Religion (1986) 16, 343-357

GANDHI'S GOD A SUBSTITUTE FORTHE BRITISH EMPIRE?*

Jim Wilson

M. K. Gandhi wrote of his younger years that his tolerance of other religions`did not mean that I had any living faith in God', and even that reading acreation story in Manusmrti `made me incline somewhat towards atheism' . 1Foolishly, I had forgotten this when I lined myself up at the start of the 87volumes of his Collected Works . It was a God-centred Gandhi I had in mind ;the man who wrote: `What I want to achieve-what I have been striving andpining to achieve these thirty years-is self-realization, to see God face to face. . . ' 2 What I wanted to achieve was a clearer idea of Gandhi's God, gleanedfrom his own words, and I expected to find frequent references to God from thebeginning of the Collected Works, especially in connection with times of stress .

I was at first surprised, then almost annoyed, to find nothing of the sort . Godwas conspicuous mainly by his absence right through to the end of the sixthvolume. Though on their own a crude measure, the numbers of references toGod in volumes 1 to 8, with which this paper deals, are intriguing : five in volume 1 ;only one in volume 2 ; seven in volume 3; 18 in volume 4 ; 20 in volume 5; 11 involume 6 ; then, quite abruptly, a large increase-about 90 references in volume 7,more than in the preceding six together, and about 120 in volume 8 .

Not in frequency only, but also in types of references to God, there is aninteresting pattern . The references in volumes 1 and 2, and many of those involumes 3 and 4, are rather conventional. Through volumes 3 to 6, increasingly,there are references with more life and significance . And in volumes 7 and 8 mostof the references to God are intense and clearly of great importance to Gandhi .

Gandhi went through many ordeals beforeJune 1907, when volume 7 starts .He was outcasted by his caste council when he went to England ; spent threeyears in a strange culture; failed as a lawyer back in India ; and went to SouthAfrica and became involved in a long struggle for Indian rights there . Whatsustained him through all this, he who later said he could do nothing withoutfaith in God? And can we see, in the events of 1906-7, any reason for a suddenincrease in `living faith in God'?

* The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of Hally Cederman withresearch for the British Empire aspects of this paper .

0048-721X/86/040343 + 15$02.00

©1986 Academic, Press Inc. (London) Ltd .

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Though I had not been looking for them, answers to these questions hadthrust themselves upon me as I had hunted for God. These answers aresurprising only because of Gandhi's later opposition to British rule in India. Itwas admiration for England and the English that drew him to and sustainedhim in England. And it was at first admiration for and faith in the BritishEmpire that sustained him in his South African struggles . As repeateddisappointments shook this faith, however, Gandhi began to look to God,sometimes linking God with Britain, almost as joint custodian of justice, andsometimes appealing to him as a higher guarantor of justice who will not faileven if Britain does . Events in 1906 briefly revived Gandhi's flagging faith inthe Empire . But in June 1907 his hopes were cruelly dashed again, and though hedid not yet oppose British rule, his emphasis was irrevocably changed from faithin Britain to faith in God . This is the pattern I wish to substantiate in this paper .The Collected Works virtually start with the diary Gandhi kept when, against

strong opposition from his caste, he went to London to study law in 1888 . Whydid he go? In an interview with The Vegetarian, as he left England to return toIndia in 1891, he was asked what induced him to come to England, andreplied :' . . . I thought to myself, "If I go to England not only shall I become abarrister . . . . but I shall be able to see England, the land of philosophers andpoets, the very centre of civilization"' . 3 And though his time in England had itsproblems, yet `The difficulties I had to withstand have made England dearerto me than she would have been' and `it was not without deep regret that I leftdear London' . 5 During his stay there he had met many kind and interestingEnglish people; he had become a vegetarian by his own belief and not just indeference to his mother's principles ; and he had developed a deep respect forBritish law and British justice which was to survive many a disappointment,and, indeed, never completely disappeared .

Gandhi returned to India a lawyer, hoping to repay his brother's outlay onhis study by earning good money at the bar. But he was tongue-tied in his firstcase, and returned his client's money . Feeling he couldn't live this failure downin a law practice in India, he accepted a job with an Indian firm in SouthAfrica, sailing to Durban in April/May 1893 . He was deeply shocked by theway whites treated Indians there, and then was humiliated himself, thrownout of a first-class railway carriage . But rather than embittering him personally,this strengthened his sympathy for all oppressed Indians .

In April 1894, his engagement over, Gandhii was about to leave for Indiawhen he heard of impending legislation to deny the vote to Indians in Natal .He urged his friends to resist, and was persuaded by them to stay for a monthto lead their struggle . Thus began his 20-year battle against discriminatorylaws in British colonies in South Africa .

In this battle, prior to June 1907, Gandhi's initial then dwindling faith in theBritish Empire was shown in three main ways .

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Firstly, he laid great stress on the fact that Indians in South Africa wereBritish subjects, using this as a basis for a double-pronged attack . On the onehand, he tried to inspire or shame white legislators and white British subjectsgenerally into according equal justice to Indian British subjects . For example,in a petition to the Natal Legislative Assembly, in June 1894, he wrote : `YourPetitioners are British subjects, who have come from India and settled in thecolony' .' In July of the same year, he led a deputation to the Natal Governor :`We venture to say that . . . the Bill is manifestly unjust . . . Even in England,any British subject having the proper qualifications is entitled to vote,irrespective of caste, colour or creed' . And in December 1895 he wrote : `I,therefore, appeal to every Briton in South Africa not to lightly dismiss the"British subject" idea from his mind' . 8

On the other hand, Gandhi appealed to Indians to be worthy Britishsubjects, to accept the responsibilities as well as expecting the privileges . ForGandhi, these responsibilities even included assisting in British wars againstBoers and Zulus. He raised and led an Indian ambulance unit in the waragainst the Zulus, and took great pride and delight in proving to whites thatBritish Indians were as loyal and as tough as them . The responsibilities alsoincluded ensuring their business and personal habits were above reproach,even to the peculiarly fastidious English . He reminded his Indian Opinionreaders, in February 1907, that `every person has an aversion to something . . .To some the sight of blood or pus is nauseating . . . Similarly, an Englishman isaverse to certain things . . . we should so behave that the whites' prejudicesagainst us are weakened . . . we list below some of the causes of their prejudiceand appeal to all Indians to overcome them . . . . One should not belch, hiccup,break wind or scratch oneself in the presence of others . . . . Every act ofcleaning the body should be done in privacy' . 9

But though some whites were sympathetic to the Indian cause, in generalGandhi's pleading, and Indian proof of loyalty and non-belching citizenship,fell on deaf white ears . Increasingly, Gandhi voiced disappointment at thefailure of `British subject' appeals . In October 1899 he wrote : `To the Indians,for the time being, "British subjects" became an empty phrase . That BritishIndians at such a time of peril could not find shelter on British soil passed theircomprehension, . . .' 10 In October 1903, he used even stronger language : `Likethe late government of the Orange River Colony, it could take a firm stand andabsolutely declare: "Though you are British subjects, we will have none of youbecause you wear the brown skin"' .' 1 And, in November 1904 : `He has beentaught also that, in places' which are included within the dominions of theKing-Emperor, every one of his subjects enjoys the fullest liberty and civilrights . . . . the Indian must unlearn all this . . . . forget all that he has hithertoregarded as beautiful in the English constitution, . . .' 12

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The `English constitution' leads us into the second way Gandhi's faith in theEmpire was shown . He appealed more generally to the spirit of that constitution,and to the British sense of justice, both to shame discriminators and to givehope to those discriminated against . In August 1896 he wrote : `If he, or theGovernment which he represents, only admitted that the legal disabilitiesmentioned above were against the fundamental principles of the BritishConstitution, I should not stand before you this evening' .' 3 `To deny a subjectthe right of appeal to the highest tribunal of justice . . . ', he wrote in a petitionto the Natal Assembly in March 1897, `would be deemed an arbitrary measurein any part of the civilized world ; in the British Dominions, an insult to theBritish name and its Constitution which is rightly termed the purest in theworld' . 14 And, in November 1897, in a letter to the Natal Mercury : `If I had nofaith in the strong sense ofjustice of the British Governments, I would not behere. As I have said before elsewhere, I repeat here that British love of justiceand fair play are the sheet-anchor of the Indian's hope' .' 5

For a surprisingly long time this faith survived serious setbacks . In April1905 he could write : `[Indians'] confidence in the British sense of justiceremains unshaken, even in the face of harassing regulations . . . Ultimately,justice will be done them' . 16 In March 1906 he was quick to praise when thecourts convicted two whites of attempts to blackmail an Indian merchant :`Once more it has been proved, in a most striking manner, that the fount ofBritish justice, when it is a matter of the High Court, is the purest possible' . 17And as late as 1 June 1907, he was still not against British rule in India : ' . . . westand to lose by ending British rule . . . let us . . . demand and secure the rightswe want. And at the same time, let us learn and follow the good points ofBritish rule, and so become more capable' ." But disillusionment was surelysetting in . In September 1906 he had written of the Draft Asiatic Ordinance :`The worst fears of the Indian community ofthe Transvaal have been realized. . . It sets at naught the British principle ofjustice and fair play, . . . ' 19

The third demonstration of Gandhi's faith in the Empire was specificappeals beyond the colonial governments to the `Home Government' . He atfirst believed Indian complaints had only to be drawn to the attention of theBritish Government . He wrote in August 1896 : ' . . . our grievances are realand as one of our sympathisers in England says in a letter, "They have only tobe known to be removed"' . 20 British newspaper articles against bad treatmentof Indians, he wrote in the same pamphlet, ' . . . show that application ofsufficient pressure from the Home Government can bring about a healthychange in the Indian policy ofthe Colonies, and that, even in the worst places,British love of justice and fair play can be roused . These two are the sheet-anchor of our hope' . 21

In October 1896, however, he sounded a disappointed and warning note :`The Colonial Office, we thought, was our safe resting-place . We may yet have

Gandhi: God and the British Empire 347

to be undeceived' . 22 In that same month, he noted with disquiet that Australianlegislation to restrict the influx of Indian immigrants `might receive the Royalsanction' .23 In February 1898 he regretted `that Her Majesty's Governmenthas decided not to act on our behalf in this matter . . . we had hoped that . . .the matter would be seen through to the end by Her Majesty's Government' . 24

But Gandhi's faiths died hard . In January 1904 he told his Indian Opinionreaders : ` . . . that the British Government's intentions are fair and that itdesires to do justice . . . It takes time, but in the end the thing intended comesto pass . . . British nature is like that' . 25 And in April 1904 his faith wasreinforced by a success, when the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Indiansreceiving licences to trade: ` . . . a bright side to the sorrowful picture ofinjustice . . . in British dominions, no matter how high prejudices may run,there is always a haven of safety in the highest courts of justice' ." As late asSeptember 1906 he wrote: `Under British rule, we draft petitions, carry on astruggle through the Press, and seek justice from the King . All this is perfectlyproper. It is necessary, and it also brings us some relief .21

So in this period, November 1888 to June 1907 (covered by volumes 1-6 ofthe Collected Works), Gandhi's strong initial faith in the British Empireweakened but did not completely expire . What of his references to God duringthis period?

The earliest reference of all has some life . In an interview with TheVegetarian in June 1891, Gandhi recalled his troubles when leaving India forEngland, and said : `Such were my chief difficulties, which spread over nearlyfive months . It was a time of terrible anguish and torture . Now hopeful, andnow despondent, I dragged along always trying my best, and then dependingupon God to show me the cherished goal' . 28 But the other four references involume 1 (1888-96) are conventional . In The Vegetarian in April 1892, forexample, he wrote: `What a human cargo was on the Oceana, and the Assam![Some were going here, some there] . . . and some . . . were going to pursuetheir adventures, God knows where' . 29 And in an open letter to Europeans, inDecember 1894, he said : `Providence has put the English and the Indianstogether, and has placed in the hands of the former the destinies of the latter,

'3o As for the one reference in volume 2 : `That the God Almighty may spareyou in health and vigour for a long time to come to reign over us, is our devoutwish and prayer' . 31 Queen Victoria was the lucky recipient of this, in 1897 .

Many of the references in volumes 3 and 4, also, (February 1898 to June1905) are of this conventional sort. Indeed, they are often in petitions andsuchlike where the reference to God was, strictly, a convention of Englishpolitical and legal documents of the time .

Other references, however, are of more significance . In the same way as heappealed to people's pride in Britain to try to shame them out of discrimination,Gandhi began to appeal to their belief in God, or even to their conventional use

348 J. Wilson

of God's name . Writing in Indian Opinion in December 1903, he asked if policytowards Indians is `consistent with the commending . . . of the LegislativeCouncil to the guidance of God? . . . with the fervent prayer that the consulta-tions . . . should tend to the advancement of the glory of God? . . . we fail to seeherein the hand ofGod, and we certainly do not see that the ruin of hundreds ofinoffensive traders can advance His glory . . . ' 32 And after atrocities onChinese miners, he asked, in September 1905, `what answer will the MineDirectors give their Creator?' 33

Gandhi also, well before the traumatic events of 1906-7, began to switch hisemphasis from faith in Britain to faith in God . In October 1903 he wrote inIndian Opinion: `Our countrymen there [the Johannesburg Indian Location]have our sympathy, and if the powers that be do not help them, we have anabiding faith in the mercy of the all-wise Providence, who will not forsakethem' . 34 And in March 1905 he wrote that the duty of British Indians duringthis `trying ordeal' was to `have the faith of the undaunted prophet who, withthe courage born of a living confidence in his God' defied `the hordes of theenemy', reassuring his companions that `the invisible presence of the Almightywas with them' . 35 But, in this period, he was also closely linking God and theBritish Empire, as though the latter were the earthly representative of theformer. In January 1904 he told his Indian Opinion readers: `We believe in therighteousness of the cause . . . We have an abiding faith in the mercy of theAlmighty God, and we have firm faith in the British Constitution' . 36 And inOctober 1905 : `Those who have faith in God recognize that the British do notrule over India without His will' . 37

Gandhi also began to stress that faith in God should unite as well as inspire .In June 1906, seeking recruits for his volunteer ambulance unit, he wrote : `Forthe Indian community, going to the battle-field should be an easy matter; for,whether Muslims or Hindus, we are men with profound faith in God' . 38 Thenin September 1906, as part of the campaign against the `Black Act' (the AsiaticRegistration Act), he organized a large meeting of Indians in the EmpireTheatre in Johannesburg. He wanted a united statement of determination toresist the Act. It was not Gandhi but another of the speakers who brought Godinto the affair when he vowed `in the name of God' that he would never submitto the Act . Gandhi immediately took this idea up, and asked the whole meetingto take a solemn oath, with God as witness, never to submit . `We all believe inone and the same God,' he declared, `the differences of nomenclature inHinduism and Islam notwithstanding . To pledge ourselves or to take an oathin the name of that God or with Him as witness is not something to be trifledWith' 39

These references to God are certainly not conventional . But up to the middleof 1907 they are occasional, far outnumbered by references and appeals toBritish justice and the British constitution . Whereas from June 1907 to

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September 1908, the period covered by volumes 7 and 8, references to Godpour from Gandhi's mouth and pen . What brought about this dramaticchange?

In late 1906, Gandhi and H . 0 . Ally went to England to take to the BritishGovernment Indian objections to South African Colonial legislation, especiallythe Asiatic Registration Act . This Act was aimed at controlling Asians in theTransvaal, and Indians objected particularly to forced registrations withfingerprints, which, they felt, treated them like criminals .

The deputation was favourably received in Britain, which raised hopes thatthe British Government would refuse assent to the legislation . A `resolutionsupporting the objectives of the Deputation was . . . unanimously adopted' bythe House of Commons . 40 As he left England, Gandhi wrote to The Times : `Thelesson we have drawn from the above is that we may rely upon the British senseof fair play and justice' ; 41 and in reply to a welcome address at Durban he said :`We have seen that British rule is essentially just and we can find redress forour grievances through representations' . 42

But, on 8June 1907, five months after the deputation returned, the TransvaalGovernment Gazette announced that Royal Assent had been given to theAsiatic Registration Act. The highest British court of appeal seemed, after all,to be blind to injustice, and the blow was the more bitter because of the hopesraised by the Deputation's reception in Britain .

Gandhi did not lose all admiration for and faith in Britain . In September1907, when the first Indian was arrested for defying the Act, he cabled from amass meeting: `Request intervention by Home Government for sake ofEmpire' . 43 In April 1908 he believed `we can still enjoy freedom . . . under theBritish flag' . 44 In June 1908, while doubting that the British occupied India on`humanitarian grounds', he believed good had come out of evil through `theBritish connection with India . . . Believing that, I also believe that it is .well forme to be a loyal subject of the Empire, but not I hope a member of a subjectrace' . 45

But he was very disillusioned . In September 1907 he wrote : `The "Britishsubjects" theory has evidently been played out so far as the Colonies areconcerned-they will have all the advantages . . . but . . . none of the incon-veniences or the responsibilities . . . 4̀6 In February 1908, after a temporaryvictory over the hated Registration Act, he wrote : ` . . . the Indians' success wasin spite of the Imperial Government, which has ranged itself on the other side ;. . . ' 47 And in July 1908 he was finally moved to pronounce : `It is ,wrongnormally for one nation to rule over another. British rule in India is an evil . . . ' 48

And, from June 1907 onwards, the focus of his faith had decisively shiftedfrom the British Empire to God . We can best see this by going in turn througheach of the three ways Gandhi's faith in the Empire had been shown, noting towhat extent and in what ways faith in God takes over

350 J. Wilson

Firstly, we do find clearly the idea that Indians are subjects of a higher andmore extensive Kingdom: `Loyalty to the King demands loyalty to the King ofkings' declared a poster of Gandhi's in July 1907 . 49 Hence, though the `Britishsubject' theory had failed them, they had assurance of protection far morereliable and extensive. In July 1907, referring to `the Indian who does notsubmit' to the Registration Act, Gandhi wrote : `If he has to leave theTransvaal and go elsewhere, is not God there also? The Lord who has given usteeth is ever present to give us something to chew' . 50 In January 1908 : ` . . .deportation has been added to imprisonment . . . It is not as if God dwelt onlyin the Transvaal prisons . He is with us everywhere . Why then fear?' 51 And inAugust 1908 : ` . . . unenfranchised though we are . . . in the Transvaal, it isopen to us to clothe ourselves with an undying franchise, and this consists inrecognizing . . . that there is the Maker of us all ruling over the destinies ofmankind and that our trust should be in Him rather than in earthly kings

'52

But Gandhi never held out to anybody hope of help, from Britain or fromGod, if their cause were not just and if they were not prepared to work hardthemselves. So, just as he had insisted that Indians must be worthy Britishsubjects, so he insisted that to gain God's protection they must be loyal to God,and must be brave and united .

Loyalty to God was mainly, and sometimes fiercely, focussed on the solemnoath taken in September 1906 . 39 Gandhi repeatedly urged Indians to honourthe oath. `Let me remind you that Indians have sworn before God that theywill not submit to the law . . . If we perjured ourselves before Him, we wouldthen indeed be unfit associates for any civilized body of men . . .' S3 Converselythe Indian `who does not submit . . . will have lived in fear of God and kept hiscovenant with Him' . 50

But Gandhi also more generally linked God's assistance with the need forIndians to play their part and to ensure their cause was just . In a speech inDurban, in September 1907, he said: `That is, we must do all we can . Then canwe place our entire trust in God' ." And, in January 1908 : `This is a strugglewhich the gods themselves may well come down to watch . For we believe theIndian cause to be God's own, and the Government's that of the Devil .Ramchandraji could defeat the ten-headed Ravan with an army of monkeysbecause he had right on his side. The Indians are in the right; we thereforepledge our word that they will defeat the many-headed monster which theGovernment is, provided, of course, they remain truthful, courageous andunited' . 55 It is, however, an intimate, two-way relationship he has in mind, for :`All this sacrifice is possible only if one has living faith in God. Everythingdepends, in the last resort, on each Indian's faith, be he Mahomedan orHindu' . 56

Gandhi: God and the British Empire 35 1

Muslim or Hindu: one of Gandhi's great hopes was that faith in God wouldunite as well as strengthen the Indian community . In September 1907 hewrote: `If in consequence of our present struggle we forget the differencebetween Hindus and Muslims, give up internal quarrels . . . the thirteenthousand Indians will earn the admiration of the entire world, and their nameswill be recorded for all time in God's book' .57 And in October 1907, afterquoting the Qu'ran, he wrote : `The verse . . . applies to all, be they Hindus,Muslims, Parsis or Christians . For there is only one Truth . And likewise, thereis the same God over all' .58

Secondly, Gandhi's faith in the British constitution and British love ofjustice, the `sheet-anchor of the Indian's hope', 15 was decisively switched toGod. `The Indian worker . . . would be doomed, if there were no God inHeaven above', he wrote in Indian Opinion late in June 1907 . 59 `God is ouronly shield', he wrote in July 1907 .60 And: `If you rely upon any other thingwhatsoever, you will be relying upon a broken reed' (December 1907) . 61

But here also there was change as well as continuity . The British constitution,though `the purest in the world', 14 was but the best earthly guarantor ofjusticeand truth. Whereas increasingly in this period Gandhi began to refer to Godnot just as a guarantor of but as identical with justice and truth .

At first there was just a close placing of God and truth side by side . In June1907 he wrote in Indian Opinion : `It is enough that we are in the right and Godis on our side. In the end, truth alone will triumph' . 62 In August 1907, hewrote: `In this struggle we are to sacrifice ourselves for the sake of truth .Hence, at every step, we shall receive God's help' . And he goes on to give a hintof what truth is for him. `Such help He does not Himself give by coming downinto this world in person . Rather, living in the hearts of men, He inspires themto do deeds of benefaction' .63 For Gandhi, truth was above all practical moraltruth, that is, the compassionate, just and courageous way of acting : ` . . . all isdone in vain which is not done for others' good', he had written in March1907 . 64

The linking of God and truth was even closer by October 1907 . Writing ofthose who were having some `secret anxiety as to what will happen' to theirfamilies and businesses if they are put in gaol, Gandhi said sternly : `Anyonewho feels such anxiety must have very little faith in truth and in God' . 65 And :`We take it that those who think that it [the law] will not be wrecked have nofaith in God's truth and in His most holy justice' . 66

Then, in early 1908, he identified God and Truth . `The work of destructionis finished, that of construction has commenced-a far more difficult one, but,seeing that I have not relied upon my own strength but on the strength ofTruth, otherwise spelt God, I am quite at ease' . 61 ` . . . I have treated them asso many instruments through which God, otherwise Truth, has worked' . 68And: `We consider this a victory for truth . . . Truth is God, or God is nothing

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but Truth: We come across this idea in every religion . It is a divine law that hewho serves that Truth-that God-will never suffer defeat'."

The practical aspect of this identification of God and Truth was shown inGandhi's attempts to inspire Indians to be worthy of God's help. There wasconstant stress on truthfulness . Indians `will defeat the many-headed monster. . . provided . . . they remain truthful . . . "'What has made the Governmentremit the sentences and open the prison gates . . . ? Surely our truthfulness andstrength' . 70 `If one adheres to truth, succour from God or His servants willfollow inevitably' . 71 Gandhi's linking of God, truth and justice was also shownwhen he chose the term satyagraha for the Indians' non-violent struggle, andwrote of it in June 1908 : `The sword of satyagraha is far superior to the steelsword. Truth and justice provide its point ; divine help is the hilt that adornsit' 72

So there was change from Britain as guarantor of truth and justice to God asidentical with them . And there was another, equally important, change .Gandhi had admired the British Empire and had looked to it for protectionand help. But he had not striven for a tender personal relationship with it .Though he did once use tender terms to describe what Indians expected fromthe Empire, the context was disappointed expectations : 'To-day he is a step-child seeking and yearning for protection on the part of his parents, whichprotection he does not get' . 73 Whereas God, he assured his readers in July1907, `whispers constantly into our ears, "Trust in Me alone" . If we do notlisten to His sweet words, having ears we are deaf . If we do not see Him sittingby our side, having eyes we are blind' . 50 In a speech in Newtown mosque inJanuary 1908 he spoke of `that religion which underlay all religions, whichbrought them face to face with their Maker', and `called upon his countrymen. . to leave the world and cling to God as a child would cling to the mother'sbreast' . 74 In May of 1908 he wrote : `I strive for your good, having been sent byGod for that purpose' ; 75 he had never suggested the Empire had sent him towork for Indian rights in South Africa. And in August 1908 he wrote : `Theyalone can act bravely who feel the presence of God within inspiring them toacts of courage' . 76

This more tender trust infused the third way Gandhi's faith in God took overfrom his faith in the Empire. We saw that Gandhi frequently appealed beyondthe Colonial Governments and their unjust laws to the Imperial Governmentsand courts in Britain . After June 1907 he appealed beyond both to God . In thelegal language he used there was striking continuity ; in the intimate emotionaltone, striking change . `Our petition is no longer addressed to man, but to GodHimself. Day and night he listens to our plaints . We do not have to seek anappointment with Him for the hearing of our petition . He hears the petitions ofall at the same time . . .' he wrote in July 1907 . 77 In August : ` . . . God is theonly Judge who will redress our grievances . Trust in Him is like a great counsel

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whose pleading will never go in vain' ." In September: `Oh God, if ourgrievances are not heard in this world, we have at least full confidence in You,that in Your court no injustice will be tolerated' ." And, in December 1907 :`Our petition no longer lay with an earthly ruler ; it was to be addressed to theCreator' .80

Nor can there be doubt that it was the Empire which was failing to hear theirgrievances in this world . In September 1907 he wrote : `For, if the ImperialGovernment does not protect innocent people when they are being oppressed,commonsense tells us that God will deprive it of its power'8 1-recall hisinsistence that Britain only ruled by God's will . 37 In January 1908 he wrote :`Only cowards will take fright at the thought of what will happen because theImperial Government has approved the Immigration Act . We had hoped, it istrue, for support from the Imperial Government . In fact we may still do so . Butour prayer is to God alone . Let us see if He forsakes us . History provides noinstance of God having ever forsaken anyone ; we need not then fear any suchcontingency' .82

Also in January 1908 Gandhi recalled-with a wince if not quite with anapology-his earlier stress on faith in the Empire, giving sad evidence of hisconclusion that this faith had been misplaced . `If by urging the people to relyon Imperial protection, we have misled, I plead guilty; but I fear that I shallalways ask my countrymen to rely on that protection until Lord Elgin hasproved by actual action that when our handful of British Indians cry forprotection against an indignity made in the name of the King and Emperorthey are to be thrown overboard without a finger being lifted in order to savethem . It may be superstition, but I propose to cherish it . My idea-and even inbringing this statement before my countrymen I have always coupled it withanother-is that our ultimate reliance should be on God' . 83

As we have seen, Gandhi had not always coupled the two statements ;indeed, he had come to stress ultimate reliance on God only as Imperialprotection had failed . Even after he did stress it, however, the Indian positionin South Africa remained very difficult . To a cynical eye it could haveappeared that God's protection also failed . Why then did Gandhi not lose faithin God as he had in the Empire?

For a full answer to this question we would have to go far beyond the periodwith which this paper deals . But in this period three relevant themes can bedetected which throw further light on Gandhi's faith in God : that God's wayswere beyond human understanding; that lack of external result was due tohuman fault, not God's ; and that God's real blessing was internal change in hisbelievers-besides this, external results were unimportant, and could be left toGod.

In July 1907, commenting on the death of a member of the Indiancommunity, Gandhi wrote sadly: `Inscrutable are the ways of God' ; 84 and in

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December he wrote : `No one can fathom the ways of God' . 85 Those faithful toGod, however, could be confident that even apparent setbacks were really totheir benefit : `It is a divine law that he who serves that Truth-that God-willnever suffer defeat . Sometimes men of truth appear to have failed, but that isno more than a fleeting appearance . . . . If a particular result does not serve ourgood, God will not grant it, however much we may desire it' . 86

But Gandhi did not appeal often to God's inscrutability . As we have seen, heinsisted that God helps only those who help themselves, and that God helps byinspiring humans, not by coming down himself in person." So when there wassuccess or support-in this case newspaper support in England-'We see thehand of God in this .. God always helps through men or other means' ." If thereis failure or threat of failure, on the other hand, humans are to blame, not God :`If we were to fail now, that would in no way detract from the power of truth . Itis only because of our untruth, insincerity and disunity that we may lose, if atall' ." And, stretching it a bit, even for Gandhi, he said of a famine in CentralIndia: `We are convinced that, though this condition is undoubtedly the resultof divine will, the blame lies with us, our chief fault being that we have verylittle truth in us . . . . Some . . . may wonder what the connection is betweenfraudulent practice in . . . permits in the Transvaal and trading licences inNatal on the one hand and famine on the other . That we do not perceive thisconnection is in itself an error' . 89

Thirdly, when it seemed God was failing to protect from external circum-stances, Gandhi insisted that God's real blessing was internal development inhis devotees . We see this suggested as early as July 1907, after Indian demandshave again been rejected. `But God means to test us to the utmost . Hence,nothing came out of the demands' . 90 We see it clearly on the occasion of thetemporary victory, with Gandhi guarding against subsequent disappointmentat the same time . He argued that the real victory was the fight the Indians putup, and that there would be victory in this even if the external result had notbeen won. Seen in this light, he went on, the Indian would not worry aboutresults, but about whether he had done his best : ' . . . for he will not assume theresponsibility . The Creator alone must bear that responsibility' . 9 ' The im-pressive courage and unity of the Indian community, despite the very heavysacrifices involved, convinced Gandhi that God's real assistance went deeperthan external results ; indeed that external circumstances, though he seldomstopped trying to alleviate them for others, were unimportant compared withthe inner joy of being right with Truth/God .

These themes again show both continuity and contrast with Gandhi's faithin the British Empire . The stress on finding the fault in oneself is familiar ;Gandhi always preached : `When anything is said or done against us, it is agolden rule first to look for faults in ourselves' ." But Gandhi would also, albeitreluctantly, find fault with Colonial or Imperial Governments ; with God,

Gandhi: God and the British Empire 35 5

never, for God knew best and would always give inner strength to cope even ifhuman failings thwarted his protection from outer circumstances .

The Indian's true king, their only shield and guarantor of truth and justice,the final court of appeal ; but vastly more extensive in power and protection,identical with not just upholder of truth and justice, intimate and loving, hisways beyond human understanding, concerned more for the inner person thanfor outer circumstance . . . a picture has emerged of Gandhi's God as indeed asubstitute for the British Empire in striking and important ways, but mostemphatically not a mere substitute . As I see it, Gandhi came early to, andnever lost, a commitment to truth and justice, which for him meant primarilyconcern for others . In his South African struggles for others this commitmentfirst worked in a setting that was non-theistic, or at most only conventionallytheistic . It relied on, and sought to operate through, the human channels of theBritish Empire, which he thought the best embodiment ofjustice and truth onearth . Setbacks eventually disillusioned him with that Empire but, aston-ishingly, seemed to strengthen rather than destroy his conviction that truthand justice will prevail in the long run . At times, then and later, he expressedthis impersonally, as a victory for Truth . But for himself, increasingly he feltTruth as a personal presence, guiding, admonishing, strengthening. It seemsto me clear, then, that being let down by the British Empire sparked the movewhich led to his intense commitment to justice and truth becoming also aliving faith in God, but that `Gandhi's God' was much more than merely `asubstitute for the British Empire' .

All this, of course, leaves open the issue of whether we have been looking atGandhi's own inner strength and commitment projected onto an imaginaryGod, or at the effect on Gandhi of a real God . But perhaps it clarifies a little onefascinating person's idea of what we are debating when we ask `But does Godexist?'

REFERENCESNote : CW = The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, New Delhi, Government ofIndia, 1958 - The numerals following are volume then page number(s), e .g .1 .42 = vol . 1, p. 42 . Guj. = original in Gujarati .

1

The Story of My Experiments with Truth, London, Jonathan Cape, 1972, p . 29 .2

op. cit ., p . xii .3

The Vegetarian, 13 .6.1891, CW 1 .42 .4

London Diary, 12.11 .1888, CW 1 .9 .5

The Vegetarian, 9 .4.1892, CW 1 .51 .6 Petition to Natal Legislative Assembly, 28.6.1894, CW 1 :128 .7 Deputation to Natal Governor, 3 .7 .1894, CW 1 .137 .8

The Indian Franchise : an appeal to every Briton in South Africa, written 16 .12 .1895,CW 1.286 .

9 Indian Opinion, 2 .2 .1907, Guj ., CW 6.308-9 .10

`The Indians in South Africa', written 27.10 .1899, published in The Times ofIndia, 9 .12 .1899, CW 3 .118 .

356 J. Wilson

11 Indian Opinion, 29 .10.1903, CW 4 .27 .12 Indian Opinion, 12 .11 .1904, CW4.295.13

The Grievances of the British Indians in South Africa (the `Green Pamphlet'),14.8.1896, CW 2 .33 .

14 Petition to the Natal Legislative Assembly, 26.3 .1897, published in The NatalMercury, 29.3.1897, CW 2 .289.

15

Letter to The Natal Mercury, written 15 .11 .1897, pub . 17 .11 .1897, CW 2 .365 .16

Indian Opinion, 1 .4.1905, CW 4 .390 .17

Indian Opinion, 31 .3.1906, CW 5 .250 .18

Indian Opinion, 1 .6 .1907, Guj . CW 7.6-7 .19

Indian Opinion, 1 .9.1906, CW 5 .404 .20

The Grievances of the British Indians in South Africa, 14 .8.1896, CW 2 .7 .21

op.cit ., CW 2.47 .22

Letter to The Times of India, written 17 .10 .1896, published 20.10 .1896, CW 2 .89 .23

Letter to G. K. Gokhale, 18 .10.1896, CW 2 .9024

Letter to the British Agent, Pretoria, 28.2.1898, CW 3 .1-2 .25

Indian Opinion, 21 .1 .1904, Guj ., CW4.116-7 .26

Indian Opinion, 14.5.1904, CW 4.184 .27

Indian Opinion, 8.9.1906, Guj ., CW 5.413 .28

The Vegetarian, 13 .6.1891, CW 1 .47 .29 `On the way home to India-II', The Vegetarian, 16 .4.1892, CW 1 .55 .30

Open Letter to Europeans, 19 .12 .1894, CW 1 .187 .31 Address to Queen Victoria, June 1897, CW 2 .317 .32

Indian Opinion, 17,12.1903, CW 4.83-4 .33

Indian Opinion, 9.9.1905, Guj ., CW 5 .61 .34

Indian Opinion, 1 .10.1903, CW 3 .460 .35

Indian Opinion, 18 .3 .1905, CW 4 .381 .36

Indian Opinion, 7 .1 .1904, CW 4 .100 .37

Indian Opinion, 28 .10 .1905, Guj ., CW5.117 .38 Indian Opinion, 30 .6 .1906, Guj ., CW 5.366 .39 Satyagraha in South Africa, ch . XII ; the meeting was on 11 .9 .1906. CW 5.420 .40

7.11 .1906, CW 6.105, footnote .41

The Times, 3.12 .1906, CW 6 .251 .42

Indian Opinion, 5 .1 .1907, Guj ., CW6.264 .43

Included in a letter to the Viceroy of India, 18 .9.1907, CW 7 .374.44 Indian Opinion, 4 .4 .1908, Guj ., CW8.169 .45

Speech at the Y.M.C .A ., Johannesburg, 18 .5 .1908, Indian Opinion, 13 .6 .1908,C W 8.246 .

46

Indian Opinion, 28 .9.1907, CW 7 .257 .47

Indian Opinion, 29 .2 .1908, Guj ., CW8.104.48 Indian Opinion, 18.7 .1908, Guj ., CW8.373 .49 Poster for Permit Office boycott, Indian Opinion, 27 .7.1907, CW 7 .117 .50

Indian Opinion, 6 .7 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.72-3 .51

Indian Opinion, 4 .1 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.5 .52

Indian Opinion, 22 .8 .1908, CW 8'.459 .53 Letter to The Rand Daily Mail, published 9 .7 .1907, CW 7 .87 .54 Speech at Congress meeting, Durban, 4.9 .1907, Indian Opinion, 7 .9 .1907, Guj .,

CW 7.208 .55

Indian Opinion, 4 .1 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.4 .56 Indian Opinion, 24.8 .1907, Guj ., CW7.188 .57

Indian Opinion, 7 .9 .1907, Guj ., CW 7 .223 .

Gandhi : God and the British Empire 357

58

Indian Opinion, 26.10 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.306 .59

Indian Opinion, 22.6.1907, Guj ., CW 7.52.60

Indian Opinion, 13 .7 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.91 .61

Speech at Chinese Association, Johannesburg, 30 .12 .1907, Indian Opinion,4 .1 .1908, CW 7.471 .

62

Indian Opinion, 15.6 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.45.63

Indian Opinion, 17.8 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.172 .64

Indian Opinion, 23.3.1907, Guj ., CW6.377 .65

Indian Opinion, 19.10 .1907, Guj ., CW 7 .293 .66

Indian Opinion, 26.10 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.306 .67 Letter to Mrs and Mr Vogel, 1 .2 .1908, CW 8 .52 .68 Letter to Maganial Gandhi, 5 .2 .1908, CW8.57 .69

Indian Opinion, 8.2 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.61 .70 Indian Opinion, 8.2 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.46 .71

Letter from British Indian Association, 3 .3 .1908, over the President's name(Essop Mia), but most likely written by Gandhi ; Indian Opinion, 14 .3 .1908,Guj ., CW8.118 .

72

Indian Opinion, 27.6 .1908, Guj ., CW8.324 .73

Indian Opinion, 8.4 .1905, CW4.400 .74

Speech in Newtown mosque, 10 .1 .1908, Indian Opinion, 18 .1 .1908, CW8.35 .75

Indian Opinion, 2.5 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.218 .76

Indian Opinion, 8.8 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.426 .77

Indian Opinion, 27 .7 .1907, Guj ., CW7.123 .78

Indian Opinion, 24.8 .1907, Guj ., CW7.189 .79

Speech at Congress meeting, Durban, 4 .9 .1907, Indian Opinion, 7.9 .1907,Guj ., CW 7.208 .

80

Indian Opinion, 7 .12 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.417 .81

Indian Opinion, 7 .9 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.215 .82

Indian Opinion, 4 .1 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.4-5 .83

Interview to The Star (Johannesburg), 6 .1 .1908, CW8.12 .84

Indian Opinion, 27 .7 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.121 .85

Indian Opinion, 7.12 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.422 .86

Indian Opinion, 8.2 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.61 .87

Indian Opinion, 21 .9.1907, Guj ., CW 7238 .88

Indian Opinion, 11 .1 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.23-4.89

Indian Opinion, 28 .3 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.157 .90 Indian Opinion, 20 .7 .1907, Guj ., CW 7.103 .91

Indian Opinion, 7.3 .1908, Guj ., CW 8.130 .92

Indian Opinion, 11 .4.1908, Guj ., CW 8.181 .

JIM WILSON obtained his Ph .D. from Banaras Hindu University, and since1965 has taught courses in Hinduism, Indian Philosophy and Maori Religionat the University of Canterbury. His publications include articles and chapterson Hinduism, Indian Philosophy of Religion, Fijian Hindus, the scientificworld-view as modern mythology, and environmental ethics, and articles andbooks on mountaineering .

Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, University of Canterbury,Christchurch 1, New Zealand