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Transcript of Furstensitze Celts and the Mediterranean
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8/17/2019 Furstensitze Celts and the Mediterranean
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Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 57, p ar t 2 ,1 9 9
1,
pp.
183-202
urstensitze
Celts
and
the
Mediterranean
World:
Developments in the West Hallstatt Culture
in the
6th
and
yth
Centuries
BC
By C HR IS TOP HER
PARE
1
The
traditional definition of a Furstensitz, outlined in I969 by W. Kimmig is in
need
of modification. Greater
precision is needed in the interpretation
of
imported
and imitated Mediterranean pottery and elite burials. From
ou r discussion, it becomes clear that both rich settlements and burials underwent crucial changes within
the
late
Hallstatt
period:
the
elite burial rite
was becoming
increasingly exclusive,
and imported
or
imitated Mediterranean
pottery
generally appeared on hillforts only after the end ofHallstatt Clearly, a
model
for
the
West Hallstatt
culture should
take account
of
its dynamic
nature.
Some
important trends are described: I)
the
spread o f elite
burial practices,
(2) the foundation
of the Furstensitze,
and (3) the
concentration of
power
in
the
late
Hallstatt
culture north-west o f
the
Alps.
The
emergence of
an eli te during the Hallstatt period had an
internal
logic which did
not
necessarily require a
Mediterranean instigator. The foundation
of
Massalia in
600
BC has
traditionally been
se en as providing the
impulse for the emergence
o f
the princely culture
of
Hallstatt D. But neither the internal developments
of
the
Hallstatt culture, nor the degree
of
contact with the Greek colonies in Hallstatt DI can support this view.
Previous emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies in the
South
of
France has obscured the effects of
contacts
and
trade with Italy, although it is certain
that
the increasing acquaintance with the civilized neighbours
across
the
Alps led to events ofhistoric importance: the Celtic invasion
of
Italy
and the
start of
the
Celtic diaspora.
This
process
of acquaintance must
be a ss igne d to the late
Hallstatt
period
Hallstatt
D2/3),
when
Italic
imports
became
frequent north of the Alps. In fact,
the
transalpine areas
which
in the late Hallstatt
period had
especially
close trading relations with Italy particularly east central France)
seem
to
have
been
the
origin of most of
the
important contingents
of
Celtic invaders. The imported or imitated Italic objects in Hallstatt
D2/3
and
La
Tene A
reflect the changed political situation before and after the Celtic invasion. Whereas in both phases the Celts
imported luxurious feasting equipment only in the
Early
La Tene period is I talic inf luence apparent in Celt ic
weaponry.
Th e foundation of Massalia by Phocaean colonists in
60 0
BC is generally held to mark the start of Greek trade
along the Rhone an d Saone valleys, and thereby the
int roduction to Central Europe of a more civilized,
Mediterranean kind of culture. This Mediterranean
influence has been seen as the cause for the formation of
a new kind of social organization in the late Hallstatt
period in the area north-west of the Alps (Ha D:
c.
60o c 450/440 BC ,
documented by the establish
ment of princely settlements Furstensitze) an d the
burial of an elite in princely graves Furstengraber).
1 Romisch-Germanisches -Zent ralmuseum, Ernst-Luduiig-Platz
6500 Mainz, Germany
This model was presented by W. Kimmig in 1969, in
a famous article entitled
Z um
Problem spathallstat
t ischer Adelssitze . Since then, a central role has been
attr ibuted to the Furstensitz
an d
Fiirstengrdber, no t
only by
German
scholars (e.g. Harke 1979; Spindler
1983 , bu t also by their French (e.g. Brun 1987,
9 4 -
1
15;
Olivier
19
88,
289-90;
Mohen et al.
1987 and
English-speaking colleagues (e.g. Frankenstein
Row
lands
1978;
Wells 1980,47; Cunliffe 19
88,
24-32 .
However, this dominant model has recently been
attacked by M. K.H. Eggert (1989), wh o criticized
Kimmig s methodology an d particularly the Furstensitz
model. Eggert argued for a radical re-appraisal and a
new discussion of the evidence. This article is intended
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T H E P R EH I ST O RI C S OC IE TY
as a contribution to the new discussion, and was
prompted
by the results of the author s
ow n
research,
which suggested that trade between the West Hallstatt
area
an d
the Greek colonies need
no t
be dated before
the last quarter of the 6th century
BC
(Pare 1989). If
Greek
trade started
after the formation of the princely
West Hallstatt culture, then the question arises whether
trade with the Greek colonies was really of primary
causal importance, or a by-product of internal changes
within the West Hallstatt culture. In order to examine
these questions, we will discuss the
Furstensitz
model,
an d
evidence for internal social developments in the
West Hallstatt culture. Finally, contacts with Italy will
be analysed - which have been rather neglected owing
to the previous concentration on the Greek colonies.
TH E
FURSTENSITZ
After a discussion of the Heuneburg, Mont Lassois and
Hohenasperg, Kimrnig came to the conclusion that
these three sites represent a specific settlement type, the
Furstensitz
an d thereby a specific strongly hierarchical
social structure, which existed during the later Hallstatt
period in the area north-west of the Alps. He then raised
the question ho w to recognize further examples of the
settlement type which, either owing to lack of excava
tion o r p oo r archaeological preservation, do no t allow
such a clear classification.
Fo r
this
purpose
he selected
three criteria which, judging from the three classic sites,
seemed characteristic of the urstensitz
(1) Internal settlement organization with an acropolis
an d suburbium having residential an d workshop quar
ters. As comparisons for this type of settlement struc
ture he mentioned the Greek poleis (specifically Athens)
an d late Celtic oppida (specifically Vesontio, Alesia an d
Bibracte).
(2)
Imported
Greek pottery or local imitations of
mediterranean wares, an d in general valuable materials
such as precious metals,
a mb er a nd
coral. These finds
suggest
that
the settlements were inhabited by a wealthy
elite.
(3)
Th e
proximity of rich burials under large tumuli.
Because such tumuli can be relatively numerous an d are
often no t contemporary, Kimmig believed that they
represent the burials of the Furstensitz dynasties.
Owing
either to the second or third criteria, Kimmig
suggested the presence of Furstensitze in a further 11
locations.
Whereas his detai led interpretat ion has
no t
gon
without
criticism, with its feudal terminology borrowe
without
modification from the Middle Ages, th
Fiirstensitz
model has been adopted almost unani
mously.
On e reason for this was the ability for subse
quent
discoveries to be
accommodated
within th
model. In fact, the discovery of Greek pottery or imita
tions of mediterranean wares on a number of hillfort
was predicted by Kimmig in 1969: at Breisach, Mon
Vully and in the Chatillon-sur-Clane region (compar
note 2
an d
table 1).
But a closer look at Kimmig s three criteria show
that
his model is in need of modification. Th e firs
criterion, internal settlement organization wit
acropolis suburbium an d specialized quarters, can onl
be applied with certainty to the Heuneburg in phase IV
when it seems to have comprised a defended acropoli
overlooking an
open
settlement measuring c. 500 m i
length
an d
more
than
220 m wide (S.Kurz, pers
comm.). During this period the Heuneburg was fortifie
with a mud-brick wall with close-set rectangular butt
resses which was definitely inspired by Mediterranea
prototypes, probably the Greek colonies in the South o
France (Kimmig 1983a, 64-81 . Kimmigsuggested tha
the
Mont
Lassois was likewise divided into acropoli
and suburban settlement areas. But the small sondage
excavated by R.
offroy in the supposed suburban quar
ter did no t clarify the true nature of this part of the sit
(Joffroy
1960,
32).
An d
there is, as yet, no firm evidenc
for this type of internal organization on any othe
Furstensitz (despite Kimmig s suggestion for the
Hohenasperg: 1988, 22).
Others
have suggested tha
the Furstensitze can be characterized by a further cri
terion namely that they played a central role in the
economy of their territories (see Eggert 1989, 57, not
4
0;
also Brun 1988,
137-42 .
Now while this seem
quite likely within the framework of Kimmig s model, i
is again the Heuneburg which remains the only site
which has been sufficiently excavated to indicate an
intense concentration of production (e.g. weaving
metalwork
). Once again, lack of excavation pre
cludes a judgement of the economic function of the
other Furstensitze.
Kimmig s second criterion is of more importance
with imported
or
imitated Mediterranean pottery being
known
from a
number
of sites. The most frequen
imported wares include attic black-figured pottery, so
called ceramique grise monochrome an d pseudo
ionienne a nd transport amphorae, manufactured in
Greece or in the Greek colonies of the French Midi. On
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11. C. Pare URST NSITZ
TABLE I TH E F IF TE E N HIL LF ORT S OF THE
W E ST H A LL ST A TT
CULTURE WITH IMPORTED OR IM ITAT E D M E DIT E RRANEAN
POTTERY
pottery best known from the Heuneburg (Lang
1974;
1976 .
In this case, the inspiration for
production
apparently came from Italy (figs
I
an d
2).
Lang was able
to show that the grooved wheel-made pottery found on
the Heuneburg represented the remains of services, each
made up from a bot tle-shaped vessel (fig.
I,
I ,
a cup
(fig. I, 2)
an d
tw o bowls (fig. I, 3). Presumably this can
be understood as a special service for the table.
Their contexts of discovery make these wares impor
tant
for the urstensitzquest ion because in the West
Hallstatt culture imported or imitated Mediterranean
pottery has only been found on hillforts, which gener
ally occupy prominent topographical locations an d
often dominate the surrounding countryside (the 15
hillforts, with their most important wares, are listed in
table I see note
3).
And, owing to this correlation, it
seems valid to hypothesize that these types of pottery
were only used on hillforts. Moreover, because the
imported wares were specifically designed for drinking
or transporting wine, it is very probable
that
they were
used in the West Hallstatt culture for drinking an d
feasting:
bu t
only on hillforts.
2
lOcm
i Ji
o
Fig. I
Examples of grooved wheel-made pottery from the
Heuneburg (after Lang 1974)
settlements with
imported
pottery, locally produced
wares which clearly imitate Italic or Greek pottery are
also found. These show a clear break with traditional
Hallstatt pottery-making practices, no t only in their
techniques of production, bu t also in their Mediterra
nean
shapes
and
decoration. Only one of these wares
has been studied in detail, the grooved wheel-made
0
o
9
0
0
6
V)
o 0
V)
Cj
~
Cj
I
Chatillon/Clane
X X
X X
X
2 Heuneburg
X X X X
3
Breisach
X
X X X
4
Mt .
Lassois
X
X X X
5
Chateau/Salins
X X
X
6 Uetliberg X X
7
Montmorot
X X
X
8 Camp-de-Chassey
X X X
Grooved wheel-made pottery
9
Britzgyberg
X
X
10
Wiirzburg
X
Fig. 2
11
Ipf/Bopfingen X
Distribution ma p of grooved wheel-made pottery (after
12
Mt .
Cuerin
X
Lang
1974;
additions: Mont Vully, Chatillon-sur-Glane,
13
Hohenasperg
X
Uetliberg, Bragny-sur-Saone,
Montmorot;
for the pottery
14
Hohennagold
X
from Gergy, see Gallia Informations 19
87-
88
/
2,
43 ,
15
Mt .
Vully
X
fig. 35)
18
5
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THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
Bycontrast, south-west of the West Hallstatt cultural
zone, in the Rhone valley
and
in the Saone valley below
the Doubs, imported Greek pottery has been found in a
variety of contexts such as cave sites, lowland settle
ments
and
a burial or cult shaft (Pare 1989). In this
region, owing to its greater proximity to the Greek
colonies, the imported pottery probably did not have
such a marked prestige value, and seems to have been
more widely available - as the relatively dense concen
tra tion of sites with such wares shows. Among these,
the site of Bragny, situated by the confluence of the
Saone and Doubs, requires a special interpretation. The
excavation of this lowland settlement uncovered sur
prising quantity of imported objects similar to those
found on the hillforts discussed above, including black
figured attic sherds, ceramique grise monochrome and
pseudo-ionienne
transport
amphorae, grooved
wheel-made pottery
and
fragments of glass balsamaries
(Feugere Guillot 1986). The excavators interpreted
the site as a bridgehead for Phocaean trade, indeed, the
site seems to be located precisely on the border of the
West Hallstatt culture and it could have functioned as a
port-of-trade, articulating exchange between two cul
tural zones.
While the contexts of imported and imitated Medi
terranean pottery in the West Hallstatt culture seem to
indicate a degree of exclusivity, we must nevertheless be
cautious in applying these wares as a criterion for
defining
Fiirstensitze
because of their chronology.
When
associated with other settlement material in the
area north-west of the Alps, this type of pottery is dated
to the phase Ha D2-3 (Pare 1989; e.g. Camp-du
Chateau, Chatillon-sur-Glane, Mont Lassois, Breisach,
etc.). The only exceptions are
two
small black-figured
sherds from the Heuneburg (manufactured around
540/530 BC which can be assigned to the end of Ha
D1. But the mass of Greek pottery from the Heuneburg,
and
all the transport amphorae and wheel-made
grooved ware, can be assigned to the layers after the
destruction of the mud-brick fortification and
su ur ium
settlement (i.e. Heuneburg phases or
Ha
D2-3;
for the most recent comments on the earliest
impor ted pottery, see Van den Boom 1989, 82-83 .
Clearly, as a criterion to define
urstensitze
imported
and
wheel-turned pottery can onlyusefully be applied
to the period when it was imported en masse to the area
north-west of the Alps, i.e. the second part of the later
Hallstatt
period, Ha D2-3.
We are relatively well-equipped to judge Kimmig s
third criterion for defining Furstensitze. The so-called
Fiirstengrdber have attracted intensive research
and
numerous specialized studies. First, what is meant by
Kimmig s rich graves under large tumuli ? I believe tha
the key to understanding the Furstengrdber is that the
richest graves are characterized by a specific set of grave
furnishings. In fact, throughout the Hallstatt period
apart from personal goods or rare exceptional objects
(e.g. ornaments, hunting equipment, the
Hochdor
kline etc.), the richest graves of the West Halls tat
culture contain a remarkably restricted range of goods
namely wagons, services of pottery and bronze vessels
and elaborate weapons. In the later phase of the period
Ha
D2-3 the range is augmented by gold neck-rings
and arm-rings. During the whole period, these graves
are marked by burial in especially large tumuli which
are often located slightly apart from the rest of the
tumuli in a cemetery, or stand completely alone, form
ing a special tumulus group.
While the rich graves did not always contain all these
objects, we can list numerous graves with a full set of
furnishings, from the start (Ha Cl to the finish of the
period (Ha D3), which clearly indicates a conscious
traditional burial custom. Furthermore, it is possible to
cite even earlier examples of this type of burial rite, e.g
at Hart a. d. Alz (Miiller-Karpe 1956). This grave, of the
r z.th century BC contained a four-wheeled wagon, a
sword, a bronze situla, strainer and drinking-cup, and a
quantity of fine pottery. While the types and quality o
the goods obviously vary from grave to grave
and
from
phase to phase, the underlying regularity of the se
remains clear. It seems that high status could be
expressed in a remarkably uniform way over a span of
several
hundred
years. We will call this the elite buria
rite .
The different elements of this rite probably refer to
aspects of life which were characteristic of the elite:
drinking
and
feasting, warfare
and
wagon-driving. The
conservative nature of the rite, clearly expressed by the
continued use of the four-wheeled wagon instead of the
two-wheeled chariot already adopted by neighbouring
cultures, suggests that the elite burial rite might refer
back to a heroic lifestyle located somewhere in the
past. In fact, such an idealized, heroic lifestyle seems to
have been an old
and
widespread tradition which can
also be recognized in neighbouring cultures. Among the
Etruscans, for example, similar classes of object are
found in rich graves of the 8th and 7th centuries,
and
weaponry, chariot-driving and feasting are often
prominent in pictorial representations. For example, a
bucchero chalice of the early 6th century BC made in
186
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1 1 . C. are
URST NSITZ
tj
- ~ _ r ~
~ f \
k
q ~
~
N \ { ~ ~ u
~
Fig. 3
Stamped
decoration
from a bucchero chalice after Scalia
1968, 3 8 0
fig. 7b). Not to scale
Chiusi fig.3) shows an abbreviated representation of
this type of lifestyle.
The burials with the elite rite throw considerable light
on the
Furstensitze:
during the Hallstatt period, these
graves become both less n umerous and more richly
furnished. For example the idea of wagon bur ial could
be expressed eit he r by the bu rial of a complete w ag on
together with har ness for the draught horses, or by the
burial of yokes and/or paired sets of harness, serving as
pars pro toto for the imaginary) wagon table 2).
TABLE
2:
THE NUMBER OF WAGON
BURIALS
IN SOUTH
GERMANY BADEN-WURTTEMBERG
AND
BA VARI A) IN HA C,
HA
D1 AND
HA
D 2 3 .
Wagon and
Harness/Yoke
Horse-Gear
without wagon
H a C
4
6
45
H a D 1
3
6 1 0
H a D 2 3
20
0
Whereas these types of burial, taken together, are quite
common in
Ha
C, with 9 I burials in south Germany
alone, they decrease sharply in Ha D, with 46 k no wn in
Ha DI and only 20 in Ha D2-3 P are, in press). A
similar process of increasing exclusivity is also notice
able wi th el ab orate weap ons - passing from the fre
quent swords in
Ha
C to the small n um be r of daggers
restricted to rich graves at the end of the period Sievers
19
82;
Pauli 1985, 30). A comparable trend for the
drinking
and
feasting-services seems likely: the prestige
value of pottery, which was initially common, appears
to have been undermined by the increased use of bronze
vessels. In the latest phase,
Ha D2-3,
large sets of
pottery vessels were no longer provided in graves, and
the d ri nk in g and feasting services in bronze were
restricted to a much smaller number of rich burials.
As a criterion for defining Furstensitze the elite
burials are therefore problematical, themselves chang
ing character during the Hallstatt period. The question
arises whether the elite burials were already princely
Furstengraber
in Ha C, or whether the term can be
used only for the graves of
Ha
DIor even
Ha
D2-3.
Judging by the increasing exclusivity of the rite, the later
graves would be the most suitable candidates for classi
fication as Fiirstengrdber, because they reached a peak
of exclusivity and richness inHa D2-3. However, the
developments in the burial rite were essentially gradual,
and it would be arbitrary to attempt a strict definition of
the Furstengrab.
The 39 graves of
Ha
D2-3 whose contents corres
pond
to the t ra di ti on al elite rite are listed in table 3.
5
The table shows a cer tain variety in the composition of
the furnishings. Whereas graves with gold rings were
appar ently always provided with bronze vessels, the
gold ornaments themselves show the presence of both
. male and female burials: males being characterized by a
gold neck-ring and a single gold arm-ring, females by
pairs of gold arm-rings and gold ear-rings. This explains
the absence of weapons in a number of female) graves
table 3,
24-
28).
The absence of wagons in seven graves
table 3, 33-39 , which were otherwise furnished nor
mally with gold, weapons and bronze drinking services,
seems to form a discrete sub-group in Wiirttember g
which might be inter pr eted as of lower status than the
rest of the elite graves see Ziirn 1970, 125-28 . Finally,
a number of graves lacking gold or bronze vessels
suggests a deviation from the normal elite rite in certain
reg ional g ro up s, especially in the M id dl e Rhine area
and around the Jura mountains table 3,
1-5 .
Never
theless it seems valid to include the atypical graves in
our list, which is dominated by the classic elite set table
3,
6-3
2).
This discussion of Kimmig s m odel makes it quite
clear
that
both the settlement and burial criteria
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TH E
PREHISTORIC
SOCIETY
TABLE 3:
TH E ELITE
BURIALS
OF HA D2-3
IN
TH E
WEST
f or m o ve r the w hol e W es t H al ls ta tt cultur e,
bu t
also
HALLSTATT
CULTURE
static,
no t
changing during the whole of the
Ha
D phase
Wagon
Weapon
Vessel
Gold
Both implications are insupportable: the former due to
the extremely
poor
state of excavation of almost all
I Saraz
W D
these settlements, rendering the statement untestable;
2
Ins VI/upper
W D
the l at te r because of the de velopme nts w it hi n
Ha
D
3
Foret-des-
Moidons
W
V
described above. Within this development, the familiar
4 Bell
W
S
V
5
Hundheim
I
W
V
association of
Furstensitze
an d
Furstengrdber
the clas-
6 Niederweiler W
: s
V
sic expression of the
Furstensitz
model, is a f eature of
7 Hundersingen IV
W
?D
?V
the last stage of the Hallstatt period,
H a D 2-3.
Thus the
8 Grandvillars W
? V
distribution
ma p
of settlem ents with imported or imi-
9 Sainte-Colombe,La G.
W
? V
tated Mediterranean pottery table I) and elite burials
10 Apremont I
W
D)
V
G m)
I I
Chatonnaye
W D V
G m)
of Ha D2-3 table 3) shows a distinct correlation
12
Hochdorf
W
D.S. V
G m)
between these
tw o
classes of find fig.4 . Elite burials
13
Hundersingen
1/1
W
D.S. V
G m)
are grouped closely around the Heuneburg, Hohena-
14
Kappel I W
D V
G m)
sperg,
Mont
Lassois, Breisach, Camp-du-Chateau an d
15
Ludwigsburg I W D
V
G m)
Chatillon-sur-Glane settlements. Furthermore, above-
16
Apremont
2
W D ?
G m)
17
Hatten
W
S V
G m)
average finds are
known
from destroyed graves near the
18
Savoyeux W
? V
G m)
Uetliberg a golden bowl: Kimmig 1983b) a nd M on t-
19
Diidingen W
? V
G m)
morot a gold arm -ring an d Etruscan bronze amphora
20
Hermrigen W
? V
G m)
from Conliege:
Mohen
et al 1987, 203-206 . In some
21
Asperg
W ?
V
?G
areas, however, especially on the eastern fringe of the
22 Bad Cannstatt I
W
S V
G m)
23
Mercey/Saone ?W ?
V
G m)
West Hallstatt culture, elite burials have
no t
yet been
24
Vix W
V
G f)
f ou nd ne ar the settlements e.g. Wiir zburg M ar ie n-
25
Adiswil W
V
?G f)
berg ; Bopfingen Ipf ) an d in others the elite burials lack
26
Ins VIII
W V
G f)
associated settlements with above-average finds espec-
27
Urtenen
W V
G f)
ially the M iddle Rhine area). It is no t unlikely that this
28
Sainte-Colombe, La B.
W
? G f)
29
Allenluften W ?
G m)
reflects regional cultural differences in settlement an d
3°
Payerne W ? G m)
burial,
rather
than
the chance lack of archaeological
3
1 Ihringen
?
V
G
discoveries.
3
2 Ludwigsburg 2
?
D
?V ?G
Although the correlation between the settlement type
33
Hundersingen
1/2
D V
G m)
hillfort), settlement finds imported pottery etc.) an d
34
Bad
Cannsta
tt
2 S
V
G m)
35
Duiilingen
S
V
G m)
graves elite rite) can be accepted for
Ha
D2-3, we are
3
6
Baisingen
?
V
G m)
still far from understanding its implications. However,
37
Ensisheim
S
?V G m)
we will see from the following discussion that the link
3
8
Hundersingen 3 V
G m)
between hillforts an d elite burials seems to have existed
39
Hundersingen 1/5 S
?V
G m)
before
Ha D2-3,
in
Ha Dr an d
even in
Ha
C. And both
classes of find suggest a process of increasing exclusivity
Wagons
W); weapons: daggers
D ,
spearheads 5); bronze vessels
- i.e. a gr adu al c on ce ntr ati on of
power
- represent-
V); gold
ornaments
G ): male sets m), female sets f)
ing an essential feature of the West Hallstatt culture.
underwent crucial changes within the late H all sta tt
period. The elite burial rite was becoming increasingly
exclusive, an d i mp or te d or i mit at ed M ed it er ra ne an
p ot te ry generally a pp ea re d on hillforts only af ter the
end of
Ha
Dr.
Clearly, any model for the West Hallstatt
culture must t ake a cco unt of its dynamic nature. But
Eggert, in his critique 1989), emphasized that a defini
ti on , in Kimmig s sense, implies
that
the
Furstensitz
and therefore the social structure) was
no t
only uni-
INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS
W I TH IN T H E WEST
HALLSTATT
CULTURE
The spread elite burial practices
As well as increasing in exclusivity, the elite burial rite
spread to areas where it was previously unknown.
Whereas in
H a D 2-3
this sort of grave r ea ch ed as far
west as the upper Seine, the French
J ur a a nd
western
188
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C. Pare URST NSITZ
Fig. 4
Distribution
map
of the elite burials circles) and settlements stars) of the ,Vest Hallstatt culture in Ha
D2 3
see tables
I and
3), of the Greek colonies triangles), and of the Etruscan towns black squares) and
inscriptions empty squares) in
north
Italy
Switzerland, even reaching the Middle Rhine area, in
Ha
C
and
Ha DI
the rite is hardly represented west of
the Rhine valley. Apart from rare exceptions, the
western limit of the Ha C DI distribution is marked by
the graves of Frankfurt-Stadtwald, Ohnenheim Alsace)
and Ins Canton Bern). This expansion is best under
stood as part of a more general change in cultural
boundaries: the cultural border formed by the Rhine,
which was
important
during Ha C
and
Ha DI dis
solved in Ha D2 3.
Now
the regions east
and
west of
the Rhine are joinedin the classic West Hallstatt culture
13
roughly corresponding to the area of the settlements
and
graves on fig.
4).
This cultural zone is characterized
not only by the so-called urstengrdberand urstensitze
but , among other things, also by common types of
pottery e.g. fig. 2)
and
bronze ornaments see note 4
The reasons for this cultural reorientation are
obscure. However, an analysis of the elite graves cer
tainly points to south-west Germany playing a crucial
role. Thus the phase Ha D2 3 saw a general radiation
of burial practices typical for this area. Finds docu
menting this influence include graves with gold
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THE PREHISTORIC SOCIETY
ring-jewellery,
bronze
cauldrons and c er tai n types of
wagons wago n-type 7, see Pare, in press). All these
types are characteristic of the south-west German area,
but were transmitted in
Ha
D2-3 to a re as as distant as
Moravia, the Middle Rhine and Poitou.
Even
without
f ur th er d et ai le d a rg um en t, it is c lear
that the elite buri al s in east central France, western
Switzerland
and the Mi dd le Rhine a re a represent the
appearance of new practices in
Ha
D2-3, adopted from
a core area located in s ou th -wes tGermany and perhaps
northern Switzerland.
Th e foundation
the Fiirstensitze
We already mentioned that imported
pottery from
settlements generally dates to
Ha
D2-3. In fact , on most
sites with imported pottery the so-called
urstensitze i
settlement in the
Hallstatt period
seems e it he r to ha ve
started, or attained importance, precisely in this phase.
The Heuneburg, of course, is a notable exception.With
its
mud-brick
wall, suburban settlement and
imported
pottery, it is the only site inHa
Dr
which corresponds to
Kimmig s mod el,
and
it remains unique in central
Europe.
The dating of the settlements is most clearly reflected
by fibulae, wh ich are oft en
found
in large quantities.
Thus of almost 300 fibula fragments from Mont
Lassois,
none can
be
dated
before Ha D2/3, and the vast
majority
particularly
Doppelpauken
and
ufizier
types) are typical for
that
phase. At the Camp-du
Chateau and Chatillon -s ur-Glane, the excav atio ns
uncoveredHallstatt stratigraphies clearly starting in
D2. The other sites are less ex tensively excav ated , or
await publication Breisach), bu t
taken
together their
finds almost always point to
Ha D2-3, with
Ha C and
Ha Dr hardly represented.
This d ate for the settlements wes t of the Rhine is o nly
to be expected since the great mass of elite Hallstatt
burials in these areas can be dated to
Ha
D2-3. The
chronological coincidence is most cl ea r for the settle
ments of Chatillon-sur-Clane,Mont Lassois,
Camp-du
Chateau,
Montmorot , and their ass ociated g raves.
Judging from the g ro ups of elite burials in the area of
Apremont-Mantoche, Savoyeux-Mercey
and around
the Hohenasperg, one suspects
that
these elite centres
might also have b egun in Ha D2-3: at any rate, elite
burials are
no t
known from these areas from preceding
Hallstatt phases. However, the lack of
information
from the settlements of these three centres means
that
this remains speculative.
Two facts deserve emp ha si s: first the c or re la ti on
between the dating of elite hillforts and g raves wes t of
the Rhine, and s econ d their d is semination fro m a core
area located in s ou th -wes t Germany .
Developments
in
south west Germany
and
the
concentration
power
The
south-west
German
area of the West
Hallstat
culture is special in having evidence for early elite
burials
and
settlements. In this ore area a number of
finds point to a p ro cess which can best be characterized
as a concentration of power . One important elemen
of this process, the increasing exclusivity of the elite rite
has al ready been described.
Thus,
w her ea s the elite
b ur ia ls f or me d a rather dense scatter in
Ha
C and
Ha
Dr , for example on the Swabian Alb, north-west of
Lake Constance and in the Breisgau, in Ha
D2-3
the
gra ves are numerically restricted
and
cluster in a few
groups fig. 4).
A good example for this change is offered by the
s ection of the Swabian Alb b etween Alb stad t-Eb in gen
and
Inzigkofen Pare r989). Here,
two
groups compris
ing
r4
wagon-graves date to
Ha
C
and Ha
Dr, whereas
elite b urials are completely lacking in the next phase.
What led to the cessation of elite burial here can be
illustrated by the Magdalenenberg near Villingen
Schwenningen Spindler r983, 65-67; r34-36). This
vast tumulus, originally measuring r02 m in d iamet er
with
a h ei gh t of 8 m, was b ui lt o ve r a rich elite b ur ia l o
Ha
Dr. The tumulus was then used as a cemet ery
and
contained
about
r40 s econ dary g rav es, all likewise
dating to Ha
Dr.
This burial-place belonged to a smal
n eigh bo urin g h illfort, the
Kapf ,
w ho se finds a ga in
date
to
Ha
Dr. Obviously both the h illfort and the
cemetery were abandoned at the trans ition fro m Ha D r
to D2: after this date the re gi on has n ei th er Hallstatt
hillforts
no r
elite graves. Small hillforts are also known
by Albstadt-Ebingenand Inzigkofen, near the groups of
wagon-graves mentioned above. Although
no t
com
prehensively excavated, the finds againpoint to a settle
ment predominantly in Ha
Dr.
Thus in all three cases
Albstadt-Ebingen, Inzigkofen, Villingen) it seemsthat
small centres with hillforts
and
elite burials were aban
doned at the transition from
Ha
Dr to D2.
Research by Dr J. Klug on the hillforts in the Breisgau
has brought to light a similar phenomenon. H er e, in
the course of large-scale landscape alterations, r 2 hill
forts of the Hallstatt
period
have been examined. All the
excavated evidence suggests that they were occupied in
Ha
Dr, often with settlement reaching back into
Ha
C.
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rr. C. Pare FURST NSITZ
But after
Ha Dr
they were abandoned, leaving only
the Breisach M ii ns te rb er g settlement, defined by
Kimmig s mo de l as a Furstensitz ?
Thus the dense network of small centres of power in
the core area, characterized by hillforts and elite burials,
which emerged during
Ha
C
and
Ha
Dr
was thinned
out at the t ra ns it io n from Ha Dr to D2. In Ha
D2-3
there rem ained fewer hillforts associated with richer
elite burials, namely the Furstensitze
This concentration of
power
was presumably not
entirely peaceful.
On
the Heuneburg, for example, the
transition from
Ha Dr
to
D2
is marked by a violent
d es tr uc ti on between H eu ne bu rg phases IV and Ill).
While the suburban settlement was totally abandoned,
never to be used again, the defences of the hillfort were
rebuilt w it h e ar th
and
t im ber, in traditional central
E ur op ea n m an ne r, o ve r the ruins of the fa mou s mu d
brick fortifications. Indeed, the four large tumuli hous
ing the elite burials of Ha
D2-3
now bu ilt on top of the
levelled
suburban
settlement might suggest that the
hillfort had p ass ed i nt o the h an ds of a new elite, whic h
paid no heed to the memory of the destroyed
suburbium
To sum marize: in south-west Germany there was in
Ha Dr
probably also in
Ha
C) a network of num erous
hillforts, with unrem arkable finds, associated with a
relatively dense scatter of elite burials. Comparing
Ha
D2-3
with Ha Dr we can de tec t a te nde ncy t ow ar ds
fewer, richer hillfort settlements now with imports
and
other
above-average finds) and fewer elite burials often
with luxurious furnishings). This tendency, character
ized here as a c onc ent ra ti on of power involved the
abandonment
of
both
hillforts
and
elite burial tradi
tions in parts of south-west Germany. At the same time,
in
Ha
D
2-3
the distribution of elite burials expanded
f ro m the core a re a to include the w hole W es t H al ls ta tt
culture. And these graves are again associated with
hillforts, now often with imported pottery.
In s ho rt, our conclusions show the g ra du al emer
gence of an elite life style, and its geographical expan
sion, d ur in g a p er io d of m or e than two hundred years,
spanning the whole of the Hallstatt period. In each
phase, it seems possible to recognize an association
between hillforts
and
elite burials. But these centres of
power
decreased in num ber. Eventually, only a small
number of hillforts survived, having been able to con
centrate polit ical
power
at the expense of their
neighbours.
It is within this dynamic context that we should
consider contact and t ra de wi th the Me di te rr an ea n
world. While many authors have seen the rise of the
so-called civilisation princiere in the north-west
Alpine area as a reflex of trade with civilized Mediterra
nean cultures a core and periphery relationship
.
I
would suggest that the emergence of the elite during the
Hallstatt
p er io d has an i nt er na l logic which does
not
require a M editerranean deus ex ma chi na
-
particu
larly because regular trading with the Greek colonies
came
rather
late in the course of events. The foundation
of Ma ss ali a, in 600 BC has traditionally been seen as
providing the impulse for the formation of the princely
culture of
Ha
D. But neither the internal developments
in the Hallstatt culture
nor
the degree of c on ta ct wi th
the Greek colonies in
Ha Dr
can support this view.
Historic al events in the Greek world, which seem to
a cc ou nt for their increased economic interest in the
north provide necessary conditions for the upsurge in
trade, but are not sufficient as an explanation. Fur
thermore, in its early years Massalia may not have
played a very
important
role in trade. Perhaps the
arrival of large numbers of Phocaean refugees following
the Persian invasion of their homeland in
545 BC
was a
crucial factor quickly leading to Massalia s dominance
and
far-reaching influence.
The v olume of t ra de w it h the M ed it er ra ne an w or ld
incr ease d s ha rpl y in the H al ls ta tt ph ase Ha
D2-3
in
absolute terms approximately dating between 530/520
and 450/440 BC. It was in this phase that trade with the
G re ek colonies of the Fre nch M id i st ar te d,
and
only
now did the supply of Etruscan bronze vessels become
regular. The upsurge of tr ade mu st be explained pri
ma ri ly by the receptivity and m ou nt in g power of the
West Hallstatt elite. The spr ea d of elite burials and
settlements to the Saone valley in
Ha D2-3
meant
that
the distance separating the West Hallstatt elite from the
Greek colonies became much smaller. And the lowland
settlement of Bragny could have profited from the
p ro xi mi ty of the t ra di ng p ar tn er s, acting as a p or t- of
trade.
I mp or ts f rom the s ou th were confined a lmo st com
pletely to M editerranean symposion equipment and
wine. This clearly reflects the requirements and interests
of the W es t Hallstatt elite, whose burial rites show
that
drinking
and
feasting customs played an important role
for them. Thus the M editerranean imports fitted into a
pre-existing niche in the West Hallstatt culture, which
had a traditional interest in producing and exchanging
fine d ri nk in g e qu ip me nt - the ma nu fa ct ur e of br onz e
drinking vessels, for example, continued throughout
the Urnfield and Hallstatt periods. Elite feasting could
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THE PREHISTORIC
SOCIETY
have pl ay ed a
part
in festivals of religious or political
leagues compare the Latin league: Alfoldi 197
1,
1-46),
in prestigious hospitali ty compare Hom eric Greece:
Finley 1956), or in competitive gift-exchange see
Frankenstein
Rowlands 1978).
THE EFFECTS
OF TRADE WITH
ITALY
The opening of the West Hallstatt zone to the M editer
ranean world left a deep impression on the conscious
ness of this
barbarian
people. Although previous
emphasis on influence from the Greek colonies has
tended to obscure the effects of contacts and trade with
Italy, it is certain
that
the increasing aquaintance with
the civilized ne igh bou rs across the Alps b or e fruit in
events of lasting importance: the Celtic invasion of Italy
and
the
start
of the Celtic diaspora. These events m ust
be dated a fte r the end of the H al ls ta tt pe ri od, but the
importance of a preliminary phase, corresponding to
Ha
D2-3,
in
which the Celts gained knowledge of,
among other things, the wealth and political geography
of Italy, is reflected by a story told by Livy V, 33, 2-5),
Plutarch Camillus, XV) and Dionysius of Halicar
nassus XIII, 10-1
I) .
Dionysius, in his explanation of
the reason for the Celtic invasion, first relates the
p ro bl ems of a c er ta in A rru ns of C lusium, whic h led to
his preparations for a sojourn abroad, ostensibly for the
purpose of trading; then he continues:
[Arruns J l oa de d m an y skins of wine and olive oil and m an y
b as ke ts of figs on the wag on s and set out for Caul,
The Gauls at that time had no k no wle dg e e it he r of wine
mad e from grapes or of oil such as is p ro du ce d by our olive
trees, bu t used for wine a foul-smelling l iq uo r made from
barley rotted in water, and for oil, stale lard, disgusting both
in smell and taste. On that occasion, accordingly, when for the
first time they en joy ed fruits whic h they had never before
t as te d, they got won de rf ul p le as ure out of each; and they
asked the stranger how each of these articles was produced
and among wha t men. The T yrr he nia n t ol d th em that the
country producing these fruits was large and fertile and
that
it
was i nh ab it ed by only a few p eo pl e, who were no b et te r
than
women
whe n it came to war fa re ; and he adv ised them to get
these products no longer bypurchase from others, bu t to drive
out
the present owners and enjoy the fruits as their own . .
Persuaded bythese words, the Gauls came into Italy and to the
Tyrrhenians known as the Clusians, from whence had come
the man who p er su ad ed them to m ak e
war .
Leaving aside the scurrilous tale of Arruns domestic
problem s, the story clearly docum ents the belief that
trade, and th er eby the a cq ua in ta nc e w it h l uxu ri ous
M ed it er ra ne an pr oduce , was the cause for the Celts
descent on Italy. A no th er passage , in Polybius, also
refers to this pre-conquest stage of transalpine relations,
stating that the Celts were close neighbours of the
Etruscans and associated much with them Nat. Hist.
11,
17). Archaeologically, this stage can be equated with
the u ps ur ge of t ra de in the c entr al E ur op ea n ph as e
Ha
D2-3·
In stark c ont ra st to this peaceful picture of trans
a lpine c on ta cts in the late H al ls ta tt p er iod , Livy, in a
much-discussed passage, claimed that the Celtic inva
sions began before the foundation of Massalia, of
600
BC v,
34). Livy s high chronology m akes non
sense of the other reports of the Celtic invasion, which
consistently describe the Celts displacing the Etruscans,
who
themselves colonized the Po valley only during the
6th c en tury. And his d ate for the start of the invasions
has been dismissed by most scholars. However, a num
ber of historians
and
archaeologists have recently
s ou gh t to r eha bi li ta te the h ig h c hr on ol og y , finding
corroboration
in an early inscription of a Celtic name at
Orvieto Mansuelli 1978; Pallottino 1978; De Simone
197
8;
Nash 1985, 64, note 8).
Our
knowledge of north
Italy in the 6th and yth centuries BC speaks against
Livy s chronology, as the following will show.
The Etruscan presence in the Po valley is well docu
m ented in the ancient sources, which repeatedly men
tion Etruscans occupying the area between the
Apennines and the Alps e.g. D io do ru s Siculus XIV,
113; Justin XX, 5; Livy V, 33; Plutarch, Camillus XVI;
Polybius
17). The Etruscans colonized large parts of
the valley in the 6th century
BC.
The reason for the
sudden Etruscan interest in the
north
has been sought,
convincingly, in the waning fortunes of the Etruscans in
their traditional sphere of interest the Tyrrhenian Sea
with its adjoining coastal areas), increasingl
threatened, in the period between the battles of Alalia
Cumae
and
Himera, by the fleets of the Greeks and
Carthaginians
Szilagyi
1952). Among the 12 Dio
dorus Siculus XIV, 113; Livy V, 33) or 18 Etruscan
cities in the Po valley Plutarch, Camillus XVI), a few
are known by name: Adria, Felsina, Mantua, Melpum,
Mutina and Parma. There is even an account of the
coloniz ation in the story of Aucnus wh o, in order to
a void a dis pute w it h his b ro th er Aulestes fo unde r of
Perusia), left Perusia
and
founded Felsina
and
other
defended colonies in the Po valley, including Mantua. ?
A rcha eology, t oo , has f ou nd evidence for the Etru
scan c olo ni za ti on , for ex ampl e in the w ea lth of A dr ia
and Spina, and of Bologna Etruscan Felsina) in its
so-called Certosa phase . Furthermore, excavations
have uncovered an Etruscan
town
at
Marzabotto,
and
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11. C. are URST NSITZ
Fig. 5
The
city of
Como
Lombardy)
and
its cemeteries in the
yth
century
BC.
Squares: settlement finds.
Circles: cemeteries. After De Marinis
19
84,
39)
R. De Marinis has recently brought to light an Etruscan
colony near Mantua at Bagnolo S.Vito · see two impor
tant
exhibition catalogues: Bologna 1960; Mantua
1986 . Further Etruscan settlements may be represented
by the sites of San Polo d Enza Campo Servirolo)
and
Castellarano Mansuelli 1986 708-709; Magagnini
195 5)·
Toge ther with inscriptions in the Etruscan
language Colonna 1974 6 fig. I; additions: Pandolfini
1986 116; Neppi
Modona
1970; Bermond Montanari
19
86;
Aigner-Foresti 1988 map 5; De Marinis 19
255; Gambari 19
89, 215;
Peretto
1990
these sites and
colonies
show
the approximate extent of the Po valley
193
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THE PREHISTORIC
SOCIETY
Fig. 6
Distribution map of the arched fibula with notched bow and bent-up foot
occupied by the Etruscan settlers fig.
4
in cities well
equipped for profitable commerce
and
for sumptuous
living Plutarch, Camillus XVI). Today, as a result of
archaeological discoveries, the previous hypercritical
approach
to the historical version of the Etruscan colo
nization e.g. Mansuelli 1959) no longer seems
appropriate.
To the nor th- west, the Etr usca n colonists had as
neighbours a people whose material remains are
known
archaeologically as the Golasecca culture. In the area of
the Golasecca culture, around Lakes Maggiore and
Como
a language related to Celtic was spoken
named
Lepontic by philologists Risch 1970, 133,
map). At the time of the colonization, the Golasecca
culture experienced a
peak
in its fortunes - perhaps in
part caused by the proximity of the advanced Etruscan
settlem ents. Com merce with the Etruscans certainly
intensified from the end of the 6th century, and the 5th
century saw the loru t of Como, which now formed the
major ce ntr e of the c ul tu re fig. 5). In the yth century,
Como attained t rue urban proportions, with a settled
a re a of
more
than
150
hectares
and probably
w it h an
urban
design e.g. uniform house orientation, a street
plan, drainage system, etc., see De M arinis 1986).
Clearly, the story
told
both
by historical and archaeo
logical sources speaks for the late 6th and yth centuries
194
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I C.
are URST NSITZ
Fig. 7
Distribution
map
of t hr ee types of b ro nz e pendant
being a period of prosperity in
north
Italy with towns
and
cities being founded not abandoned. The recent
attem pts to corroborate Livy s high chronology for
the Celtic invasions which
would
have a long series of
waves of invasions throughout the 6th
and yth
cen
turies can hardly be reconciled with
our
knowledge of
north
Italy.
Having clarified this problem and having obtained a
quasi-historical framework for contacts between the
Celts
and
the Me dit er ra ne an in the 6th and 5th cen
turies
BC
we can
now
look more closely at the archaeo-
logical evidence for the trading relations of the late
Hallstatt period. Within the Hallstatt culture east cen
tr al France assumed an
important
role as a trading
partner in Ha D2 3. This is due pa rtly to the tra din g
activity a lo ng the R ho ne -S ao ne Passage passing
through the area of the West H all sta tt culture of east
central France. But east central France also has an
important
quantity of imported Etruscan bronze vessels
of this date: the
amphora
from Conliege the
chn bel-
k nne and
dishes from Vix the
chn belk nnen
fro m
Mercey-sur-Saone and from an unprovenanced find in
195
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I I C. are
URST NSITZ
3
A-
4
~
Fig.
Bronze wagon fittings from Como, Ca Morta 2,4,6), Vix
I,
3 and Savigne 5 .
Scale
:2
19 7
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T H E P R E HI S T OR I C SOCIETY
Duria passes; 3) the Cenomani led by Etitovius cross
ing o ve r the s am e passes; 4) the Libui an d Salluvii; S
the Boii
an d
Lingones,
wh o
crossed over the Poenine
pass; an d 6) the Senones, lead by Brennus.
Th e are as s et tl ed by the i nv ad in g t rib es can o nl y be
located in a few cases for the Insubres, Cenomani,
Anari, Boii, Lingones an d Senones: fig. 10), bu t the
position of their original homelands seems to be reflec
ted by the territories occupied by the ancestral tribes in
the I s t c en tu ry BC , encountered
an d
described by
ulius
C ae sa r fig. 10). W hi le t he re is every r ea so n to e xp ec t
that
the political ma p of France did no t remain perfectly
constant
between the
4th a nd
r st centuries
BC ,
it is likely
that the general area inhabited by the tribes described
by Caesar, cen tral and eastern France, corresponds
approximately
with
the
homeland
of
many
of the tribes
which invaded Italy.
Thus
in the Celtic invasions, the
tribes generally did
no t
move
en bloc
bu t
divided, one
part
r em ai ni ng in the
home
t er ri to ry , the o th er , pre
dominantly
made
up of young men, setting
ou t
in search
of
n ew l an d
to settle.
Th e
best account of this process is
found in the s to ry of A mb ig at us , king of the Bituriges
wh o sent his nephews Bellovesus
an d
Segovesus to
invade Italy an d the Hercynian highlands.
Moreover
the tribes involved, located in r st century Gaul by
Caesar, occupied a coherent region of central
an d
eastern France, strongly suggesting that Livy s list of
invading tribes was no t fortuitous.
Archaeology has a decisive role to play in testing the
historical version of the Celtic invasion, particularly the
ori gin of the tribes involved. V. K ru ta s research has
been able to recognize regional differences among the
Celti c m at er ia l of
north
Italy, c or re sp on di ng to the
territories of different tribes Kruta
1980;
1983).
Thus
the graves in the territory of the Boii, often cremations,
lacked ankle-rings
and
t orcs . And the arm-r ing s in the
graves of this a re a are also ch aract er is ti c: the b uri al s
were often provided with at least one iron arm-ring, and
the
arrangement
of the rings was asymmetric, with
more
being worn on the left a rm t ha n on the ri ght. All
these characteristics find parallels in the central-east
area
of the La Tene culture, in the region where the Boii
were
reported
to have d we lt in the r s t c en tu ry
BC .
In the
area of the Senones an d C en om an i, by c on tr as t, the
female b uri al s were to rc s, i nd ic at in g an o ri gi n for the
tribes in the western part of the La Tene culture. And the
exclusive use of the
inhumation
burial rite, an d the
symmetrical arrangement
of the arm-rings in the graves
of the territory settled by the Senones, find good paral
lels in the Marnian g ro up of the La T en e c ul tu re , close
to the area where the Senones were encounte r ed by
Caesar. O.-H. Frey has also described a type of belt
hook which once again is typical for the
Marn
ian area
and found
occasionally in north Italy Frey 19 ,
17-18, fig. 7). And U. Schaaff has drawn attention to a
typically
Marnian torque
ternaire from S. Polo d Enz a
Schaaff, pers. comm.; see Magagnini I9S
S
pl. 4, 4).11
Th e earliest fixed historical date for the Celtic inva
sion of north Italy is 396 BC , the dest ruct io n of the
wealthy Etruscan
town
of M el pu m, by the Insubres,
Boii an d Senones Pliny Ill, xvii). Thus we can expect:
the series of in va si on s s tar ti ng w it h the In su br es and
ending with the Senones) to have started in the later part
of the
yth
century, therefore within the La Tene A phase
of central Europe dating between C.4S0/440 and
c. 370/3
SO
BC). T hi s is reflected by the a pp ea ra nc e of
Itali c types of
weaponry
in La Tene A graves: two
wheeled battle chariots Custin
Pauli 1984 ), bronze
helmets Schaaff
1988, 3IS-I6,
note
4S an d
shields
Bockius 1989). These innovations presumably reflect
w arl ik e con tact s of the Celts w it h the ar ea across the
Alps, eit her as raiders, mercenaries or invaders. We
have seen that the southern contacts of Ha
D2-3
were
very different,
dominated
by peaceful trade in wine and
wine-drinking equipment, bu t in both stages the con
tacts involved east central France.
Livy V, 34 3S gave details of the ro utes t ak en by
t hree in vading Celtic armies; the armies led by Bell
ovesus
an d
Etitovius crossed the Alps over the Taurine
an d
Duria
passes
aroundMont
Cenis)
an d
the Boii
an d
Lingones used the Poenine pass Great St Bernard). It is
interesting that these Celts avoided the routes used
earlier for transalpine trading activities, which sure l
crossed over the Simplon an d St Gotthard passes e.g.
figs 6 an d 7). These passes were probably controlled y
the peop le of the Golasecca cul ture Lep ontii ), and
they could have
stopped
the Celts crossing the Alp s at
these points. On the o th er h an d, the close, possibly
friendly, contacts between the Golasecca culture
an d
the Celts could have led the Celts to seek
land
elsewhere,
explaining wh y their invasion route skirted around
the Golasecca territory
and
was directed chiefly at the
areas settled by the Etruscans. We may recall that
the Lep ontii spoke a form of the Celtic language,
and
so
ma y
have f ou nd it easier to c om mu ni ca te w it h
the Celtic invaders.
An d
the four-wheeled
wagon
from
Ca Morta suggests contacts which transcended mere
trade.
Returning to the starting-point of the article, we must
finally pose the question of the role played by the West
-
8/17/2019 Furstensitze Celts and the Mediterranean
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11.
C.
Pare
URST NSITZ
Fig.
The Celtic tribes which invaded Italy, mentioned by Livy and Polybius italic script),
and
by Julius Caesar
normal script). The arrows
show
the r out es t ak en by the Celts over the
Great
St Bernard
and
Mont
Cenis passes
Hallstatt
elites in the Celtic invasions. The mass of rich
La Tene A burials outside the area of the West Hallstatt
culture, particularly in the Marnian Middle Rhine and
Bohemian groups, which frequently contain imported
Etruscan bronzes, has led to the belief
that
these areas
somehow replaced the Furstensitz zone at the Hallstatt/
La Tene transition. This idea was reinforced by the
excavations of Mont Lassois and the Heuneburg, which
showed that both Furstensitze were destroyed and
abandoned at the end of the H al ls ta tt pe riod . Per haps
the gradually increasing social hierarchization, and the
concentration of power which
had
been attained by
the end of the Hallstatt period, collapsed with the start
of La Tene A. Now we see a far larger number of elite
burials - particularly graves of sword-bearers
showing that this traditionally high status burial rite
was no longer restricted to such an exclusive social
group. In the early La Tene period a warrior class
reached ascendency, which previously
had
been domi
nated by an elite of even higher social status.P This
social change may
mark
the time when the characteris
tic tribal organization known from descriptions of the
Celtic invaders of Italy, was established in Centr al
Europe.
However, it should not be forgotten that some u -
stensitze such as Breisach, Camp-du-Chateau,
Chatillon-sur-Glane, Britzgyberg, Uetliberg and the
Hohenasperg, continued in use during the early La Tene
period. Sadly, there is still very little known about these
settlements, which could provide crucial evidence con
cerning the start of the La Tene culture. However, some
of these hillforts, particularly those in eastern F rance
and
west Switzerland, were in the forefront in forming
close relations with
north
Italy before the Celtic
199
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TH E
P R E HI S TO R I C S OC I ET Y
invasions. And some of the tribes which took part in the
invasions had their original territories in the area of the
West Hallstatt culture (compare figs 4 an d
la).
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Notes
1 In the Hallstatt period it is
important
to distinguish between three
major chronological phases, which reflect changes in essential parts of
life: Ha C, Ha DI and Ha D2-3. A number of less import an t
sub-phases , which may just reflect peripheral aspects of life, such as
fashions in ornaments, may often be only of regional validity (such as
the distinction between Ha Cl and Ha C2, or the phase Ha D2). The
chronology used here can be summarized as follows: Halls ta tt C
c 75O-c. 600
BC ;
HallstattDI c
60o-c.
530/520 BC) = Heuneburg
period IV; Hallstatt D2-3 c 530/52o-C. 450/440 BC) = Heuneburg
period Ill-I; La Tene A
c
450/44o-C. 370/35.0
BC .
2
According to the second criterion, three sites were mentioned:
Mar ienberg near Wiirzburg; Uetliberg near Ziirich; Camp -du
Chateau near Salins. Eight sites were selected according to the third
criterion: Gray (graves: Apremont, Mantoche, Mercey-sur-Saone,
Savoyeux); Breisach (graves: Ihringen, Giindlingen, Schlatt,Colmar
Kastenwald, Ensisheim, Kappel); ?Bern-Engehalbinsel (graves:
Grachwil, Urtenen, Zollikofen); ?Mont Vully (graves: Ins, Allen
luften, Niederried, Hermrigen); uncertain location (graves: Payerne,
Chatonnaye, Corminboeuf, Lentigny, Cordast, Diidingen); ?Belfort
(grave: Grandvillars); ?Langres (grave: La Motte-St. Valentin);
uncertain location (grave: Magdalenenberg near Villingen).
3 For the Furstensitze and their pottery, see GaiHe (1985), Feugere
Guillot (1986), Kimmig (1988), Pare (1989) etc. For the individual
sites, see the following works: Schwab 1983 (Chatillon-sur-Glane);
Kimmig
1983a
(Heuneburg); Klein 1987 (Breisach); ]oHroy 1960
Mont
Lassois); Daye t 1.967, and older l ite rature (Camp-du
Cha teau); Drack 1988 (Uerliberg); Scotto 1985 (Mont rnorot );
Thevenot 1983; GaiHe 1985 (Camp-de-Chassey); Schweitzer 1973
(Britzgyberg); Zahn
Boss 1986 (Marienberg near Wiirzburg);
Schultze-Naumburg 1969 (Bopfingen-Ipf); Feuvrier 1914,
691-96
Mont
Guerin); Kimmig 1988 (Hohenasperg); Lang 1974,
21-22
(Hohennagold); Kimmig 1983c, 71, fig.61,
I
(Mont Vully).
4 For the south-west borde r of the West Hallstatt culture, see
Wamser 1975, maps 11-15; Feugere Guillot 1986,194-202, fig
34-41. For the concept of the port -o f- trade , see Polanyi 1960
Renfrew 1972, 460 H.
5
Full information on the wagon-graves can be found in Pare (in
press). Otherwise: Ludwigsburg 2, Bad Cannstatt 2, Dufslingen
Baisingen: Ziirn (1987); Ihringen: Wagner (1908, 188); Ensisheim
Plouin (1988); Mercey-sur-Saone:
Mohen
et al (1987,
72-74 .
A
complete publication of the Hundersingen graves isbeing prepared by
S. Schiek (Stuttgart).
6 The exceptions are: La Cote-Saint-Andre and Marainville-sur
Madon.
Probably also Saulces-Champenoises, Poiseul and Magny
Lambert. See Pare (1989).
7 The extension of the core area is marked by the following sites
Heuneburg, Ins, Britzgyberg and Hatten/Hiigelsheim.
8 The author is grateful to]. Klug for making available the results o
her research, which are being prepared for publication. For an interim
report, see Klug (1985).
9 A number of grave finds in the Breisgau show
that
the inhabitants
ofthe hillforts practised the elite burial rite inHa C and Ha
DI
(seefor
example Pare 1992). But after this, in Ha D2-3, the gold arm-ring and
bronze cauldron from Ihringen constitute the only elite burial find
from the region . This grave could be brought into connection with the
Breisach Miinsterberg ,
bu t
it also seems likely
that
the tumulus
cemetery of this Furstensitz awaits discovery or has been destroyed.
10 Adria (LivyV, 33; Plutarch, Camillus XVI), Felsina (Pliny Ill, 15)
Mantua
(Pliny Ill, 19), Melpum (Pliny Ill, 17),
Mutina
and Parma
(LivyXXXIX, 55). For the Aucnus story, see Virgil, Aen. X, 198; also
Pauly-Wissowa, Reallexikon (headings: Aucnus, Aulestes,
Mantua
)
11 Although it is tempting to locate the homeland of the Senones in
the area of the
Marnian
group of the La Tene culture, this isrendered
problematical by Caesar s location of the tribe to the south-west of
the distribution of typical Marnian finds. However, the Marnian
group experienced a cultural break in the 3rd century BC, suggesting
that the original inhabitants of the area may have been displaced by
newcomers from the Danubi an cultural area (Kruta 19
86
, 44
Demoule
Het 1985,
208-11 .
2 The princely grave of Apremont, excavated in 1879 by E.Perron
illustrates the social organization of the late Hallstatt period (seePare
1989). The wooden burial chamber contained an inhumation pro
vided with gold ring-jewellery, a wagon, a bronze cauldron and a fine
gold cup. At the feetof the inhumation was a cremation burial with an
iron sword - possibly representing a dependent armed retainer.