Funeral Customs Among the Malabar Tribes: Towards acculturation

Funeral Customs

Among the Malabar

Tribes: Towards

acculturation

Dr.Manjula Poyil

Number 3

March 2007

history farook series

P.G.Department of History Farook College Kozhikode-673632, Kerala

Email: [email protected]

W O R K I N G P A P E R

mailto:[email protected]

Funeral Customs

Among the Malabar

Tribes: Towards

acculturation

Dr.Manjula Poyil

Number 3

March 2007

history farook working paper series Number 3 March 2007

Dr.Manjula Poyil, Department of history, Farook College [email protected]

Summary

The life and culture of the Malabar tribes have long been undergoing a slow process of transformation as a

consequence of the contacts with the more advanced migrant settlers from the plains, which has been variously

termed as acculturation or sanskritization. Tribal people were exposed to unfamiliar and alien norms and traditions

which they were forced to absorb piece-meal in course of time. It is quite interesting to note that even among the

most primitive tribes, and in spite of their still dominant insular life, the volume of acculturation is tremendously high

and they are slowly on a path of absorption into the Hindu religious pantheon. The slow erosion of the distinctive

identity of the tribal culture, however, is relatively slow in the realm of death customs. And even these limited

elements of accommodation are more from the upper caste Hindu traits and the least from Islamic practices.

Introduction

Death is the last of life‟s crises and every person lives with the awareness

of his or her own death. But all primitives believe in the immortality of the soul.

One societal task associated with death is that of assigning new relationships

between the deceased and the survivors. The new status of the dead may be

hostile or friendly. Thus each burial is handled carefully with proper ceremonies.

All primitive tribes follow their own peculiar funeral rites and worship the spirits

of the dead as their ancestor-deities. Elaborate funeral rites and worship of the

dead is meant to prevent the return of the spirit of the dead. Tribal approach to

death and funeral is universal in nature and the tribes of Malabar are hence no

exception to this general rule. But the Malabar tribes do not accept the

phenomenon of death as a natural and normal event; rather, they think death as

being caused by the work of evil spirits or by the witchcraft of the evil-doers and

hence, all the spirits are dreadful. Thus, the chief object of the proper disposal of

the corpse and the fulfillment of all the rites and customs in connection

therewith, as Sydney Hartland has rightly observed, are to free the living from

the defilement of death and to give rest to the deceased.

The Malabar tribes1 today follow two methods of burial – inhumation and

cremation. The same tribe may follow both practices though in different

contexts. For all infants, youths and for unnatural deaths, inhumation is

preferred. Cremation is mainly for the headmen, popular personalities, aged men

and women. A corpse has to pass through various ritual ceremonies, which is the

main area of acculturation, before reaching the grave. A special type of grave,

with a side cavity, for interment, and a bamboo/wooden ladder-like stretcher, or

history farook working paper series Number 3 March 2007 2

Dr. Manjula Poyil, Department of history, Farook College [email protected]

bier, for carrying the corpse, is prepared first. But among the tribes of Attappadi

and Parambikulam regions, decorated biers are used. Most important funeral

rituals include washing the corpse with oil and turmeric, covering it in new

clothes called kodiyidal, decorating the body with marks, flowers, etc, putting

coins in the mouth of the corpse, ritualistic dancing and singing before the burial

(practiced only by the Attappadi and Parambikulam tribes), removing marriage

badge or tali of the wife in the case of the death of a husband, exclusively male-

funeral-procession to the graveyard and the deposition of grave goods along with

the dead body. All articles of the dead person are buried along with the corpse

after inserting the corpse into the cavity. All the kins„men‟ throw a handful of

soil and grains and then the grave is filled. After filling the grave, one, two or

three stones are placed over them as burial marks – at the head, middle, and leg

portions of the grave. After a purificatory bath, all return to the settlement; the

houses and their premises are purified subsequently. From then on all

kinsmen/women are under death pollution which is terminated with elaborate

ceremonies like the Kakkappula of the Adiyans and the Paniyas, Cheeru of the

Mudugas and the Kurumbas, Kanjicheeru of the Irulas or Koottathil Koottal of

many other tribes.

Among the Malabar tribes spirits of the dead are sources of power. It is

believed that these spirits can influence and control to the fullest extent the day-

to-day activities of their surviving kinsmen. This is the special reason why the

tribes keep in touch with their ancestors. Every lineage and clan among the tribes

in Malabar has its distinct ancestral spirit, who is god to their descendants. Daily

offerings, periodic elaborate feasts and sacrifices and annual offerings on behalf

of the spirit of the dead are characteristic of tribal Malabar.

Acculturation vs Sanskritisation

The life and culture of the Malabar tribes have long been undergoing a

slow process of transformation as a consequence of the contacts with the more

advanced peoples from the plains. This process of culture change through culture

contact has been described as „acculturation‟ and which is defined as “…those



phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures

come into continuous first hand contact…”2 Terms such as „disintegration‟,

„fusion‟ and „assimilation‟, in contrast, have been used to describe changes

resulting from contact. Stated at an intermediate level, the study of acculturation

is envisaged as an assessment of both important conditions of contact and the

consequences of these conditions for the major facets of the cultures involved.3

Contacts are of different varieties, labelled by terms such as „antagonistic

contact‟, „exploitative contact‟ and „philanthropic contact‟.4 “Common to all

descriptions of change resulting from contact is the notion that change has

direction: first, change on the part of members of one culture away from the

rules governing their traditional structured activities without internalization of

the rules of the other culture; and second, change towards the rules governing the

structured activities of the other culture. In the first instance, which we call

alienation, the rules of the culture are abandoned; in the second instance, which

we call reorientation, the rules are altered by processes of internalization to bring

them into line with those of other cultures”.5

In the context of Indian society, D.D. Kosambi noticed the reciprocal

nature of the process of acculturation. He observes that “acculturation in India

was a continuous process extending over the millennia, very difficult to date for

that very reason. It was not at base a violent action, since both the more

advanced and less advanced elements in the formation of a new society

borrowed from each other”.6 Nevertheless, the process of acculturation that has

been going on among the Hindu castes in India is observed to be different from

the normal process of acculturation and, to understand this complex process,

M.N. Srinivas devised a new conceptual category namely „Sanskritization‟. He

used it to describe the process of cultural mobility in the traditional social

structure of India. In his study of the Coorgs in Mysore he found that the lower

castes, in order to raise their position in the caste hierarchy, adopted some

customs of the Brahmins and gave up some of their own, considered to be



impure by the higher castes. (Like meat eating, liquor consumption, animal

sacrifices, etc) By doing this, within a generation or so they could claim higher

positions in the hierarchy of castes. He noticed that there is a tendency among

lower castes to move higher in the caste hierarchy “in a generation or two” by

adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism, and by sanskritizing its ritual pantheon.7

He explains the concept thus:

“The Caste system is far from a rigid system in which the position of each

component caste is fixed for all time. Movement has always been possible,

and especially so in the middle regions of the hierarchy. A low caste was able

in a generation or two, to rise to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting

vegetarianism and tea-totalism, and by sanskritizing its ritual and pantheon. In

short, it took over, as far as possible, the customs, rites and beliefs of the

Brahmins and the adoption of the Brahmanic way of life by a low caste seems

to have been frequent, though theoretically forbidden. This process has been

called Sanskritization in this book, in preference to Brahmanization as certain

Vedic rites are confined to the Brahmins, and the two other „twice-born‟

castes”.8

Sanskritization thus presupposes not only an assimilation of the practices

of the dominant castes but also the acceptance of the Brahmanical perception of

society and morals. In the case of the different castes in Kerala, the process was

well in advance from the very early days of the caste system but was accelerated

by the presence of the colonial power and its institutions and was further

hastened by the activities of the caste movements and the nationalist culture

which the Gandhian movement represented. Both the caste and the Nationalist

movements worked perfectly in coherence with the ideal of the restructuring of

the Indian society with a faith in a united, but reformed, Hinduism.

But the tribal situation presented a different picture. Except a few tribes

like the Adiyans, Paniyas, Kurichiyas, etc, most others were leading an

extremely primitive and insular life and hence were untouched by the changes



that were taking place in modern times. Neither the establishment of the colonial

power nor the emerging nationalist ethic made any significant impact on their

lifestyle or on their cognitive domain. Though the Kurichiyas and the

Mullukurumas had participated in the Pazhassi rebellion, the ruthless

suppression of the insurrection persuaded them to withdraw to the shells of their

aloofness and to cultural obscurantism. But the establishment of the new land

revenue system and the imposition of the new forest policy had brought about a

situation in which the continuation of a totally insular or exclusively wild life

almost impossible.

The process of acculturation in the tribal domain in fact was intensified

by the politico-economic changes in the post-independent era. Among these the

most important was the tribal welfare measures introduced by the government.

The expansion of such facilities as roads, housing and education, while

increasing their contacts with the outside world, helped to widen the world

outlook of the tribes. These welfare measures promoted the development of

urban tendencies in the tribal areas. But the greatest impulse for change was

caused by the peasant migration to the tribal areas, starting from the 1940s and

gaining a momentum in recent times. Large scale migrations inundated the tribal

world with non-tribal values and promoted intensive urbanization of the

surrounding areas. Even more crucial was the loss of ancestral lands of the tribal

people to the migrant settlers forcing them to depend on them for a livelihood.

All these factors together brought about a situation in which the continuation of

the pristine and isolated tribal life quite impossible.

The Malabar Tribal Situation

Large scale acculturation, including considerable amount of

Sanskritization, has been taking place, among the Malabar tribes in the realm of

their death customs. It is quite interesting to note that even among the most

primitive tribes,9 including the Cholanaikkar,

10 in spite of their late entry into the



mainstream, the volume of acculturation is tremendously high and they are

slowly on a path of absorption into the Hindu religious pantheon.

At the socio-religious level three kinds of relationships are crucial in

bringing about these changes. First, the familiarity of the tribals with various

Hindu castes;11

second, their relations with Christian12

and Muslim settlers13

; and

third, inter-tribal contacts.14

While contacts with the Hindus helped to familiarize

them with the Hindu gods15

and rituals and gave them the opportunity to acquire

a space within the Hindu religion (though at the lowest rank), nearness to people

of other communities like the Christians and the Muslims made them aware of

the need of material advancement. A limited number of tribal people, especially

the Kurichiyas, have been converted to Christianity which considerably

enhanced their social mobility. Inter-tribal cultural exchanges are no less

important since there were clear hierarchies and rules of pollution even among

various tribal groups which had greatly restricted the scope for unity and co-

operation earlier.

The relation of tribal people to Hinduism is quite different from their

relation to Christianity or Islam. The main reason for the tribal attraction towards

Hinduism may be that Hindu rituals tend to be the modified form of the tribal

practices and tribal religion. Thus it is considerably easier for them to acquiesce

to a Hindu way of life and to Hinduize themselves at the cultural and religious

level without much of sacrificing the basics of tribal tradition. As even the tribal

social structure resembled a crude form of caste system with higher and lower

ranking tribes and with strict rules of endogamy and pollution,16

the Hindu way

of life did not appear alien to them. But this is not the case with other religions;

converts have to surrender unequivocally their tribal and primitive religious

traditions.17

It seems unthinkable for the tribal people, who are extremely ritual-

ridden, to sacrifice their ritual identity for any cause however great they may

appear to be. The deep faith in ancestors also has stood against embracing new

faiths. This may account for the relative low level of religious conversions



among the tribal people. Though missionary activities are very strong in the

tribal areas in recent times, only a very small number of tribal people have

consented to become converts.18

In recent times the pace of migration of non-tribal people to the tribal

areas has given a revolutionary impetus to the process of acculturation. But its

nature varied according to the familiarity of the tribal people with one or the

other religious community with which they happened to co-exist with. As

Christians and Muslims are in the forefront of migration in recent times, the

tribesmen were influenced mostly by the linguistic and cultural traditions of

these settlers. The role of migration as an adverse factor affecting the life of the

tribals of Malabar mainly by alienating them of their traditional lands, and by

subjecting them to ruthless exploitation by according them only an inferior social

status have been recognized as a historical fact.19

But even in this great wave of

cultural erosion in the socio-economic sphere, the tribal situation reveals

extremely limited and a slow process of absorption of external variables in the

beliefs and practices associated with death customs. And even the limited

elements of accommodation are from the upper caste Hindu traits and the lowest

from Islamic practices.

Funeral Customs and the Acculturation Process

Among the Malabar tribes, the following areas can be identified as having

been affected by the process of acculturation, in recent times, in the realm of

death customs and funeral rites. They are chiefly based on data collected from

field work done among the tribal people of the area concerned.

1. The tribal attribution of the cause of death to the will of God. Earlier, most

of the tribes had identified death as unnatural and having been caused by the

attack of some kinds of malevolent spirits. Now they have started talking about

Āyussu (life expectancy) and Vidhi (destiny) as detrimening the ending up of

one‟s life.20



2. Many tribes now hold the concept of Swarga or heaven and Naraka or hell

and keep faith in Kālan (yama) as the god of death. The former tribal belief was

that the spirits of the dead lived either in the premises of their hamlets or in a

nearby hill. The ghosts of the dead ancestors, who were also worshipped, were

thought to be proximate enough to attend a call, anytime. The faith in Swarga

and Naraka evidently stand against this cherished tradition. The identification of

a god of death also is a negation of tradition.21

3. The recent introduction of the faith in rebirth and reincarnation of souls into

the tribal pantheon is the most important instance of „sanskritization‟. The dead

were never thought to be reborn either as animals or birds nor were the crows

treated as the carriers of the souls of the dead.22

We notice that it is those tribal

groups who are dependants of the upper caste Hindus and therefore more

acquainted with upper caste norms and traditions that offer bali to the crows

during the pollution period.

4. The present day tribal belief in the omen of death as well as other auspicious

or inauspicious omens doesn‟t appear to have a continuity of tradition and more

possibly is an influence from the plains.23

The best example of this is the faith in

the crow as a bird of omen. As crows are not familiar to the forest dwellers,

ritualistic traditions associated with it should certainly be an external influence.

5. Offering Puņyāham (sacred water collected from temples) or water from a

pot containing basil leaves and gold pieces to the dying person, and to the corpse

before funeral, are definitely an element of „Sanskritization‟. The Basil plant is

sacred for the Hindus on all ritualistic occasions and water mixed with it equals

the Ganga water.24

6. Lighting Nilavilakku, using spouted vessel and placing coconut-halves and

rice in a plate near the corpse are instances of later cultural intrusion. Coconut or

rice cultivation was not a part of the traditional subsistence agrarian economy of

majority of the tribals25

and therefore such items never seems to have been used

in any sacred rituals. With the expansion of the market economy the traditional



diet was replaced with rice and with the intrusion of Brahmanic ideals rice began

to be used on occasions when rituals were performed, like marriage and death.

On these occasions rice was placed in a brass plate (taļika) or brass pot (Paŗa).

Same is the case with Nilaviļakku; earlier, the tribal people were absolutely

ignorant of using edible oil for lighting lamps.

7. Certain tribal groups have started reciting Ramayana sitting beside the

corpse from the time of death to the time when the body is taken to the funeral.

Not only that the practice is a high-caste Hindu tradition but also that most of the

tribals were not acquainted with scriptures like the Ramayana till very recently.26

8. Drawing circle with rice/paddy around the corpse. Though not popular

among all tribes, this is a new practice borrowed by tribes like the Malamutthans

from the high caste Hindus.27

9. Practices such as washing the corpse, Kōdiyidal28

(especially paţţu),

decorating corpse with flowers,29

putting vermillion marks on the forehead,30

and

removing tāli before burial are recent cultural devices at the occasion of funeral.

The tying of tāli or a badge of marriage around the neck of the wife by the

husband, which is supposed to be a life-long mark of subordination was strictly a

Brahmanic practice. Even the Nair form of marriage was Pudamuŗi, i.e., tearing

of a piece of cloth during marriage. Attaching the wife of the dead man with

certain symbols of widowhood through special kinds of rituals was a practice

prevalent only among the Nambutiri and other Brahmins of Kerala. Although the

corpse was sacred for the tribals, fear of the dead had persuaded them to keep a

distance from it in former days and so rituals involving the touching of the body,

like either washing it or spreading kōdi over it, was never followed.

10. Just like the funeral functionaries among the Hindu castes, (Mārāns for Nairs

and Mūssad, Eļayath or Athikkuriśśi Nair for the Nambutiris) many tribal groups

have such functionaries now. Changāthi is the ritual functionary at death for both

the Wayanādan Kuŗichiyas and the Karimpālans while Karumi and Karmi are

those for the Adiyāns and Māvilāns respectively. The only difference is that the



functionary of the tribals is from the same tribe. But from the fact that such

offices prevail among those tribal communities who were closer to the upper

caste Hindus from very early days, to help substantiate this argument.

11. Like among the caste Hindus many tribes observe the ritual of smashing the

pot at the feet of the corpse. This ritual is more popular among tribes like the

Paņiyas who have close contacts with the high ranking Hindus.31

12. The custom of payment to all funeral functionaries for their services _ for

grave-diggers, bier-makers, death messengers and funeral functionaries _ is an

imitation of caste-Hindu practice because among the tribal people the concept of

payments for services didn‟t exist at all. Among them services for all social

functions including death were voluntary. The commoditization of services is a

relatively recent phenomenon even for the upper castes and for the tribals it is

certainly the absorption of a non-tribal norm.32

13. Recently most tribes have reduced the duration as well as the rigidity of

death pollution. The early years of the twentieth century had witnessed a

conscious attempt on the part of many Hindu castes in this direction.33

It was an

attempt to realize the importance of the value of time in the emerging busy

material life as well as an attempt to apply reason in analyzing rituals and

superstitions. Although many tribes have not started examining the rituals that

they follow from a scientific or rational point of view, inability to keep away

from jobs for a long time has forced them to cut short the period of pollution.

The condemnation of even the very practice of pollution at the hands of the

migrant Christian or Muslim settlers also might have made its impact on these

lines.34

14. Formal invitation is now necessary, for both kinsmen and clansmen, to

attend the last rites. Earlier, intimation of death entailed a moral responsibility on

the part of all tribesmen to participate in the last rite as well. Now tradition and

tribal ethos have given way to formalism and middle class notions of individual

pride.35



15. Most of the tribes ate only vegetarian food during the course of pollution

(pula), but blood sacrifices, alcoholic drinks and non-vegetarian food was

essential for the ceremony to mark the end of it. Today, restrictions on hunting

and animal sacrifices combined with a penetration of Brahmanic values have

induced most tribes to prefer vegetarian food being served at the feast that

marked the end of pollution. Avoidance of blood sacrifices and preference of

vegetarianism are supposed to erase out the erstwhile wild character of the tribal

people and help to accommodate them into the Hindu fold.36

16. An associated practice is the merging of the ashes and bones of the deceased

person into the River Pāpanāśini at Tirunelli. This practice presupposes not only

the identification of the land of the dead away from the immediate surroundings

but also a faith in temples and temple-oriented rituals. It also is an indication of

the acceptance of Brahmin priesthood other than the tribal functionaries and the

concepts of pāpa (sin) and punya (virtue) since the last rites at Tirunelli are

performed at the office of a Brahmin priest.37

17. Offerings to ancestors at special occasions like on the New Moon day,

Oņam, Vishu, etc is a recent development. Popular festivals of the plains like

Oņam or Vishu had not been celebrated by the tribal people till very recently.38

Besides, they were not familiar with the Karkidakavāvu, since they were not

aware of the Malayalam month of Karkidakam nor did they have their own

calendar.

18. Recently the tribals have started seeking the help of efficient Brahmin or

Nair sorcerers to ward off evil spirits. Tribes who had the faith in, or fear of, evil

spirits had their own sorcerers to control them in the event of attacks from them.

Now with the pursuance of external sorcerers they are not only declaring their

incapacity in dealing with their own spirits but also are willingly accepting the

cultural invasion of upper caste Hindu traits.39

19. Among the Malamutthans, death pollution was not supposed to end till the

mourners wore a cloth washed by the Vaņņāns (traditional washerman) known as



Vaņņāthimāttu after having a ceremonial bath. Such a practice was common

among many high caste Hindus. It is significant that the Vaņņans had served

only upper caste Hindus to remove death or menstrual pollution by helping to

wash clothes; their ritual relationship with tribal Malamutthans would open a

new space for more discourses. Whether it is an instance of cultural adaptation or

a residue of the Malamutthan tradition before their segregation into a tribe is not

clear. There are certain possibilities for the second inference because the

Malamutthans call themselves Mala-Nambūtiris,40

and tribes like the Kuŗichiyas

are observed to be caste-turned tribes.41

20. Certain tribes have started the construction of cement platforms over the

relics of the dead in the upper caste Hindu fashion. It is interesting to note that

this practice is being imitated by the tribals from the upper caste Hindus like the

Nairs and is not a megalithic survival.42

21. The Aţţappādi tribes have a tradition of celebrating Śivarātŗi by gathering

together at the Mallēśwaran temple on that day after making pilgrimage to the

Mallēśwaran peak nearby. The Mallēśwaran temple is a Śiva temple and it is

constructed in the traditional Hindu style, where an Iruļa priest performs ritual

functions in the Brahmin way.43

Faith in Hindu gods and temples are on the rise

and the Ēŗavāļans at Muthalamada were found seeking the assistance of a

Brahmin priest in the preparation for the construction of a temple there when we

visited the settlement.

22. Like the caste Hindus the tribes have started consulting Kaņiśan (or gaņikan,

an astrologer by caste) at the time of funeral rituals in order to ascertain the

unrevealed aspects of a person‟s death as well as the measures to be taken by the

dead person when he was alive.

23. The use of the Sanskrit word Pŗetam for the spirit of the dead is an instance

of cultural accommodation. The term generally used by all tribes was Pēyi or

other local variants like Kūļi. That the more acculturated tribes use the term

Pŗetam itself stand as testimony to the non-tribal origin of it.44



24. Inter-tribal relations are fast progressing through cultural exchanges, but the

volume of inter-tribal adaptation is relatively minimal when compared to

„Sanskritization‟ since there is always a tendency towards upward mobility,

particularly to show allegiance to the dominant ideology. Still, we have

evidences of inter-tribal marriages, like that among the Iruļas, Mudugas and the

Kuŗumbas which have started affecting the insular character of their funeral

practices.

25. In recent times because of the advancing market economy, tribesmen have

started using many materials available in the market during the occasion of the

funeral and post-burial ceremonies. For instance, most tribes use incense sticks

instead of dammer, rice instead of ragi, new cloths instead of old or preserved

ones as kōdi, and soap and oil for washing the corpse at the time of funeral and

most of the items needed for the last rites. In former days, even the grand second

funeral of the Kuŗumbas was organized with natural goods available at their

disposal.

26. The Christian missionaries who have been active among the Indian tribes for

more than a century have offered them a more fertile life. Their work has made a

powerful impact on the North-eastern tribes in the form of large scale

conversions. The main converts are the Nagas, Kukis, Khasis, Garos, Oraons and

Santhals. In South India a section of a few tribes like the Todas, Kuŗichiyas,

Koŗagas, Paņiyas, Āļar and Uļļādans have also been attracted to Christianity.

These conversions have made a sudden impact on tribal funeral practices; tribal

funeral rituals are replaced by the Christian tradition. A clear shift from animism

to monotheism also has taken place. However, the constant contacts with the

Christian settlers and Christian missionaries in Malabar have failed to make a

considerable influence on tribal religion either by attracting them on a large scale

to Christianity45

or by transforming their funeral rituals substantially, except in

that a few tribes like the Kuŗumbas, Karimpālans and the Māvilāns have started

using coffins for burying the dead in clear imitation of the Christian practice.



27. Islamic religious rituals have had very little impact on Malabar tribes. A few

tribes in other parts of India like the Meos of Rajasthan and Meerut, Gujjar of

Jammu and Kashmir and tribes in Lakshadweep islands have been converted to

Islam.46

The incompatibility of tribal religion with Islam and the disinterest

shown by the Muslims in getting converts among the Malabar tribes may have

been the basic reason for this phenomenon. Even in the Malappuŗam district

where Muslims dominate, tribesmen have not been attracted to Islam. But

certain rare traits of adaptation are visible. The Chōlanāikkans are observed

to use words like Khabar for the corpse and Khabaradakkam for funeral due to

their close contacts with Muslim traders of Karuļayi.

Conclusion

Tribes all over the world are now in the process of change. This change is

basically two-way in direction: towards socialization and towards acculturation.

Even the most primitive tribes are now no longer insular nor are able to lead a

life in isolation any more. Loss of the natural habitats as a result of the advancing

urbanization and peasant migration, coupled with the process of the expansion of

the modern state system, transforming the tribal people into citizens, have forced

them to become unwilling partners of the nation-state. From the point of view of

a non-tribal, this is a welcome change since it helps them to come out of their

seclusion and to enjoy the fruits of the technological world. Now they are fast

becoming a part of the society, sharing common interests and looking forward

for an adequate space in the secular pursuits.

The other realm of transition is culture change. Contacts with the

technologically superior outer world have had its sweeping impact on the tribal

life in the form of an inundation of new values and methods quite alien to them

and hence incompatible to tradition and custom. Though the impact of external

values is relatively less in the realms of religious observances and funeral

customs, they too cannot retain their archaic character in the context of the

changes in other areas. Sanskritisation and religious conversion are equally



devastating tribal ethos. In a situation where tribal gods are being replaced by

Hindu/Christian Gods, tribal funeral practices, which have their ideological roots

in ancestor-worship, cannot last long. It is indicative of a developing crisis.

Educated and well-placed men among them, like P.K. Kalan, Palliyara Raman,

Chemaran,47

etc., have started requesting for a reduction in funeral expenditure,

by avoiding unnecessary rituals but without trickling the essence of tribal ethos,

and to reorient custom in accordance with the Hindu system. And this

phenomenon gets justified in the light of the following statement: “Most

Hinduized tribes have retained a large portion of their traditional religious beliefs

and rituals. As this process of Hinduization was slow and without undue strain,

the tensions usually arising out of a change of religion and culture did not make

themselves felt”.48

Notes and References

1. Here the area Malabar includes the six districts of Northern Kerala including Kasargod, Kannur,

Wynad, Kozhikode, Malappuram and Palakkad. The present study deals with 27 communities

among whom tribal elements are very strong in their funeral practices. They include the four tribes

of Parambikulam region (Kadar, Malasar, Malamalasar and Eravalans); the three tribes of Attappadi

region (Irulas, Mudugas and Kurumbas); five tribes of the Nilambur region (Cholanaikkans,

Aranadans, Alar, Malamuthans and Malapanikkans); eleven tribes of the Wynad region (Kurichiyas,

Paniyas, Uralikurumans, Mullakurumans, Thachanadan Mooppans, Kattunaikkans, Kunduvadiyans,

Kalanadis, Adiyans, Wayanadan Kadar and Wayanadan Pathiyans); three tribes of the Kannur

district (Karimbalans, Mavilans and Malayalar) and the only tribe of Kasargod (Koragas). The

number of tribes under study may differ from the official list prepared by KIRTADS according to

which Malamuthans, Malapanikkans, Alar, Wayanadan Pathiyans, Kunduvadiyans, Kalanadis and

Malayalar are not tribes today.

2. Robert Redfield, Ralph Linton and Melville. J. Herskovits, “Memorandum for the Study of

Acculturation”, American Anthropologist, Vol. 38, 1936, p.149.

3. Bruce. P. Dohrenwend & Robert. J. Smith, “Toward a Theory of Acculturation”, South Western

Journal of Anthropology, 18:3, Autumn, 1962, p. 31. 4. Ibid, p.37. The term „philanthropic contact‟ is used to describe the contact between missionaries and

the non-Christian local peoples. 5. Ibid, pp. 33-34. 6. D.D.Kosambi, An introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay, 1990, p. 50. 7. M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, Bomby, 1994, p.57.

8. M.N. Srinivas, Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India, Calcutta, 1952, p.30. 9. Most primitive tribes are Cholanaikkans, Aranadans and Alar in the Nilambur region; Kurumbas in

Attappadi, Malasar and Malamalasar in the Parambikulam region; Kattunaikkans in the Wynad and

Pasukkadav of the Kozhikode district.

10. Even today the Cholanaikkans inhabit in the caves popularly known among them as alais found in

the Karulayi and Chungathara ranges of the Nilambur forests. Kerala government set up houses for

them at Mancheri, a place closer to Karulayi town and a cooperative society (1977) was set up for

the collection of forest goods from the Cholanaikkans. Their marriage alliance with Kattunaikkans

(known as Pathinaikkans among Cholanaikkans) and contact with Muslim merchants helped bring

them to the mainstream life.



11. Tribes like the Irulas of Attappadi (Mannarkad Mooppil Nair), Malamuthans and Malappanikkar

(Nilambur Raja), Adiyans, Paniyas, Uralikurumans, Mullakurumans, Thacchanadan Mooppans

inWynad (Kuppathod Nair, Adiga of Tiruelli and Kalpetta Nair), Karimpalans and Mavilans in

Kannur District (Kalyat Ejamanan) and Koragas in Kasargod (Dhani) were under Hindu Janmis.

They had come into contacts with various Hindu castes like Nambutiris, Nairs, Ezhavas and

Vaniyas who had settled in the tribal areas.

12. See P.T. Sebastian, Christian Migration to Malabar, Unpublished PhD Thesis, Calicut University,

2002.

13. Detailed study on this area has not been undertaken yet, but since Muslim settlers have been

involved mostly in trade, the impact is not so intense as in the case of the Christian or upper caste

Hindu migrants.

14. It is mainly through matrimonial alliances. In early days inter-tribal marriages were strict taboo and

those who had done it were at once banished from the tribe. Today such restrictions are not so

serious particularly due to their contacts with the non-tribals. The best example for such alliances is

the increasing conjugal relationship between the Mudugas and the Kurumbas.

15. Most popular Hindu Gods among them are the non-Aryan deities like Siva, Murugan, Kali and

Parvathi.

16. Kurichiyas, Mullakurumans, Malamuthans and Malapanikkans rank high among all tribes.

Kurichiyas, Malamuthans and Malapanikkar are followers of strict rules of pollution.

17. The Christian missionaries who worked among the tribes imposed Christian rituals and ethics

among the tribes. The Kurichiya converts in Wynad known as Patiri-Kurichiyans are a case in

point. They have given up their tribal practices and constructed churches for themselves.

18. Extensive fieldwork among the whole Malabar tribes has proved this fact.

19. P.T. Sebastian, Op. cit, p.328. 20. Information received from interviews with tribesmen like the Kurichiya leader Palliyara Raman,

Kappi Mooppan of the Mullakuruma settlement at Pakkam and P.K. Kalan, the Nattumooppan of

the Adiyans.

21. Ibid.

22. Even the dominant tribes like the Kuŗichiyas did not have such a faith. See, Dr. Kumaran Vayaleri,

“Kuŗichiyarude Mithukalum Avarude Sankalpangalum”, Vaidyasastram, Special Tribal Issue, 28,

July-August 1997, pp.36-37. 23. The faith in omens as prophesies of death is universal, though not much popular among Indian

tribes except those in Malabar. According to the Malabar tribal tradition, when a person is on the

brink of death, certain animals or birds of the premises of the settlement, or of the nearby forest

area, are believed to make certain inauspicious sounds or lamentations intermittently to inform the

arrival of death. It is considered that these birds and animals are the messengers of death.

24. T. Madhavamenon ed., Encyclopedia of Dravidian Tribes, Vol. I, TVM, 1996, p. 286.

25. Told in an interview by Prof. Rajan Gurukkal.

26. This practice is popular among the Malamuthans, Mavilans, Malayalar,etc.

27. The Malamuthans of Veettikkunnu at Nilambur today follow this practice.

28. Spreading new white cloth over the corpse is now almost universal among the Malabar tribes.

29. The Koragas now practice it.

30. The practice is followed by the Adiyans for the funeral of their headmen, the Kalanadis, Mavilans

and Karimbalans for their teyyam dancers, Koragas for their married women and all tribes for their

unmarried young women.

31. A. Aiyappan, The Paniyas- An Ex-slave Tribe of South India, Calcutta, 1992, pp. 141-142.

32. This practice is found to prevail among the Cholanaikkans and Adiyans.

33. See Mannath Padmanabhan, Ente Jeevita Smaranakal, 1964, p.76.

34. A large number of tribes, who are intimately connected with the migrant settlers, like the

Wayanadan Kadar, Wayanadan Pathiyans, Malayalar, Paniyas, Adiyans, Kattunaikkans, Irulas,

Mudugas and Kurumbas have started to move towards this direction.

35. This is more common among the Attappadi tribes.

36. UR Ehrenfels, Mother Right in India, Humphrey Milford, 1941, pp. 129-132. Recent state

legislations against animal sacrifices also have contributed to discourage them.

37. See for details A.A.D. Luiz, Tribes of Kerala, New Delhi, 1962, p. 107.

38. Prof. Rajan Gurukkal argued that except among the Kurichiyas, no tribe in Kerala celebrate Hindu

festivals like Vishu or Onam. See Rajan Gurukkal, “Ippol Vishuppakshi Padarilla”, Mathrubhumi

Weekly,83:7, April 17, 2004, p.11.



39. Except the most primitive and the insular, all others have started to accept external sorcerers.

40. See M.G. Sasibhushan, “Malamuthanmar: Kaattile Namboothirimar”, Vijnana Kairali, XXIII: 3,

March 1992, pp.213-215; M.P. Sivadasa Menon, “Mala Nayanmar”, Mathrubhumi Weekly, Jan 26,

1958, pp.33-34, 80; Abdullakkutty Edavanna & Satheesh Chalippadam, “Malamuthanmar”,

Vaidyasastram, Special Tribal Issue, 28, July-August 1997, p.38. Census of India 1931 Vol. XIV

Madras part I (Report) makes a general observation on the problem: “The Primitive tribes represent

the conquered in an impact of civilization. The defeated in any battle seek a refuge where pursuit is

difficult and communities conquered in a clash of civilizations will generally be found where they

retain a separate existence, in the remoter and more inaccessible tracts”, p.318. 41. Rajan Gurukkal, Op. cit, p.11.

42. Now the Kurichiyas and Malayalar construct them and the Mavilans and Karimpalans erect it for

the deceased teyyam dancers.

43. P. Govinda Reddy and A. Chellapperumal, “Religion among the Irulas of Coimbatore District,

Tamil Nadu” in V Sadasivan, G. Prkash Reddy, M. Sooryanarayana ed., Religion and Society in

South India, A Volume in Honour of N. Subbareddy, 1987, Delhi, p. 84.

44. The term is more popular among the educated tribesmen.

45. P.T. Sebastian, op. cit, p.320. 46. Buddhadeb Chaudhary, Tribal transformation in India, Vol. V – Religion, Rituals, Festivals, New

Delhi, 1992, pp. 29-33.

47. Kalan is the Nattumooppan of the Adiyans, he was the President of the Trissileri Grama Panchayat

and is at present the Chairman of the Folklore Academy, Government of Kerala; Palliyara Raman is

a prominent Kurichiya and is a leader of the BJP in Wayanad; and Chemmaran is a prominent

Karimpalan and the former President of the Ulikkal Grama Panchayat.

48. H.H. Prisler, Primitive Religions in India, Madras, 1971, p.197.

Funeral Customs Among the Malabar Tribes: Towards acculturation

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