel 1991:36786; Sandy 1994:155762; Sfameni Gasparro 1998; Turcan 2007:7685.14) See also Apul., Met. XI.3: eius mirandam speciem ad vos etiam referre conitar, si tamen mihi disserendi tribuerit facultatem paupertas oris humani vel ipsum numen eius dapsilem copiam elocutilis facundiae subministraverit and 25: nec mihi vocis ubertas ad dicenda, quae de tua maiestate sentio, sufficit nec ora mille linguaeque totidem vel indefessi sermonis aeterna series.


De mundo, De deo Socratis and De dogmate Platonis. Besides, Plato already considered it atheistic to think that gods do not care about humans (Pl., Leg. 885b; 889d), but at the same time he totally dis-missed the idea that they directly intervened in human affairs (as often happened in Homers tales): Olympian gods live eternal and imper-turbable in their parallel world, only sporadically sending messengers (Pl., Symp. 203a).

However, in the Metamorphoses Isis acts in another and completely different way: in order to help Lucius the donkey regain his human condition, she often intervenes in human affairs answering requests and clearly showing her benignity, normally during dreams and without intermediaries, and minutely fixing all the details. She is a supernatural guardian, and she shows herself as a specific physical and humanly compassionate, sympathetic, emotional being:15 exactly as the Fata Turchina would do in Collodis Pinocchio fifteen centuries later (directly inspired by the Metamorphoses themselves, cf. Manganelli 2002), the Goddess is auxiliaris (Apul., Met. XI.10), benefica (26),16 benigna (22), commota (5), favens (5), miserata (5), praesentissima (12), propitia (5, 6, 22), providens,17 salutaris (22, 25), tutelaris (6: vives in mea tutela gloriosus), humani generis sospitatrix (25),18 semper fovendis mortalibus munifica (25).

The theological status of Isis is evidently incompatible with her behavior. So, how to reconcile these two aspects? Nicole Mthy (Mthy 1999c; contra Beaujeu 1983:390) believes herself to have recognized the solution of this theosophical problem in the particular literary func-tion of the Metamorphoses. Indeed, the novel represents the illustration of the Apuleian philosophical texts: Apuleius portrays Isis performing as the Supreme Divinity which the author deals with in his treatises, and which he now tries to justify for rational apprehension with a human form. The narrative image supplies a semblance that rationalizes

15) On Isis as saviour goddess: Bleeker 1963; Chirassi Colombo 1982:31722; Sfameni Gasparro 1998; Sfameni Gasparro 1999; Sfameni Gasparro 2006.16) The term beneficium and its derivatives occur as many as nine times in Book XI of the Metamorphoses.17) The term providentia and its derivatives occur as many as ten times in Book XI of the Metamorphoses.18) But see also Apul., Met. XI.9 and 15.


what cannot be rationalized: a mythopoeic action. In this way Isis becomes a mythical image (Mthy 1999b:140, 1999c:56), a liter-ary character who personifies the myth (present in Plutarch, but not in Apuleius) joining philosophical and religious demands (Mthy 1996:2679).

Mthys interpretation is correct but limited, since it doesnt proceed towards a deeper awareness of the existence of these demands, underes-timating the role of the myth itself: Listen then to the stories about the gods, Plutarch suggests, by accepting them from those whose inter-pretation is religious and philosophical, (Plut., De Is. et Os. 355d) because these accounts are but reflections of a transcendent reality which turns back our mind to different matters (359a). Exactly as in Apuleius, in Plutarchs De Iside et Osiride19 (probably the last work of the philosopher from Chaeronea, datable to the end of the first quarter of the second century a.d.) the Egyptian divinities play a role even more significant than a merely divine one:20 Osiris is the Lord of All (355e), the Ruler and Lord of all that is good (371ab), the first and most dominant of all things, which is identical with the Good (372f ), and finally, more explicitly, in general, this god is the best one (375c). Yet, at the same time, Plutarch strains to explain that Isis and Osiris first were not even divine, but demigods (demons), and only later they were promoted to the rank of gods:

better is the judgment of those who hold that the stories about Typhon, Osiris and Isis are records of experiences of neither gods nor men, but of demigods, whom Plato and Pythagoras and Xenocrates and Crysippus, following the lead of early writers on sacred subjects, allege to have been stronger than men and, in their might, greatly surpassing our nature, yet not possessing the divine quality unmixed and uncontaminated, but with a share also in the nature of the soul and in the perceptive faculties of the body, and with a susceptibility to pleasure and pain . . . Plato calls this class of beings an interpretative and ministering class, mid-way between gods and men, and thence they bring hither the oracles and the gifts of good things. (360d361c)

19) On Plutarchs De Iside et Osiride and its religious contents: Latzarus 1920; Griffiths 1970; Hani 1976; Brenk 1977; Vernire 1977; Chiodi 1986a; Chiodi 1986b; Burkert 1996; Torraca 1996; Rodrguez Moreno 1999; Brenk 2001; Richter 2001; and more recently Brenk 2007; Del Corno 2008; Thissen 2009.20) On Plutarchs conception of the supreme god also cf. Teodorsson 2001.


Demonology

In order to explain further this apparent incongruity we require a short digression concerning the meaning of the concept of demon and the significance of demonology in ancient philosophy and literature.

What is the demonic?

Il demonico ci che . . . trascende lumano e su esso interferisce; quanto al divino nel senso stretto, cio il sovra-umano non demonico, esso si caratterizza per placida e imperturbata immobilit, forma della perfezione, mentre il demonico si carat-terizza per essere turbolento, imprevedibile, mutevole e spesso capriccioso. (Bianchi 1990:51).

The concept of the demon,21 born in Mesopotamia and developed in the Babylonian and Egyptian era, is attested in Greece since Homer (who conceives it generically as divine) and Hesiod (the first person to distinguish demons from gods, also dividing demons into good and evil ones). Plato thought of demons as ministers of the gods and inter-preters of humans: lower divinities, souls of the deceased, intermediate and guardian spirits. Demons share both the divine status (they are superior and eternal beings) and the human one (they have corporeal, or semi-corporeal, intellectual and emotional characteristics). As an intermediate ring between the two worlds, they often become messen-gers between heaven and earth: only the demons, among the superior beings, intervene repeatedly and directly and in detail in human life, in order to play a saving role with their interventions, normally carried out through dreams. The Platonic interpretation influenced the succes-sive demonologies of Aristotle, Empedocles, Democritus, Crysippus and Xenocrates, but the success of demonology didnt stop with them and continued during the first century b.c. (especially with Poseidonius of Apamea and Antiochus of Ascalone) and the first century a.d. (with Philo of Alexandria), finally reaching Plutarch.

Plutarch refuses the euhemeristic historical exegesis of theology (Plut. De Is. et Os. 360a; cf. Hani 1976:13141), just as he does the Stoic physical one (Hani 1976:15865), and he follows the Platonic and

21) Among others cf. Tarn 1928; Ter Vrugt-Lentz 1974; Zintzen 1974; Brenk 1986; Bianchi 1990; Donini 1990; Moreschini 1995; Luck 1997:295431, 552602; Sfameni Gasparro 1997; Turcan 2003.


dualistic metaphysics.22 But Plutarch, deep connoisseur of classical culture, didnt accept uncritically the Platonic intellectual legacy, and he reinterpreted it with such originality that he can be considered not only inspired by Neo-Pythagorean Middle Platonism,23 but also as postmodern, as defined by Garca Valds (Garca Valds 2001:112) following Lyotard. Indeed, by elaborating the Platonic categories, he introduced elements even belonging to Gnosticism (Burkert 1996:256), Orphism (Bernab 1996) and Stoicism (Babut 1969)24 that anticipated Neo-Platonic philosophy. On the Platonic theological base, Plutarch also imposed Hesiods old interpretation (Plut., De Is. et Os. 361b; De def. or. 415bc, 431e; De gen. 593df ) of demons as the souls of the men of the first two races (the Golden and the Silver ones), charged by the gods with keeping watch over human behaviour as examples of virtue, and making possible (thanks to virtue itself ) the passage among the different categories. Following Empedocles (Plut., De Is. et Os. 361c; De tranq. anim. 474 ac), Plutarch also thought that the demons reproduce the tension between good and evil, love and hate.

In De Iside et Osiride Plutarch, on the one hand, finds in the Egyp-tian gods suitable protagonists for a religious translation of his philo-sophical system (exactly what happened in Apuleius Metamorphoses, cf. Pepin 1977); but on the other hand, he tries at the same time to elabo-rate philosophically and transmit to Greece the already often incongru-ent and contradictory variety of the Egyptian cults and cultic traditions. In order to explain the original Egyptian conception of the divine as deeply rooted in nature and in human life, he chooses the Platonic categories of demonology:25 the Osirian myth has been ontologized.26

Apuleius too was deeply influenced by Middle Platonism,27 and by Plutarch himself. Apuleian demonology (passim developed in the

22) Hani 1976; Chiodi 1986a; Chiodi 1986b; Bianchi 1986; Bianchi 1987.23) Walsh 1981; Bianchi 1986; Bianchi 1987; Froidefond 1987; Moreschini 1996; Garca Valds 2001.24) Even the Stoic component of Apuleius and Plutarchs thought is very strong, as Turcan does not forget to underline (passim Turcan 2007:7486).25) Soury 1942; Griffiths 1970:258; Bianchi 1987; Alvar 1992; Santaniello 1996; Casadess Bordoy 2001.26) Bianchi 1986:119; cf. recently Sanzi 2007b. 27) See Haight 1927; Riefstahl 1938; Herrmann 1959; Portogalli 1963; Moreschini 1964; Moreschini 1965; Thibau 1965; Perry 1967; Walsh 1968; Schlam 1970; Mortley


Apologia, De deo Socratis, De dogmate Platonis and De mundo) is closer to Platonism than Plutarch, even if Apuleius multiplies the intermedi-aries with a hierarchy composed of a supreme god, invisible gods, visi-ble gods (stars), demons (of two types: human souls outside or inside bodies, and personal guardian and adviser demons) and finally humans. But no differently than Plutarch, Apuleius in his philosophical works assimilates Isis and Osiris to the demons (Apul., De deo Soc. XV) and the Metamorphoses represents a sort of final mystical vision (Hidalgo de la Vega 1996:938) coherent with this theosophy.

Robert Turcan and Isis as Answer to the Theological Crisis of the 2nd Century A.D.

Recently, in the Proceedings of the IIIrd International Conference of Isis Studies, Robert Turcan has joined the debate with authority: Isis na rien dun dmon au regard de Lucius (Turcan 2007:75). The scholar does not notice demonological features in the Metamorphoses and he thinks that the numen of Isis, almighty and omnipresent, as evident expression of the transcendent divine will, could easily assert itself in human life:

Isis assume les pouvoirs et les prrogatives des autres desses, sinon des autres dieux, jusqu tre conue comme summa numinum, et par numen il convient dentendre ici tymologiquement le signe manifeste de laction divine ou dune volont transcendante qui saffirme dans la vie des hommes . . . a-t-on le droit de voir dans lIsis dApule une cration littraire ou comme un Mythe? (Turcan 2007:87)

Instead, he notices Apuleius different positions between De deo Socratis and the Metamorphoses, in particular, and explains these in the terms of

1972; Beaujeu 1973; Dillon 1977; Moreschini 1978; Donini 1979; Walsh 1981; Heller 1983; Fick 1987a; Hijmans 1987; Pawlowski 1989; Bajoni 1992; Jess de Miguel Zabala 1992; Moreschini 1993; Bernard 1994. Contra Harrison 2000:2549, who asserts: Though Apuleius proclaimed himself a Platonic philosopher, and might have been an Isiac initiate, the treatments of Platonic ideas and of Isiac cult in his novel are fundamentally playful, filtered as they are through the amusingly foolish narrator Lucius and his entertaining and sensational experiences.


a substantial philosophical change. Similarly Turcan (2007:87), like Froidefond (1987:232) two decades before, thinks that Plutarch him-self renounced his demonology, and concludes that, having abandoned demonology, Apuleius and Plutarch would have at last found the solu-tion of that aporia in what he calls Isis feminine henotheism, which would have represented the answer of a certain paganism to the theo-logical crisis typical of the second century a.d.

Henotheism

This overview also needs a few words of explanation concerning the meaning of the concept of henotheism, a term coined in the 19th century by F.W. Schelling and mostly developed by F. Max Mller (the founder of the comparative religion). Henotheism is well defined by Raffaele Pettazzoni, as

latteggiamento religioso . . . di chi, nel fervore e nella concentrazione momenta-nea delladorazione duna data divinit, la invoca e la celebra come unica e sola, senza assurgere per questo a una vera e propria concezione monoteistica (affer-mazione dun dio solo con esclusione di tutti gli altri) n levare la minima protesta contro il politeismo stesso, cui ladorante del resto pienamente aderisce e in cui, svanita lesaltazione religiosa, ricade. (Pettazzoni 1932:4)

In actual fact, there is neither proof nor clue that the tale of the final conversion of Lucius in the Metamorphoses involved the abandonment of the authors previous philosophical view (or part of it) in favour of a henotheistic religious choice. It is true that the term daemon never appears in the novel, but the persistence of the use of the Platonic cat-egories seems to be still evident, as we can easily realize for instance in the episode of Amor and Psyche (Apul., Met. IV.28VI.24),28 which is moreover closely related to book XI. Also the vocabulary of the Metamorphoses, constantly alternating between the use of the differing terms dea and numen (which occur 40 and 22 times respectively in book XI alone), offers a functional and theological distinction that con-temporary texts underline carefully. Finally, as Turcan himself recog-nizes, at the end of book XI of the Metamorphoses Osiris explicitly

28) Cf. Hidalgo de la Vega 1985.


snatches out of Isis hands the role of Supreme Being as magnus deus deumque summus parens invictus (Apul., Met. XI.27) and deus deum magnorum potior et potiorum summus et summorum maximus et maxi-morum regnator (30). Even if Turcan (2007:75) invokes Vallettes proclamation of the unit essentielle des deux divinits in order to solve this contradiction, the hypothesis remains incompatible with the very definition of henotheism. Whoever intends to identify this basic revo-lution in Apuleius thought has to demonstrate this clearly.

Nevertheless, recognizing the inappropriateness of the tout court use of the (modern) religious categories that commonly we label as henotheistic does not entail a necessary denial of Apuleius personal preference for Egyptian religion, as it is easy to understand if we deal with parallel considerations (Brenk 2001) made about Plutarchs texts, where the role gained by Osiris at the end of the Metamorphoses is held throughout the entire work. There are, in actual fact, a few minor incongruities in Plutarchs demonology, which sometimes seem to be refuted even in a juvenile work such as De Superstitione. However, in his treatises the philosophical system seems to remain solid and homoge-neous. Plutarch emphasizes frequently and explicitly that the transcen-dent reality is represented by a first being, the principle of the good, which can be mythically identified as Osiris, the best among the gods. The mortal principle of evil clashes against him and can be identified with Typhon (Plut., De Is. et Os. 369a, 371b). The role of Isis (the feminine principle of nature and matter) consists of recomposing this dualism, generating order (the cosmos), which is embodied in the myth by Horus. The multiformity and myrionomy of Isis (as in the literary account of her clothes, 352b, 382c)29 lie just in this role: everything that is ordered, good and useful is the work of Isis and (377a). Isis holds the task of maintaining the cosmic tension between Osiris and Typhon, leading to the knowl-edge of truth about the divine. There are two different cosmological moulds in Plutarch (Torhoudt 1942; Hani 1976:24752): on the one hand, there is the Isiac theology inserted in a Gnostic system with the divine triad (better than a triune god) composed by Osiris (as Supreme God), Isis (First Matter) and Horus (Order); on the other hand there is

29) Cf. Pigeaud 1983.


the Platonic doctrine with the dualism between a good soul and an evil one, where the first, thanks to the Demiurge, becomes the Soul of the World. Demonology and dualism are two different explanations of the same cosmological view (Hani 1976:2323): the opposition between good and evil is elucidated in demonology as the physical contest between demons, in dualism as the metaphysical contrast of the prin-ciple of the (or ) against Chaos. The final and univocal mes-sage of Plutarch is: only by approaching Isis, who is the bridge between humans and the supreme being (and so goddess and demon at the same time), can humans understand the first being, with whom she lives in everlasting union (Plut., De Is. et Os. 352a), and emancipate themselves from their miserable condition by coming into contact with the divine. Isis and Osiris are a sublimation of the demonology (Callebat 1973). Surely, Plutarchs predilection for the Egyptian cult is a first step taken in the direction of henotheism.30 But the whole theosophical approach of Plutarch, based on dualism and ontologized in a preferential cult, is evidently contradicting this concept, as clearly shown by some artificial attempts at proffering a definition of couple henotheism.31

So, it is better to conclude with Garca Valds who states:

a Plutarco le resulta difcil moverse en el pensamiento metafsico y hacer compat-ible la ontologa dualista moderada del ltimo Platn, con la que est en alto grado de acuerdo, y la concepcin y preferencia personal del ltimo Plutarco, orientadas hacia el henotesmo, y por eso entra en contradicciones. Lo intenta por medio de la figura de Isis, transformada en esa tercera naturaleza divina platnica, intermediaria entre el ser soberano y el cosmos, y a la que ve, a la vez, poseedora de un culto y unos ritos que conducen a la meta filosfico-religiosa que Plutarco considera lleva a los seres humanos a la felicidad. (Garca Valds 2001:130)

And basically we can conclude the same thing about Apuleius.

30) Even monotheism, according to other scholars. Cf. Teodorsson 2001:275.31) See Sfameni Gasparro 2007:43, who quotes lines 1920 of the hymn of Maroneia: You are two, but you are called many by men; in fact, life has known only you gods. See also Alvar 2010.


Giulia Sfameni Gasparro and the Hellenistic Face of Isis

In order to sum up and explain the ambiguous role of Isis and Osiris in Plutarchs and Apuleius accounts, it is not necessary to believe in the rejection of demonology and the choice of Isiac henotheism, which consequently needs not necessarily to be considered a reflection of the theological crisis of the second century a.d. Just two pages before Turcans article, Giulia Sfameni Gasparro (2007) offers the verification of this.

Analyzing the hellenistic face of Isis, in fact, the scholar deals with

two distinctive traits of the Hellenistic physiognomy of the Egyptian goddess, namely her quality as power with universal functions and cosmic prerogatives and that of benefactor and saviour of all humanity and of the single individual. These are in fact expressive of the peculiar global and globalising tendencies which are set in motion in this period, and which would become concrete in the ecumenical Empire of Roma. (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:71)

In fact, if we turn over to the pages of the very useful Myrionymi by Laurent Bricault (1996),32 it becomes clear that the same epicleses used by Apuleius and Plutarch referring to Isis were commonly in use already in the Hellenistic period: from the second century B.C. till Late Antiq-uity, equally among epigraphic, papyrological and literary sources, Isis is already invoked as Supreme, All-powerful and Primigenial Goddess, Master of Destiny, Creatrix and Queen of the Universe: , , , , , , domina orbis totius, , , , , , mater deum, , , natura rerum, , , , , , primigenia, , regina, , . However, the same sources contemporaneously stress the salvific protection guaran-teed by Isis, invoking her as: , , , , , , , numen auxiliaris, salutaris, , , , .

32) We assign to this volume the task of offering further references about the several epicleses quoted in the following.


Without doubt it is the aretalogical literature33 that shows the closest contacts, particularly with the Metamorphoses, which evidently draws inspiration, style and linguistic formulas from that literature (references in Mthy 1996:265, n. 116). Besides, even if the prototype of the lita-nies dates back to the third century b.c. and most of its versions belong to the second and first centuries b.c.,34 several copies were drawn up and consequently circulated in the middle of the Imperial epoch.35 The aretalogies the best expression of the new Hellenistic physiognomy of Isis present very clearly the same double-faced figure that we meet in Apuleius: Isis is a cultural heroine and she casts over humanity her saving benevolence (Sfameni Gasparro 1999 and 2006). Yet, at the same time, once again, she is the One, she has the superintendence of the divine world and destiny (Sfameni Gasparro 1998), she aggluti-nates it in her polymorphous and myrionomic supreme identity.

Can we catch reflections of the Platonic demonology applied to the Isiac cult already in the Hellenistic sources? Or does this centuries per-sistence of the main cosmic and soteriological features of the Egyptian cults force us to abandon demonology as a key to the interpretation of the phenomenon and to look for an explanation elsewhere? An inscrip-tion from Thessalonica casts, we think, new light on the problem. The text shows revealing analogies in confrontation with Plutarchs De Iside et Osiride, and so it is imperative to put first in comparison the epigra-phy and one of the Plutarchan passages:

For you, Osiris the demon, [Phylakides] built this enclosure and, inside of it, the well-carved coffin, carried by the drift of the current where you bring your periplus to fruition in the starry night and make Isis charming during celebrations. Indeed, first you yourself assembled the boards of the ship and made your way with pol-ished oars. But rise, and may you allow to Phylakides and his children the good

33) Recently cf. Kockelmann 2008. 34) Such as the hymns of Assuan (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:69 with previous bibliogra-phy), Philae (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:6668), Maroneia (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:4048; Papanikolaou 2009), Memphis (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:6971), Medinet Madi (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:4857), Telmessos, right till the Augustan one from Andros (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:57).35) Such as the hymns of Cassandrea (RICIS Suppl. I 113/1201, in Bricault 2008:1057), Ios (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:59), Kyme (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:5758) and Thessa-lonica (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:59).


present of the fame, keeping them healthy so that everyone, by seeing all this, will stir his heart to never forget the Gods. [Poem] of Damaios. (RICIS 113/0506, trans. V. Gasparini)

The avenger, the sister and wife of Osiris, after she had quenched and sup-pressed the madness and fury of Typhoon, was not indifferent to the contests and struggles which she had endured, nor to her own wanderings nor to her manifold deeds of wisdom and many feats of bravery, nor would she accept oblivion and silence for them, but she intermingled in the most holy rites portrayals and sug-gestions and representations of her experiences at that time, and sanctified them, both as a lesson in godliness and an encouragement for men and women who find themselves in the clutch of like calamities. She herself and Osiris, translated for their virtues from good demigods into gods, as were Heracles and Dionysus later, not incongruously enjoy double honors, both those of gods and those of demi-gods. (Plut., De Is. et Os. 361de, trans. F. C. Babbitt 1936)

The short poem of five pentameters, carved on a marble stele found in the Isiac sanctuary of Thessalonica,36 was composed by Damaios prob-ably in the last quarter of the second century b.c. Though separated by 250 years and belonging to completely different literary genres, the two Greek texts have many elements in common.

The inscription celebrates the building, financed by Phylakides, of a consecrated to Osiris and, inside it, of a : the latter has to be interpreted as a reproduction of the coffin which, in the Egyptian myth (Plut., De Is. et Os. 355d358e; cf. Hani 1976:4852), held the corpse of Osiris (imprisoned there by Seth-Typhon) and was carried by the current toward the Phoenician Byblos. The periplus of Osiris (who is credited with the invention of navigation)37 and the celebrations quoted in the text consequently refer to the successive finding by Isis of the body of her brother and husband (Plut., De Is. et Os. 357ad; cf. Hani 1976:6279), and to the feasts of the Inventio Osiridis (corresponding in the Roman period to the Ptolemaic Kikellia, which took place the 29th of the month of Choiak: Plut., De Is. et Os. 366df; cf. Hani 1976:35465, with previous bibliography). The mythi-cal context is exactly the same as that to which Plutarch refers when he tells of the several , , ,

36) Museum of Thessalonica, n. 979. Cf. RICIS 113/0506; Bingen 1972; Merkelbach 1973; Koemoth 2005; Bricault 2006:139140.37) Usually considered Isis creation, just related to the Phoenician episode: RICIS 302/0204, l. 15; Bricault 2006:42. Cf. Vandersleyen 2004.


performed by Isis trying to overcome Typhons and .

Another evident analogy lies in the religious purposes pursued in both texts: the protection that Phylakides invokes for himself and his children by Osiris will act for everyone as a spur not to forget the Gods, exactly as, in Plutarchs account, Isis is not going to let her painful deeds fall into oblivion and silence but wishes that they always could serve as a warning and encouragement to humans. So, in order not to let her efforts be forgotten and silenced but to give to humans comfort and hope, Isis created images (),38 allegories ()39 and repre-sentations ()40 of her past sufferings and introduced them in

38) For images () we can easily think that Plutarch meant pictures and statues representing episodes of Isis mythical cycle, exactly as the sailors who survived the sinking of their ship (Juv., XII.268; Scholia ad Sat., XII.2628) or sick persons cured of an illness (Tib., Eleg. I.3, 2728) used to fix to the walls of Isis temple paintings representing the avoided danger. Yet, next to these canonical kinds of images, others had to be in use. Cows, holy boxes and small gold vases, noted by Apuleius (Apul., Met. XI 11) and Plutarch (Plut., De Is. et Os. 366ef ) were themselves a metaphysi-cal genre of representation of the Goddess.39) Understanding the meaning of the allegories (), equally mentioned by Plutarch, is more difficult. The term was already old-fashioned in the second century A.D., as Plutarch himself underlines in his Quomodo adolescens poetas audire debeat (Plut., De Aud. Poet. 19f ), replacing it with . This, however, does not entail the term being widely used in the Plutarchs corpus (where it appears a good 78 times), thus constituting the key of one of the philosophers exegetical methods (Hani 1976:1245) as well as representing the deepest nature of the enigmatic Egyptian theological wisdom (Plut., De Daed. Plat. I; De Is. et Os. 354c). From a more prag-matic point of view, we must in this case interpret allegories as a form of representation (told, depicted or theatrical). The only element of this kind that for the moment can be linked to these allegories is Apuleius account (Apul., Met. XI.8) of the anteludia of the Navigium Isidis festival: the cult procession is introduced by a popular comic parade (considered one of the antecedents of the medieval carnival rituals: cf. Di Cocco 2007) which is considered variously as an artistic creation of the author (among others Marin Ceballos 1973:165; Griffiths 1975:17280; Griffiths 1978:1589; Grimal 1985; Fick 1987a:356; Fick-Michel 1991:88, 95; Mthy 1999b:137; Harrison 2000:2401) or as an original Isiac allegoric show (Wittmann 1938:42; Scazzoso 1951:106; Merkelbach 1962:89; Dunand 1973b:225). Despite the dangers implicit in this last Scherz und Ernst interpretation (Winkler 1985:2303), I personally adhere to it. 40) With regards to the , it is quite reasonable to interpret them as scenic representations (Nielsen 2002:2125) performed during festivals, similar to the sacred


the holy ceremonies. Though we may doubt that these words hint at the foundation myth itself rehearsed in the Isiac initiatory ceremonies,41 the mystery feature of the is evident (Bianchi 1980). Moreover Plutarch probably constitutes the first explicit account of this: indeed, the other testimonies either refer to cultic practices not necessarily possessing mystery and initiatory traits (e.g. Herodotus II.171, 5th century b.c.; the aretalogies from Kyme in RICIS 302/0204, l. 22, 1st century a.d.; and from Thessalonica in RICIS 113/0545, l. 22, 1st2nd century a.d.; Papyrus Oxyrhynchus XI.380, 190220 l. 111, end of the 1st-beginning of the 2nd century a.d.; and a series of inscrip-tions in RICIS 101/03012, 1st century b.c.; 113/0537 and 501/0127, 1st century a.d.; 303/1301 and 308/0401, 2nd century a.d.), or are later. Nevertheless, on the basis of the impressions coming, for instance, from the aretalogies of Maroneia (RICIS 114/0202, ll. 2224, end of the 2nd century b.c.) and Andros (RICIS 202/1801, l. 102, 1st cen-tury b.c.), it is not possible to infer whether the mystery nature of the Isiac cult is a product of the Imperial period, and we must attribute it back to the Hellenistic epoch, probably linking it to the reorganization of the Isiac cult carried out at the beginning of the 3rd century b.c. by Manetho (high priest in Heliopolis) and Tymotheus (significantly, high priest of the Eleusinian mysteries).42 We will return to this later.

Returning to Damaios inscription, a third analogy is even more interesting for our purposes: the poet explicitly defines Osiris as a

Medieval dramas (cf. Chassinat 19668:9). Parts of them were presented only to the initiated into the holy Isiac mysteries and took place inside the sanctuaries: Firmicus Maternus (Firm. Mat., Err. prof. rel. II.3), like Plutarch (Plut., De Is. et Os., 366ef ), describes the devotees who pretend to look for the remains of the body of Osiris torn limb from limb and, when they have finally found them, rejoice as sorrow fades away. During those occasions, the temple became a sort of platform, a stage, around which the devotees gathered: two frescoes from Herculaneum (see Gasparini 2006:1234, and 2010) seem to superbly represent these kinds of events. Yet, at the same time other public performances were probably held in the theatres. The topographical and func-tional relationship between sanctuaries and theatres, which dates back to ancient Egypt (Nielsen 2002:2338), is believed to be due to their frequent proximity (Nielsen 2002:21636; Gasparini 2007:125, and 2011).41) On the nature of such ceremonies and their Egyptian antecedents cf. Malaise 1981; Bergman 1982; Malaise 1986. On Plutarchs account in particular see Vernire 1986. 42) On these topics, related to the Egyptian sources and Apuleius as well, see Quack 2002.


demon. We are not dealing here with an old-fashioned Homeric mean-ing of divine (as it is always translated), nor is it a reference to an obscure and capricious demonic power typical of popular superstitious demonology. In epigraphy, the terms or daemon, commonly used to indicate unspecific demonic beings or very marginal deities of the Greek-Roman pantheon, only sporadically refer to specific gods (Nowak 1969:14, 16) and, in these instances, are related to divinities such as Hermes or Hecate who share simultaneously the chthonian and the Olympic worlds, and whose demonic role can be strictly compared to that of Osiris or Anubis. In any case, nearly all these testimonies belong to erudite demonology. The same can be said of Damaios. Indeed Damaios son of Egesandros, winner of the processional poetical contests of the Helikones Mouseia,43 was a professional poet and his cultural background had to be as erudite and intellectual as Plutarchs, even if probably less bound to a real philosophical alignment. Therefore, Damaios and Plutarch texts seem also to share the same demonology, and, in conclusion, the same sources concerning the Egyptian cults.

Platonism

What type of sources did Damaios and Plutarch use in their works? I propose that they in all probability had recourse to Manetho of Seben-nytos, high priest of Heliopolis. Very well-known in the Hellenistic period (he wrote about 270 b.c.), Manetho was deeply imbued with the main Greek philosophical tendencies (cf. Hani 1976:252), that is, Platonism and Stoicism. But surely he was not a Stoic, as shown by his , where Stoic physical theories were openly attacked. It is probable that Manetho, inheriting the Platonism filtered by Xenocrates and Crysippus, molded the new Hellenistic Isiac theol-ogy by introducing Platonic elements such as, among others, demonol-ogy, even if this is not explicit in Manethos texts. Manethos work influenced all the later theological traditions, beginning with Plutarchs De Iside et Osiride, for which it is the main source (explicitly quoted in Plut., De Is. et Os. 371c). The philosopher of Chaeronea came across his texts probably thanks to Ammonius (his master in 6667 a.d.), who

43) Jamot 1895; Wellmann 1896; Feyel 1942:123.


belonged to the Alexandrian Platonic school founded by Philo. So, it is plausible that the figure of Manetho stood behind both Damaios and Plutarchs texts as a common source for their demonology.

Conclusion

The Hellenistic reorganization of the Isiac cult was not limited to the insertion of philosophical elements. The pharaonic Osirian myth itself was revisited with new episodes and particulars such as Osiris and Isis trip in Byblos (Hani 1976:79), and even with new gods such as Sarapis (Plut., De Is. et Os. 362a). A probable echo of this process survives in the passage where Plutarch tells us that Osiris received the name of Sarapis when he changed his nature, becoming a god from having been a demon (Plut., De Is. et Os. 362b). It was all part of the same cultic reshaping, including the new iconography of these deities (so different from the pharaonic perception) and their new mystery nature (intro-duced thanks to the cooperation of Timotheus, high priest of the Ele-usinian mysteries).

Demonology, iconography, myth and mystery were the principal aspects introduced or deeply transformed in the Hellenistic Isiac revolution:44 these are the roots of the process that reaches maturation and its highest expression with Plutarchs myth and Apuleius novel.

The Hellenistic face of Isis is the result of an original creative activity which led to the formulation of a basically new religious identity, without doubt nourished with dense Egyptian life force but expressive of ideological and spiritual needs peculiar to that amalgam with a marked Hellenic density which is commonly defined as Hellenistic culture. (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:71)45

44) Leclant 1986; Malaise 1997; Dunand 2000; Malaise 2000; Sfameni Gasparro 2007.45) Cf. Motte and Pirenne-Delforge Vinciane 1994:22, Quant au syncrtisme hnothiste exprim dans les artalogies, il est avant tout une demarche intellectuelle qui ne debouche pas sur la creation dune divinit nouvelle, pas plus que les syncr-tismes doctrinaux, du type expos dans le De Iside de Plutarque, qui sont une tenta-tive de restructuration des systmes de pense quelle vise concilier.


Necessarily, this analysis opens further questions: does all this complex intellectual operation carried out at the beginning of the third century b.c. exhaust the explanations concerning the particular nature of the Egyptian cult and, first of all, of what we have preliminarily defined as theological incongruence? In particular, does the coexistence of cos-mic and soteriological features with demonology possess a binding rela-tionship during the development of the Isiac cult or not? And if so, what is the cause and what the effect?

The Greek restructuration of the Isiac cult constitutes only one aspect of the phenomenon. Indeed, the pillars of that religious tradition remained deeply rooted in the pharaonic cultic background.46 In Ancient Egypt Osiris (at least since the Middle Kingdom) and Isis (later) were already considered supreme gods (Dunand 1973a:93; Hani 1976:236), and even in that epoch some divinities were already presented as masters of destiny, such as Amon-R, Horus, Knhoum, Nephthys, Ptah, and, specifically, Isis. In the pharaonic period Isis simultaneously held another prerogative: she was the magician par excellence, and her magic power affected gods as well as humans, particularly through dreams.47

These few indications are enough to show the degree of compatibil-ity between the pharaonic and the Hellenistic cults. The persistence of those features was total: the magic nature of the Egyptian tradition will remain unchanged through the centuries and will finally find strong links particularly with Middle and Neo-Platonism: first of all in Apuleius,48 whose work and life were not extraneous to magic, but also in Porphyrius (Porph., Plot. X), for instance, who tells us that an Egyp-tian priest, in order to show to Plotinus his magic talent and reveal his demon in a spiritistic sance in the temple of Isis in Rome, found that the philosopher harboured not a demon but a god. Once again

46) Cf. Guilmot 1962; Sfameni Gasparro 1999:411, n. 36. About the Egyptian sources of aretalogies see Quack 2003. 47) On this topic, in ancient Egypt as in Greece and Rome: Lexa 1925; Sbordone 1944; Preisendanz 1956; Kkosi 1997; Assmann 1997; Janowitz 2001; Sfameni 2004. 48) Hoevels 1979; Hidalgo de la Vega 1986:7184; Fick 1987b; Fick-Michel 1991.


demonology seems to catalyze more ancient dynamics: besides, in late Antiquity Isis was already commonly presented as , as in the Etymologicum Magnum and in the Souda.

It is however the mastery of destiny which, I believe, functioned as a fulcrum for the interpretatio graeca of the Egyptian cults. Even magic is a sort of instrument which allows the manipulation of individual des-tiny, and the demonic is in strong relationship with destiny (Sfameni Gasparro 1997:70, 8791), since even etymologically the daemon rep-resents what is distributed by the destiny, not by a universal and immu-table fate, but rather by a single and specific individual destiny (Bianchi 1990:523). So Isis, as . . . (PGM 4 26645), on the one hand, holds what Ugo Bianchi (1980) calls the small destiny, that one of the occasional evils that the goddess cures. Yet, she holds, as a supreme divinity, even the big destiny, the cosmic and universal one; and finally, as a mystery deity, Isis holds also an inter-mediate destiny, linked to death, individual and universal at the same time.

Isis cosmic soteriology adopted a range so wide that it reached the maximum possible in a polytheistic system (Chirassi Colombo 1982:3189): transcendence and immanence, also thanks to demonol-ogy, almost met. And there is no incongruence in this: Plutarch himself underlines that Isis and Osiris not incongruously ( ) enjoy double honours, both those of gods and those of demigods (Plut., De Is. et Os. 361e). This was possible thanks to the soteriological nature of this cult: only mystery cults are dedicated to gods who are not distant and aseptic like the Olympic ones, but, though supreme, are deeply immersed in immanence they are good and evil, they love and betray, rejoice and suffer, win and lose, live and die. A precarious-ness in which humans see their own condition and the possibility of their emancipation, in a kind of (actually more Stoic than Platonic) notion of a universal sympatheia.

The success of those religions lies in all this. And henotheism repre-sents only a form of this success, an effect due to a momentary fervor and religious exaltation, (Pettazzoni 1932:4) and not a cause of it. This temporary concentration in the worship of a single deity can assume the forms of a specific religious surge (Te tibi quae es una et omnia, dea


Isis,),49 and/or of a doctrinal elaboration, where the worshipped god or goddess can even lose his/her personal name in favour of an anony-mous pantheism, without losing the specific identity and the philo-sophical function.50 Besides,

we dont have to think of the divinities as different gods among different peoples . . . but, just as the sun, the moon, the heavens, the earth and the sea are common to all, but they are called with different names by different peoples, in the same way that one rationality, which keeps in order all the things, and the one Providence, which watches over them and the ancillary powers that are set over all, have arisen among different peoples, in accordance with their customs, differ-ent honours and appellations. (Plut., De Is. et Os. 377f378a)

This is

the same notion affirmed by the worshipper of Maroneia and elaborated with great theological awareness by Plutarch, which would become the dominant characteristic of the Isis of the Apuleian Metamorphoses, namely that of a divine personality who not only or in particular appears able to agglutinate around her a multiplicity of various figures with partially similar characteristics, but who expresses a single identity and cosmic power, underlying the various methods of ritual approach of the various human cultures. (Sfameni Gasparro 2007:55)

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