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American politics is dominated by an axiom of security which combines unprecedented economic
liberalism with equally absolute police and state control
Agamben 14 (Giorgio – Ph.D., Baruch Spinoza Chair at the European Graduate School, Professor of
Aesthetics at the University of Verona, Italy, Professor of Philosophy at Collège International de
Philosophie in Paris, and at the University of Macerata in Italy, “From the State of Control to a Praxis of
Destituent Power,” transcript of lecture delivered by Agamben in Athens, 11-16-13, published on
Roarmag, 2-4-14, http://roarmag.org/2014/02/agamben-destituent-power-democracy/)
A reflection on the destiny of democracy today here in Athens is in some way disturbing, because it
obliges us to think the end of democracy in the very place where it was born. As a matter of fact, the
hypothesis I would like to suggest is that the prevailing governmental paradigm in Europe today is not
only non-democratic, but that it cannot either be considered as political. I will try therefore to show that
European society today is no longer a political society; it is something entirely new, for which we lack a
proper terminology and we have therefore to invent a new strategy. Let me begin with a concept which
seems, starting from September 2001, to have replaced any other political notion: security. As you
know, the formula “for security reasons” functions today in any domain, from everyday life to
international conflicts, as a codeword in order to impose measures that the people have no reason to
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accept. I will try to show that the real purpose of the security measures is not, as it is currently assumed,
to prevent dangers, troubles or even catastrophes. I will be consequently obliged to make a short
genealogy of the concept of “security”. A Permanent State of Exception One possible way to sketch such
a genealogy would be to inscribe its origin and history in the paradigm of the state of exception. In this
perspective, we could trace it back to the Roman principle Salus publica suprema lex – public safety is
the highest law — and connect it with Roman dictatorship, with the canonistic principle that necessity
does not acknowledge any law, with the comités de salut publique during French revolution and finally
with article 48 of the Weimar republic, which was the juridical ground for the Nazi regime. Such a
genealogy is certainly correct, but I do not think that it could really explain the functioning of the
security apparatuses and measures which are familiar to us. While the state of exception was originally
conceived as a provisional measure, which was meant to cope with an immediate danger in order to
restore the normal situation, the security reasons constitute today a permanent technology of
government. When in 2003 I published a book in which I tried to show precisely how the state of
exception was becoming in Western democracies a normal system of government, I could not imagine
that my diagnosis would prove so accurate. The only clear precedent was the Nazi regime. When Hitler
took power in February 1933, he immediately proclaimed a decree suspending the articles of the
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making process decides nothing. To state it in paradoxical terms, we could say that, having to face a
continuous state of exception, the government tends to take the form of a perpetual coup d’état. By the
way, this paradox would be an accurate description of what happens here in Greece as well as in Italy,
where to govern means to make a continuous series of small coups d’état. Governing the Effects This is
why I think that, in order to understand the peculiar governmentality under which we live, the paradigm
of the state of exception is not entirely adequate. I will therefore follow Michel Foucault’s suggestion
and investigate the origin of the concept of security in the beginning of modern economy, by François
Quesnais and the Physiocrates, whose influence on modern governmentality could not be
overestimated. Starting with Westphalia treaty, the great absolutist European states begin to introduce
in their political discourse the idea that the sovereign has to take care of its subjects’ security. But
Quesnay is the first to establish security (sureté) as the central notion in the theory of government —
and this in a very peculiar way. One of the main problems governments had to cope with at the time
was the problem of famines. Before Quesnay, the usual methodology was trying to prevent famines
through the creation of public granaries and forbidding the exportation of cereals. Both these measures
had negative effects on production. Quesnay’s idea was to reverse the process: instead of trying to
prevent famines, he decided to let them happen and to be able to govern them once they occurred,
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liberalizing both internal and foreign exchanges. “To govern” retains here its etymological cybernetic
meaning: a good kybernes, a good pilot can’t avoid tempests, but if a tempest occures he must be able
to govern his boat, using the force of waves and winds for navigation. This is the meaning of the famous
motto laisser faire, laissez passer: it is not only the catchword of economic liberalism; it is a paradigm of
government, which conceives of security (sureté, in Quesnay’s words) not as the prevention of troubles,
but rather as the ability to govern and guide them in the right direction once they take place. We should
not neglect the philosophical implications of this reversal. It means an epochal transformation in the
very idea of government, which overturns the traditional hierarchical relation between causes and
effects. Since governing the causes is difficult and expensive, it is safer and more useful to try to govern
the effects. I would suggest that this theorem by Quesnay is the axiom of modern governmentality. The
ancien regime aimed to rule the causes; modernity pretends to control the effects. And this axiom
applies to every domain, from economy to ecology, from foreign and military politics to the internal
measures of police. We must realize that European governments today gave up any attempt to rule the
causes, they only want to govern the effects. And Quesnay’s theorem makes also understandable a fact
which seems otherwise inexplicable: I mean the paradoxical convergence today of an absolutely liberal
paradigm in the economy with an unprecedented and equally absolute paradigm of state and police
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control. If government aims for the effects and not the causes, it will be obliged to extend and multiply
control. Causes demand to be known, while effects can only be checked and controlled.
Biometric surveillance of American citizens poses a grave threat to democracy and reduces citizens to
their biological identity
Agamben 14 (Giorgio – Ph.D., Baruch Spinoza Chair at the European Graduate School, Professor of
Aesthetics at the University of Verona, Italy, Professor of Philosophy at Collège International de
Philosophie in Paris, and at the University of Macerata in Italy, “From the State of Control to a Praxis of
Destituent Power,” transcript of lecture delivered by Agamben in Athens, 11-16-13, published on
Roarmag, 2-4-14, http://roarmag.org/2014/02/agamben-destituent-power-democracy/)
One important sphere in which the axiom is operative is that of biometrical security apparatuses, which
increasingly pervade every aspect of social life. When biometrical technologies first appeared in 18th
century in France with Alphonse Bertillon and in England with Francis Galton, the inventor of finger
prints, they were obviously not meant to prevent crimes but only to recognize recidivist delinquents.
Only once a second crime has occurred, you can use the biometrical data to identify the offender.
Biometrical technologies, which had been invented for recividist criminals, remained for a long time
their exclusive privilege. In 1943, US Congress still refused the Citizen Identification Act, which was
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meant to introduce for every citizen an Identity Card with finger prints. But according to a sort of fatality
or unwritten law of modernity, the technologies which have been invented for animals, for criminals,
strangers or Jews, will finally be extended to all human beings. Therefore, in the course of 20th century,
biometric technologies have been applied to all citizens, and Bertillon’s identification photographs and
Galton’s fingerprints are currently in use everywhere for ID cards. The De-politicization of Citizenship
But the extreme step has been taken only in our days and it is still in the process of full realization. The
development of new digital technologies, with optical scanners which can easily record not only finger
prints but also the retina or the eye’s iris structure, biometrical apparatuses tend to move beyond the
police stations and immigration offices and spread into everyday life. In many countries, the access to
student’s restaurants or even to schools is controlled by a biometric apparatus on which the student just
puts his or her hand. The European industries in this field, which are quickly growing, recommend that
citizens get used to this kind of control from their early youth. The phenomenon is really disturbing,
because the European Commissions for the development of security (like the ESPR, European Security
Research Program) include among their permanent members the representatives of the big industries in
the field, which are just the old armaments producers like Thales, Finmeccanica, EADS et BAE System,
that have converted to the security business. It is easy to imagine the dangers represented by a power
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that could have at its disposal the unlimited biometric and genetic information of all its citizens. With
such a power at hand, the extermination of the Jews, which was undertaken on the basis of
incomparably less efficient documentation, would have been total and incredibly swift. But I will not
dwell on this important aspect of the security problem. The reflections I would like to share with you
concern rather the transformation of political identity and of political relationships that are involved in
security technologies. This transformation is so extreme that we can legitimately ask not only if the
society in which we live is still a democratic one, but also if this society can still be considered political.
Christian Meier has shown how in the 5th century a transformation of the conceptualization of the
political took place in Athens, which was grounded on what he calls a “politicization” (politisierung) of
citizenship. While until that moment the fact of belonging to the polis was defined by a number of
conditions and social statuses of different kind — for instance belonging to nobility or to a certain
cultural community, to be a peasant or merchant, a member of a certain family, etc. — from now on
citizenship became the main criterion of social identity. “The result was a specifically Greek conception
of citizenship, in which the fact that men had to behave as citizens found an institutional form. The
belonging to economic or religious communities was removed to a secondary rank. The citizens of a
democracy considered themselves as members of the polis only in so far as they devoted themselves to
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a political life. Polis and politeia, city and citizenship, constituted and defined one another. Citizenship
became in that way a form of life, by means of which the polis constituted itself in a domain clearly
distinct from the oikos, the house. Politics became therefore a free public space as such opposed to the
private space, which was the reign of necessity.” According to Meier, this specifically Greek process of
politicization was transmitted to Western politics, where citizenship remained the decisive element. The
hypothesis I would like to propose to you is that this fundamental political factor has entered an
irrevocable process that we can only define as a process of increasing de-politicization. What was in the
beginning a way of living, an essentially and irreducibly active condition, has now become a purely
passive juridical status, in which action and inaction, the private and the public are progressively blurred
and become indistinguishable. This process of the de-politicization of citizenship is so evident that I will
not dwell on it. Rise of the State of Control I will rather try to show how the paradigm of security and the
security apparatuses have played a decisive role in this process. The growing extension to citizens of
technologies which were conceived for criminals inevitably has consequences for the political identity of
the citizen. For the first time in the history of humanity, identity is no longer a function of the social
personality and its recognition by others, but rather a function of biological data, which cannot bear any
relation to it, like the arabesques of the fingerprints or the disposition of the genes in the double helix of
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DNA. The most neutral and private thing becomes the decisive factor of social identity, which loses
therefore its public character. If my identity is now determined by biological facts that in no way depend
on my will and over which I have no control, then the construction of something like a political and
ethical identity becomes problematic. What relationship can I establish with my fingerprints or my
genetic code? The new identity is an identity without the person, as it were, in which the space of
politics and ethics loses its sense and must be thought again from the ground up. While the classical
Greek citizen was defined through the opposition between the private and the public, the oikos, which is
the place of reproductive life, and the polis, place of political action, the modern citizen seems rather to
move in a zone of indifference between the private and the public, or, to quote Hobbes’ terms, the
physical and the political body. The materialization in space of this zone of indifference is the video
surveillance of the streets and the squares of our cities. Here again an apparatus that had been
conceived for the prisons has been extended to public places. But it is evident that a video-recorded
place is no more an agora and becomes a hybrid of public and private; a zone of indifference between
the prison and the forum. This transformation of the political space is certainly a complex phenomenon
that involves a multiplicity of causes, and among them the birth of biopower holds a special place. The
primacy of the biological identity over the political identity is certainly linked to the politicization of bare
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life in modern states. But one should never forget that the leveling of social identity on body identity
begun with the attempt to identify the recidivist criminals. We should not be astonished if today the
normal relationship between the state and its citizens is defined by suspicion, police filing and control.
The unspoken principle which rules our society can be stated like this: every citizen is a potential
terrorist. But what is a state ruled by such a principle? Can we still define it as democratic state? Can we
even consider it as something political? In what kind of state do we live today? You will probably know
that Michel Foucault, in his book Surveiller et Punir and in his courses at the Collège de France, sketched
a typological classification of modern states. He shows how the state of the Ancien Regime, which he
calls the territorial or sovereign state and whose motto was faire mourir et laisser vivre, evolves
progressively into a population state and into a disciplinary state, whose motto reverses now into faire
vivre et laisser mourir, as it will take care of the citizen’s life in order to produce healthy, well-ordered
and manageable bodies. The state in which we live now is no more a disciplinary state. Gilles Deleuze
suggested to call it the État de contrôle, or control state, because what it wants is not to order and to
impose discipline but rather to manage and to control. Deleuze’s definition is correct, because
management and control do not necessarily coincide with order and discipline. No one has told it so
clearly as the Italian police officer, who, after the Genoa riots in July 2001 declared that the government
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did not want for the police to maintain order but for it to manage disorder. From Politics to Policing
American political scientists who have tried to analyze the constitutional transformation involved in the
Patriot Act and in the other laws which followed September 2001 prefer to speak of a security state. But
what does security here mean? It is during the French Revolution that the notion of security – sureté, as
they used to say — is linked to the definition of police. The laws of March 16, 1791 and August 11, 1792
introduced thus into French legislation the notion of police de sureté (security police), which was
doomed to have a long history in modernity. If you read the debates which preceded the vote on these
laws you will see that police and security define one another, but no one among the speakers (Brissot,
Heraut de Séchelle, Gensonné) is able to define police or security by themselves. The debates focused
on the situation of the police with respect to justice and judicial power. Gensonné maintains that they
are “two separate and distinct powers,” yet, while the function of the judicial power is clear, it is
impossible to define the role of the police. An analysis of the debate shows that the place and function
of the police is undecidable and must remain undecidable, because, if it were really absorbed in the
judicial power, the police could no more exist. This is the discretionary power which still today defines
the actions of police officer, who, in a concrete situation of danger for the public security act, so to
speak, as a sovereign. But, even when he exerts this discretionary power, the policeman does not really
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take a decision, nor prepares, as is usually stated, the judge’s decision. Every decision concerns the
causes, while the police acts on effects, which are by definition undecidable. The name of this
undecidable element is no more today, like it was in 17th century, raison d’État, or state reason. It is
rather “security reasons”. The security state is a police state, but, again, in the juridical theory, the police
is a kind of black hole. All we can say is that when the so called “science of the police” first appears in
the 18th century, the “police” is brought back to its etymology from the Greek politeia and opposed as
such to “politics”. But it is surprising to see that “police” coincides now with the true political function,
while the term politics is reserved for foreign policy. Thus Von Justi, in his treatise on Policey-
Wissenschaft, calls Politik the relationship of a state with other states, while he calls Polizei the
relationship of a state with itself. It is worthwhile to reflect upon this definition: “Police is the
relationship of a state with itself.” The hypothesis I would like to suggest here is that, placing itself under
the sign of security, the modern state has left the domain of politics to enter a no man’s land, whose
geography and whose borders are still unknown. The security state, whose name seems to refer to an
absence of cares (securus from sine cura) should, on the contrary, make us worry about the dangers it
involves for democracy, because in it political life has become impossible, while democracy means
precisely the possibility of a political life.
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Biometrics biologizes life, entrenching violent biopolitics
Muller 10 (Benjamin J. – Assistant Professor in International Relations and Political Theory at the
University of Western Ontario, Ph.D. from Queen’s University Belfast, Security, Risk and the Biometric
State: Governing Borders and Bodies, p. 22-23)
In exposing what he calls “virtual security politics,” Dillon notes the extent to which security measures
such as biometrics are not only charged with having to specify the attributes of their subjects, but also
indicate their own fallibility (Dillon 2003: 554). One could phrase this differently as follows: l ike all
security measures, the characteristics of the subject of security require description; however, the extent
to which the technological system itself is a potential threat must be recognized. In this political space of
biometrics where, as Dillon suggests, “the physical and the virtual meet,” there is a definite fortification
of “biological life” over political life and the further entrenchment of the biopolitical. Here, the
introduction of biometric technologies is a cogent example of Agamben’s suggestion that security is
imposing itself as the basic principle of state activity, leading to the gradual neutralization of politics
(Agamben 2002). Underscoring the extent to which the relationship between the collected data and the
subject of that collection is markedly different from traditional analogue procedures for data collection,
this discussion of the introduction of biometric technologies as constituent of virtual security (and thus,
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virtual borders), the move towards the state of exception as the rule, and the general biologization of
life, indicate a dramatic difference between digital data collection and analogue vis-à-vis security,
subjectivity and sovereignty. In fact, arguments insensitive to such phenomena – as exemplified in the
biometrics literature, the CIC forum, and to a lesser extent the European Commission report –
misleadingly focus on the policy of biometrics rather than the politics of biometrics.
The biologization of life and resulting calculability renders some fit to live and others fit to die
Dillon 5 (Michael – Professor of Politics and International Relations at Lancaster University, “Cared to
Death: The Political Time of Your Life,” in Foucault Studies, No. 2, p. 37-38, May 2005,
http://rauli.cbs.dk/index.php/foucault-studies/article/viewFile/858/876)
One might say in Heideggerian fashion that life is the stuff of biopolitics. In the process of reducing life
to stuff, biopolitics must determine the quality of the stuff so that investment in its extraction,
promotion and refinement may itself be continuously assessed. It follows that some life will be found to
be worth investment, some life less worth investment, while other life may prove intractable to the
powers of investment and the demands it makes on life. Here, assaying morphs into evaluating the
eligibility and not simply the expected utility of life forms. Ultimately, some life may turn out to be
positively inimical to the circulation of life in which this investment driven process of biopolitics
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continuously trades, and have to be removed from life if its antipathy to biopoliticised life cannot
otherwise be adapted, correctedor contained. Behind the life-charged rhetoric of biopolitics, lies the
biologisation of life to which biopolitics is committed, the violence of that biologisation and the
reduction of the classical political question concerning the good life (and the good death) to that of the
endlessly extendable, fit and adaptable life. The good life Agamben refigures in terms of the pure - he
also says 'profane' but note that there is no profanity without sanctity - immanence of 'happy life'.
Biometric security technologies pre-emptively combat whom the powerful deem as a threat to society
Lattimer 13 (Connor – Undergraduate Scholar at the University of London, “The Politics of Surveillance in
a Risk Society,” in E-IR, 9-15-13, http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/05/the-politics-of-surveillance-in-a-risk-
society/)
Obama’s desire to continue the WoT through sophisticated surveillance technologies, such as the MQ-1
Predator drone, imposes a strategic rationale for anticipatory defence or pre-emptive security. The US at
present deploys drones beyond the borders of Iraq and Afghanistan to anticipate the rise of future
threats, including Pakistan, North Korea, and Iran, which raises questions on whether distant (both in
time and space) risks should be left to lie, or woken up by military invasion. The information collected
through pre-emptive practices drive forward this new security culture as intelligence, is harnessed to aid
http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/05/the-politics-of-surveillance-in-a-risk-society/http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/05/the-politics-of-surveillance-in-a-risk-society/http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/05/the-politics-of-surveillance-in-a-risk-society/http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/05/the-politics-of-surveillance-in-a-risk-society/
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creative scenario-making by civil servants in Whitehall (De Goede, 2008). The new security culture
created by surveillance technologies becomes a risk, with pre-emptive policy often ‘boomeranging’
rather than achieving the desired outcome (Daalder, 2007, 2006; Bigo, 2002). For example, Obama’s
plans to create stability in the Middle East as well as new strategic options are bogged down in continual
drone operations that kill more civilians than what may be deemed as ‘terrorists’ (Harris, 2012).
Clausewitz’s scientific and rational, ‘means to an end’ military strategy is replaced by imaginative, risk-
based scenarios, driven by the political mind. Thus, war becomes an art; a way of doing politics
(Machiavelli, 2004[1521]). The role of surveillance technologies in facilitating a pre-emptive security
culture are not bound to the ‘Orient’ or so-called ‘rogue states’, but manifest themselves within banal
environments of homeland nations. CCTV has dominated London’s cityscape with the aim to manage
the unpredictable security environment. Amoore and Hall (2008) note the management of risk rests
upon identification and verification of the body, decided by security professionals who are based upon a
particular bio-politics. The body becomes the platform of political decision-making, as well as an
objectification of security practices by using technologies of risk (De Geode, 2005). Surveillance
technologies as a management of risk have significant political implications in that security professionals
and politicians view them as “inevitable structural threats” (Aradau et al, 2008:151). Security becomes
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filtered down to the everyday through the usage of CCTV, as well as biometric borders through systems
of data-surveillance to determine whether an individual is understood as a risk to the political narrative
of the state (Braverman, 2011; Foucault, 1997) (Plate 1). Security within the homeland, as well as the
Orient, relies on pre-emptive technologies that generate a priori information (Harraway, 2000).
Therefore, this new security culture is based upon a political imagination and those in positions of
power are able to re-inscribe the societal landscape by determining who and what constitutes as a
threat (not a risk). Surveillance technologies are furthering the change in a security culture towards pre-
emption and anticipatory logics within the risk-society, although such technologies have always been
and will continue to be powered by political decision-making. The security culture of pre-emption is
new, but the pre-emptive logic is not. Rooted within the environmental movements’ precautionary
principle, the risk-management approach was away of advancing action on climate change and
environmental issues before an evidence-base could be established (O’Riordann). The argument of
Lomborg (2001) suggests an evidence-base would take too long to collect, thus it would be too late to
deal with the risks from environmental change, and instead politicians were required to act now.
Furthermore, stamping on risks before they materialise into greater threats was also part of former
Mayor of New York City, Rudolph Giuliani’s order maintenance policing that dealt with petty crimes in
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suspicious individuals who may attempt to challenge the reconstruction of Iraq. Like Israel, Iraq has
become “a state of checkpoints” whereby the authority of two states becomes blurred and unclear
(Braverman, 2011:01). The Musayyib checkpoint is part of a larger policy in deploying the ultimate
panopticon, with little controversy in foreign territories. The Combat Zones That See (CTS) program aims
to network thousands of sophisticated cameras and UAVs with complex computer code located in
databases to monitor the entire City of Baghdad. The roots of the US’s Foreign Policy are not concerned
with economic and political reconstruction but militarisation and reconnaissance of foreign territory in
the anticipation of future risks. Foreign policy becomes part of the broader security culture of filtering
risks through pre-emption to prevent worse-case scenarios imaged by politicians. The role of
surveillance technologies in reconstructing post-conflict territory becomes a process of militarisation
with the aim to continuously monitor the future development of Iraq. Statesmen, such as Bush and
Obama, narrate a positive political narrative to the public, whilst using surveillance technologies to drive
forward the true purpose of reconstruction in Iraq. Shedding light on the truth of US Foreign Policy
obviously presents issues over America’s role as the ‘World Police’. The Republican senator Gary Hart
argues America is in a dichotomy of becoming an Empire when it is a Republic, through using
surveillance technologies as ways to practice neo-imperialism in the WoT (Hart, 2007). National Security
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Surveillance technologies are necessary in fulfilling political goals through two-sided foreign policies in
the WoT. Nonetheless, technologies have also become a necessary part in the national security
narrative, most loudly spoken by Prime Minister Blair. Blair harnessed CCTV beyond its capabilities of
detecting crime, to a technology that can work on algorithmic data to pre-empt acts of terrorism before
they are committed within homeland nations (Amoore, 2009). Nonetheless, from this discussion, it will
appear that surveillance technologies only become necessary in the WoT to carry out political doctrine.
Politics drives forward these technologies and gives them a purpose; an image of necessity in combating
international terrorism. Protecting London’s economic heart is the ring of steel with over 1,500 cameras,
10% of which have facial recognition capabilities able to detect facial characteristics from up to 20
meters away (Coaffe, 2004). Similar to US Foreign Policy, UK national security strategy attempts to
control and regulate territory through the deployment of the camera. The politics emerges out of the
classification in which is established based on sex, ethnicity, and age to inform security professionals
whether a decision should be made to arrest or interrogate an individual based on the grounds of pre-
emption. Unlike its former self, the ring of steel does not act as a deterrent as it did during the
Provisional Irish Republican Army bombings, but an attempt to filter risks based on political criteria.
Facial recognition technologies operationalise the liberal project of globalization, modernity, and
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identity in which the body becomes subjected to political debate and contestation of whether an
individual is a terror suspect (Reid, 2006). The role of facial recognition cameras is moving beyond the
political narratives of Blair and Bush’s rhetoric on protecting the homeland, to being used as a marketing
tool to decide what kind of advertising people receive based on the systems own criteria (Booth, 2012).
The politics of risk management, with regards to surveillance technologies, has blurred national security
with the profit-motive, which inevitably leads to a failure of the liberal project. In 2003, the CIA launched
a futures market for terrorism as a way to collect intelligence on where and when a terrorist attack
would happen. The belief was that future markets had proven incredibly accurate in anticipating
elections results, thus collecting information on terrorism could aid scenario making. The market would
become the rationality for future conflict and security, rather than relying on expert opinion or the
individual analyst (Daalder, 2007, 2006). Giddens (1998) argues that the risk society makes technological
necessary by becoming dependent on it in generating a diversity of possible futures. He argues that
having such surveillance technologies with capabilities of pre-empting bridges the gap between the
present and the future. Dillon (1996) argues that making security and war a decision of the market
actually leads to a paradox and generates greater insecurity rather than security. This liberal way
multiplies the reasons for making war, as acts of terrorism are driven by the profit motive. In a credit
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society, with more finance available, this leads to vast insecurity (ibid). Facial recognition cameras are
part of fighting the next war, but within the homeland, they aim to prevent risks from becoming threats
that cause domestic insecurity, as well as result in overseas conflict. Technological innovation “makes
the perceived demands of the future determine present action” which is no longer controlled by military
practices, but politics (Rasmussen, 2006:65). Technologies within the homeland extend the pre-emptive
narrative beyond the boundaries of Iraq and Afghanistan, bringing risk-management back to the
homeland as a way of fighting future wars.
This is exemplified in biopolitical racial profiling through biometrics
Pugliese 12 (Joseph – Professor and Research Director at Macquarie University, “Identity Dominance,” in
Biometrics: Bodies, Technologies, Biopolitics, Routledge, 2012, p. 98)
Biometric templates exemplify the post-biological, in silico networking of a subject who can no longer
govern or control the heterogeneous dispersal of her or his identificatory body-bits-as-template-proxies.
It is at this juncture that a disarticulation is enunciated, a disarticulation that vitiates a subject’s agentic
self-recovery and governance of her or his heterogeneous body-bits and identity proxies. At this
juncture, a subject’s biometric proxies may be mobilised, indeed, as agents of the biopolitical state
deployed to ensnare and convict the targeted individual. “We are there,” writes Levinas (2003, 67), “and
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there is nothing more to be done, or anything to add to this fact that we have been entirely delivered
up”—delivered up by our biometric proxies to the state. Malcolm Crompton (2002) has examined the
privacy implications of the biometric capture of bodily information, with a particular focus on the
manner in which a person’s biometric scans can often reveal a range of medical conditions. Within the
specific context of racial profiling, as deployed by both military and police forces, I want to emphasise
that a subject’s biometric body-bits may become precisely proxies for criminalisation. “When being
black (or Latino or Asian [or “of Middle Eastern appearance”] is used as a proxy for criminality or
dangerousness in a society in which relative few are criminals,” David Harris (2002, 106) notes, “profiles
based on or including race will always sweep too widely.” Within these political economies of biopower,
biometrics interweaves flesh with algorithms in order to “freeze” a subject’s identity regardless of his or
her permutations. At work here are the biopolitical operations whereby, to paraphrase Levinas, the
subject is riveted to the fatality of the biological, even as the biological is transmuted in silico: “The
essence of humanity is no longer in freedom but in a kind of bondage. To be truly oneself is ... to
become aware of the ineluctable bondage unique to your body ... And then, if race did not exist, it
would be necessary to invent it!” (Levinas cited in Rolland 2003, 31). The re-invention of race in the
context of this biometric riveting of identity to the body is clearly enunciated in these contemporary
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modalities of racial profiling and, as I discuss later, in the biometric surveillance and control of
geopolitical borders, refugees and asylum seekers.
The logic of pre-emption perversely brings threats into existence in order to eliminate them
Massumi 15 (Brian – Professor of Communication at the University of Montreal, “The Remains of the
Day,” in Emotions, Politics and War , Ed. Åhäll and Gregory, 2015)
This isn't just stupidity or faulty reasoning. There is a perverse logic to it. Because if you accept that it's
paramount to respond to threat, and that you have to act in response to it even if it has not yet fully
emerged, or even if it is hasn't really even begun to emerge, then you're facing a real conundrum. If you
wait for the emergence, you'll have waited too long -- too late. A terrorist threat can strike like lightning.
Like lightning it can strike anywhere and any time. But worse than lightning, it can strike anywhere at
any time in any guise. This time it might be planes crashing into buildings. Next time it might be an
improvised explosive device. Or a bomb in a subway. Or anthrax in the mail. No one knows. This only
makes the urgency of action all the more acute. Faced with urgent need to act in the face of the
unknown-unknown of a threat that has not yet emerged, there is only one reasonable thing to do: flush
it out. Poke the soft tissue. Prod the terrain. Stir things up and see what starts to emerge. Create the
conditions for the emergence of threat. Start the threat on the way to becoming a clear and present
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danger, and then nip it in the bud with your superior rapid-response capabilities. Make it real so you can
really eliminate it. I'm not saying that the Bush administration consciously decided to make Iraq a
staging ground for terrorism. I'm only saying that the fact that their preemptive actions did in fact do
that fits perfectly into the logic of preemption, and says something fundamental about what that logic
implies. It is fundamental to the logic of preemption to produce what it is designed to avoid. That is the
only way to give its urgent need to "go kinetic" in response to threat something positive to attack. This is
what distinguishes preemption from the logic presiding over the previous age of conflict, the Cold War.
The logic of the Cold War was deterrence: making something not happen. The goal, faced with the clear
and present danger of nuclear Armageddon, was to hold it in potential, to make sure the threat was
never realized, precisely by refraining from preemptive attack. What was fundamental to the logic of
deterrence was the impossibility of a first strike – exactly what preemption requires. Deterrence
exercises a negative power. In a way, it's logic is the inverse of the logic of preemption. Its aim is to
prevent the unthinkable from happening by transforming a clear and present danger into a threat, then
to hold the threat in abeyance, so that it continues to loom over the present indefinitely, so that it
doesn't follow any action path back to the future. The aim of deterrence aim was to suspend threat.
Preemption, by contrast, suspends the present. It puts us and our actions in that conditional time-loop
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of the would have/could have. It hangs us on a thread of futurity. It does this in order to make the
would-have-been/could-have-been a "will-have-been-in-any-case." The job of preemption is to translate
the unknown-unknown into a foregone conclusion. Preemption always will have been right, because it
exercises a positive power, a reality-producing power to make things emerge. There is a word for a
reasoning that is always right regardless of the objective situation, and that always leads a foregone
conclusion in any case. The word is tautological. The logic of preemption is a tautological logic. But that's
just the half of it. The logic of preemption is a tautological logic that has the power to produce the
reality to which it responds. In spite of being tautological, or because of the particular way it is
tautological, preemption works. It operates. It operationalizes the future of threat in a way that really,
positively produces a future. It is an operative logic. I call an operative logic that is positively productive
of what will really come to be, an ontopower – "onto-" meaning being. An ontopower is a power that
makes things come to be: that moves a futurity felt in the present, into a presence in the future. When
threat becomes effectively tautological, and power becomes ontopower, everything has changed. We've
entered a brave new world, a new regime of power, and a new political era And yes, the more things
change, the more they stay the same. In a recent book, Andrew Bacevich, a life-long military careerist
turned military critic, laments that "since taking office, President Obama has acted on many fronts to
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adjust the way the United States exercized that leadership. Yet these adjustments have seldom risen
above the cosmetic. … The global war on terror [begun by Bush has not only] continued [under Obama]
.. it has metastasized." It has turned cancerous. It has turned into a self-driving tendency that has swept
Obama up in it. The operative logic of preemption is not a logic he has – it has him. It has proven itself a
self-propagating historical force, an operative historical logic whose "rightness" is still, as always, a
foregone conclusion. It has proven its ability to continue, as a tendency, across the break between
administrations and the changes on the level of explicitly stated doctrine. I will briefly go into how
Bush's 9-11-fueled-"everything-changed" is now Obama's "more off the same," despite the differences
in doctrine, the change in the cast of characters, and the obvious differences in personal quality and
leadership style. But before I do that, I want to draw out a bit more some of the implications of the
recentering of war and politics on threat. On the way, I want to respond to an objection I've left my
account open to. The example of Al-Qaeda in Iraq that was central to my argument that preemptive
power is a productive power is just one example. In many eyes it might seem a weak one, since it could
be laid to unforeseen collateral effects, and dismissed as a mere anomaly or accident, or simply a
product of a miscalculation. The point I want to make is that in the operative logic of preemption more-
or-less unforeseen effects are precisely what is and must be produced. If the situation is really one full of
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unknown-unknowns, in a perpetually crisis-ridden, ungraspably complex, increasingly chaotic world,
then unforeseen effects will always accompany any action carried out according to any logic. That's a
corrollary of the foregone conclusion. What's particular about preemption is that makes a virtue of this.
It turns this problem into something positive as well. It turns it into a mechanism that fosters its own
continuation and proliferation. It can't make the unknown-unknown known. It can't pre-form or fore-
see the exact nature of the reality it will produce. But if it is ready with fast-adapting rapid response
capabilities, it can field the effects it brings into being, by immediately going kinetic in a follow-up
action. When it flushes out threat, it can contrive to keep the emergence within parameters it can
handle, more-or-less. There will be threat again. But if all goes well it will be in more controllable
parameters. Preemption can then re-legitimate itself affectively, and redeploy. In this way, to use the
military theory jargon, the operative logic of preemption "leverages" uncertainty. What preemptive
power must do is remain poised to go kinetic again and again, in serial response to the exercise of its
own ontopower. Every time it acts, it must already be poising itself to act again, with equal urgency. In
that way, each of its actions will contain within it the seeds of the next action, and that action, the
action after, so that the deployment of preemption cascades, bringing its affective legitimation by threat
with it, step by step. Preemptive action has become self-driving. It only stands to reason that if terrorist
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threat is ever-present and proliferates in unforeseen ways, then the power mobilized against it must be
similarly ever-present and proliferating. ow could anyone argue that we shouldn't be capable of fielding
uncertainty? We must always be poised for threat. We must assume the posture -- even if the stated
doctrine has changed. If we sit on our hands, all it will take to delegitimate a government would be
another terror attack that happened on its watch. No government can afford not to be in a posture of
preemption. We must assume the posture at every moment – we must be poised to go kinetic at a
moment's notice, whenever and wherever in the world that threat is felt to loom. Whenever and
wherever. The realignment on time I mentioned earlier ends up driving a a tendency for the logic set in
motion to turn space-filling. The operative logic of preemptive is not only self-driving; it is self-
expanding. We watched this happen. Iraq was in fact used as a terror training ground. Terrorist
techniques such as the improvised explosive device and suicide bombings were perfected there, then
carried to the other front, Afghanistan, where they fueled a resurgent insurgency. The preemptive
follow-up response on the part of the US was to expand the use of counter-terrorist tactics that
matched the IED attack in terms of their ability to strike by surprise with lightning speed, and to morph
themselves to the shape any kind of circumstance, taking any number of guises. The use of these
techniques by the US military exploded. Chief among them were targeted assassinations using rapidly-
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deployed special operations forces, and unmanned drone attacks. This escalation began under Bush, but
was taken to new levels by Obama, who had criticized the war in Iraq and called for its winding down
only in order to shift attention to Afghanistan, which he defined as the "good war" and the right war.
The right war overflowed to the wrong side of the border, into Pakistan. The blowback from US cross-
border drone attacks and special operations in Pakistan have energized activity elsewhere in the world:
in Somalia, in Yemen. Yet another proliferation. US drone attacks and special ops have followed.
Preemptive US military intervention has expanded to yet another continent. The invasions of Iraq and
Afghanistan may be winding down. But the preemptive military posture of the US has only spread. And
nowhere has terrorist threat stopped looming. Last month (July 2011) was the bloodiest for months for
US military personnel in Iraq, and terrorist attacks in Afghanistan picked up spectacularly with the
assassinations of the governor of Kandahar province and the mayor of Kandahar city. Even after the
"withdrawal" of US troops from Iraq, there will be a continuing US presence indefinitely into the future,
as Obama's Secretary of Defense Robert Gates put it, in order to "fill the gap in Iraqi Security Force
operations." This continuing presence will be in the form of five high-tech compounds outfitted for
drone operations and housing aircraft and armored vehicles for rapid-response forays. The withdrawal
from Afghanistan will similarly leave a permanent preemption-ready presence. That presence has
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unprecedented reach. According to best estimates, the US preemptive presence stretches across more
than 750 bases around the world. The less focused it becomes on outright invasion, the more spread-
out and tentacular it becomes. US special operations forces are now active in no less than 75 countries
around the world and carry out an average of 70 missions a day. The number of countries "serviced" is
slated to rise to 120. A key to advisor to General Petraeus, the commander of US troops in Iraq, then
Afghanistan, and now incoming CIA director, was recently quoted marvelling at the reach of this "almost
industrial scale killing machine". Preemption doesn't go away. It spreads its tentacles. Things change.
Boots on the ground may recede as drones advance, following the rhythms of public opinion and the
electoral cycle of politicians' engrossment in domestic affairs. Nation-building might get backgrounded
in favor of targeted assassination campaigns. But the operative logic of preemption only becomes more
widespread and insidious. The more it changes, the more it stays the same, ever-expanding. To the point
that it can be said to become the dominant operative logic of our times. Preemption octopuses on.
Ontopower rules.
Biometric technologies blur the line between wartime technology and domestic security, creating a
permanent state of emergency
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Muller 10 (Benjamin J. – Assistant Professor in International Relations and Political Theory at the
University of Western Ontario, Ph.D. from Queen’s University Belfast, Security, Risk and the Biometric
State: Governing Borders and Bodies, p. 104-109)
We argue here that the use of biometrics for the management of the population is constitutive of
contemporary securitized (exceptional) politics, and while more apparent, the case of Fallujah is not
dissimilar to “domestic” homeland security initiatives and the securitization of borders and the bodies
that cross them. Moreover, it speaks to an evolving global norm of securitized identity, emphasizing the
mutually constitutive relationship between domestic and foreign policy, or at the very least destabilizing
conventional notions about the separation between these spheres, regularly reified in the discourses
and disciplinary regimes/ knowledge of IR and Comparative Politics (CP). 3 Moreover, it speaks to an
attempt to exercise biopolitical technologies of power as forms of subjugation and control/
management, which in turn constitutes the subject under such “exceptional” circumstances as
Agamben’s homo sacer. The chapter begins by briefly revisiting the concept of “the state of exception,”
and the extent to which the introduction of biometric technologies is representative of a particular
politics of exceptionalism. As the chapter title indicates, we consider these securitizing moves, namely
the introduction of biometric technologies, as underscoring constitutionalizing trends, or at the very
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least, the untenable differentiation between domestic and foreign policy. In this specific case, in much
the same way that modern technology has rendered conventional articulations of space and time
anachronistic, the simultaneous use of biometric technologies as a part of both domestic homeland
security strategies and foreign policy objectives can begin to challenge articulated limits of identity and
place. We then examine the case of Fallujah, arguably an exemplar in the wider case of American
occupation practices subsequently replicated across Iraq and Afghanistan, wherein the struggle to gain
the biopolitical ascendancy of sovereign power is asserted by occupation forces in an effort to take
control of biopolitics – the management of life. As a result of the destructive violence executed by
occupation forces, identity is rearticulated on the principles of biometrics and, to draw on Giorgio
Agamben’s work, some Iraqis are articulated as homo sacer; namely the 15– 45-year-old males who
were not given the option of leaving Fallujah prior to the siege in November 2004 . In this sense, while
cognizant of the disturbing story of destruction represented in Picasso’s Guernica, 4 the story here is
much more about the destructiveness of reconstruction, and the struggle over sovereign power in its
biopolitical form. We conclude with some reflections on the arguments presented, and their wider
application in the Iraqi context. Homo Sacer and the State of Exception Drawing on the work of Nazi
constitutional theorist Carl Schmitt, but also a Hobbesian and Weberian heritage, the revival of
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deliberations over the state of exception is found in contemporary work by the Italian philosopher
Giorgio Agamben. Although many of those not beholden to the triumphalism found in post-1989
commentaries turned to Schmitt, some specific resonances were absent. In particular, one of the critical
points for Agamben regarding the state of exception becoming the norm sent many writers and thinkers
scrambling. In the wake of the events of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent introduction of anti-
terrorist legislation and homeland security strategies however, this contention is much less radical .
Specific pieces of anti-terrorist legislation such as Bill C-36 in Canada, the USA PATRIOT Act, the
Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (IRTPA), or even the American Homeland
Security Act of 2002, involve at a bare minimum certain “sunset clauses,” if not in fact subjecting the
entire piece of legislation to such a clause. Of particular importance is the way in which sunset clauses
give certain impermanence to exceptional or emergency powers. While the sovereign might indeed, to
borrow from Schmitt’s dictum, “decide the exception,” it is not intended to be carte blanche power. If it
were, exceptional powers would no longer be “exceptional” but the norm, or what is termed the
permanent state of exception. Historical powers of judicial oversight, constitutionality, habeas corpus,
and so on, have placed specific checks and balances on the power of the executive. The question then, is
what gives the state of exception its permanence, and what are the implications to the members of the
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political community in this “normalized” state of exception? On the one hand, to follow Agamben’s lead,
the state of exception arises at an intersection between the legal and political; a civil war, an
insurrection, an armed resistance (Agamben 2005: 1). Moreover, the state of exception is the result of a
“political crisis,” indicating that it should be understood in political terms and not on juridical-
constitutional grounds (Agamben 2005). For Agamben, what is particularly challenging about the state
of exception is the way in which it functions in a “zone of undecidability,” or what he and others have
referred to as a “zone of indistinction” (Agamben 1998; Edkins 2002). As the sovereign is both the law
and outside the law, with subsequent power to suspend the law, there is a sort of legal sanction to the
state of exception, which is extra-juridical. Therefore, as Agamben contends, the state of exception is
awarded a certain legal status, such as the notion of the “legal civil war” he explores (Agamben 2005: 2–
3). Furthermore, and perhaps most important to the transformation of the state of exception becoming
the norm, is the way in which exceptional powers, or permanent states of emergency, become
important technologies of governmental control. Here, as Agamben accurately notes, the state of
emergency is not always openly declared in a technical sense, yet statutory amendments and changes
that occur in the background speak directly to the permanence of the state of exception. 5 Moreover ,
the suspension of conventional legislative and judicial powers and the concentration of power in the
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hands of the core executive constitute the state of exception. The ways in which this creeps into hidden
statutes that lie in wait, ready to spring forward when required, and the general way in which this state
of exception seems to have become an effective technology of rule for contemporary governments
emphasize the permanence of the state of exception. Much of this speaks directly to Michel Foucault’s
point made in the collection of his lectures entitled Society Must be Defended, that modern politics is
biopolitics, in so far as sovereign power is preoccupied to a much greater extent with the “management
of life” as a particularly important technology of power (Foucault 2003: 239 – 64). As Foucault notes:
“Biopolitics deals with the population, with the population as a political problem, as a problem that is at
once scientific and political, as a biological problem, as power’s problem” (Foucault 2003: 245). For
Agamben, what is particularly important about Foucault’s thesis is the way in which one understands
the sense of this transformation towards biopolitics and the “management of life.” Hence, Agamben’s
dialogue about “form-of-life” and the power( s) that constitutes multiple forms of life as the “ form -of-
life .” In other words, it seems impossible to isolate “naked life” from the “form-of-life” that is political
life (Agamben 2000: 3 – 14): Inasmuch as its inhabitants [of the camp] have been stripped of every
political status and reduced completely to naked life, the camp is also the most absolute biopolitical
space that has ever been realized – a space in which power confronts nothing other than pure biological
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life without any mediation. (Agamben 2000: 41) In this “zone of indistinction” that is the political space
of the exception, homo sacer or sacred man becomes indistinguishable from the citizen. Hence, in the
same way as the “zone of indistinction” is exceptional – extra-juridical – the subjectivity of the
inhabitants is also extra-juridical, as they are deprived of rights and prerogatives to the point that
committing any act towards them no longer appears as a crime (Agamben 2000). In our analysis, if
Fallujah is indeed a space/ place of exception – as in broader terms we might argue that Iraq on the
whole is subject to a state of exception, as is the domestic space of the US under conditions of the war
on terror, or more specifically the border spaces and virtual borders, which further emphasizes the
mutually constitutive relationship between domestic and foreign policy – then to what extent are the
inhabitants homo sacer? In considering the specifics of the Fallujah case, while not all inhabitants are
articulated as homo sacer, certainly those perceived as most threatening by occupying forces are
constructed as such. Furthermore, our analysis emphasizes the extent to which the application of
biometric technologies by US-led forces is at the very least a contributing factor to this (re) articulation
of Iraqis or in this case Fallujahns as homo sacer, or indeed might be a necessary although not sufficient
condition for this particular (re) articulation. Before discussing the specific case of Fallujah, however,
some brief words on biometric technologies and the specifics of contemporary applications in Iraq and
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biometrics industry and the literature. It also exposes the industry and its advocates’ long-term vision ,
indicating both a belief in the sustained need for biometric technologies, and their suitably futuristic (re)
solutions of/ for these needs. The possible applications for biometrics, it would seem, are only limited by
one’s imagination . Biometric technologies have generally been employed in the private sector, such as
in high security sites like financial institutions, secure nuclear or chemical facilities, or for the security of
particular products, such as the narcotics necessary for anesthesiologists. Biometric technologies are
also not strangers to the panoptic sphere of surveillance and are consistently used to track the comings
and goings of employees in large institutions. Contemporary debates over the applications of biometrics
are subject to some very particular phenomena of both the contemporary information age and the post-
9/ 11 security context. The events of September 11, 2001 definitely had an impact on the biometrics
industry, if only to open a policy window for already supportive legislators. Doing much more than
preaching to the converted, however, the advocates of biometric technologies strategically presented
them as the panacea to the security problems of the post- 9/ 11 world. Caught in the paradox between
securing borders and bodies and the imperatives of the neoliberal global economy, states were attuned
to the representation of the “security problem ” that the biometrics industry was so quick to articulate.
Indeed, the Canada/ US Smart Border Declaration signed after the events of 9/ 11 is a case in point. The
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application of RM is championed, an embrace of particular identification technologies is applauded, and
the proliferation of programs and approaches from trusted traveler programs, to “no-fly lists” and
passenger prescreening lays the groundwork for the subsequent Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative
(WHTI) and the general proliferation of borders. The proposed applications of biometrics for the
purpose of securing borders and bodies are generally for biometric or biometric-ready passports, visas,
permanent resident cards, and national identity cards. The general emphasis is for machine readable
travel documents (MRTD), allegedly contributing to increased efficiency and heightened security, thus
satisfying the dual requirements of the imperative free movement of the global economy and the post-
9/ 11 supposed security imperatives. Throughout these debates , however, the (im) possibility of
securing bodies and borders generally appears to fall outside of the space of biometrics politics. As
Simon A. Cole maintains, based on its assumptions about the security of the body itself, this entire
project may in fact be misguided: Indeed, the body itself may become a rather antiquated way of
defining the individual. A wide variety of new technologies – sex reassignment, cyberspace, artificial
intelligence, cosmetic surgery, organ transplantation, and so on – all point toward the demise of the
nineteenth century notion of the body as solid, stable entity and the advent of some new conception of
bodies as mutable and flexible … We may cease to think of ourselves, or to identify ourselves, strictly as
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physically unique bodies and begin to think of ourselves as somewhat more ethereal entities for whom
bodies and body parts are merely resources. (Cole 2001: 310) While there are ways in which Cole’s
contentions might challenge the introduction and claims of biometrics, the introduction of biometrics
might also be interpreted as a contributing factor to this rather fetishized account of the body. In other
words, if the body becomes password, does it cease to be the body? 6 On such questions and others,
the literature, government commissioned reports, and public forums generally fall silent. Following on
from arguments made by Robert Putnam and others, Yale Ferguson and Richard Mansbach assert that
the separation between domestic and foreign policy is increasingly untenable; domestic policies
influence international affairs, and vice versa (Ferguson and Mansbach 1996: 261). To this end,
biometric strategies towards the (re) articulation of the body as password and the general
securitization/ criminalization of what Agamben refers to as “bare life,” or even homo sacer itself ,
appear mutually reinforcing in the spaces of both domestic and foreign policy. In the domestic space,
the new “normal” biopolitical relationship between the citizen and the state affords sovereign power
the ability to appropriate and register the biological life of bodies (Agamben 2004).
Urban zones of ‘indistinction’ fostered by the blur between political and biological identity manifests
itself in a police state which disproportionality affects minorities
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Jobe 14 (Kevin Scott, Doctoral Candidate in Philosophy at Stony Brook University, “Pre-emptive States of
Emergency: Martial Governmentality & the Crisis of Police,” in Critical Legal Thinking, 12-11-14,
http://criticallegalthinking.com/2014/12/11/pre-emptive-states-emergency-martial-governmentality-
crisis-police/)
Commenting on the investigation into the police killing of Luis Rodriguez in Moore, OK in February 2014,
an attorney for the Moore, OK police department declared, “In this country, it seems we are becoming
anti-police and that the tide has turned in respecting law enforcement.”1 In the wake of the Michael
Brown and Eric Garner grand jury verdicts, and the lack of any formal charges in the cases of Luis
Rodriguez and so many other victims of color of police violence just this year, it is easy to see why. In
this article, I focus on the pre-emptive state of emergency declared by the Governor of Missouri in the
Michael Brown case, and link this form of ‘martial governmentality’ to the apparent crisis of police in
their inability to control or suppress the revolts stemming from the Ferguson protests which seek to
shut down the normal operations of law and order. The militarization of American policing has received
much needed scrutiny in recent years by both academics and civil rights watch groups like the ACLU. In
the wake of anti-police protests from Ferguson to New York and around the globe, these analyses could
not be more timely. However with the growing unrest leading up to the Michael Brown grand jury
http://criticallegalthinking.com/2014/12/11/pre-emptive-states-emergency-martial-governmentality-crisis-police/http://criticallegalthinking.com/2014/12/11/pre-emptive-states-emergency-martial-governmentality-crisis-police/http://criticallegalthinking.com/2014/12/11/pre-emptive-states-emergency-martial-governmentality-crisis-police/http://criticallegalthinking.com/2014/12/11/pre-emptive-states-emergency-martial-governmentality-crisis-police/
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verdict, the state of Missouri saw something perhaps even more startling than a militarized police force:
a pre-emptive state of emergency. As Janai Nelson from the NAACP Legal Defense Fund reminds us,
governors have used their emergency police powers preemptively in the past in anticipation of eminent
natural disasters and, more recently, in the case of ‘potential’ Ebola outbreaks. But the preemptive state
of emergency issued in Ferguson by Governor Nixon, for example, signals the activation of a form of
governmentality which grants “…carte blanche to determine what actions are required throughout the
state in the name of public safety – despite the lack of any imminent threat.”2 Nelson calls attention to
the ‘preemptive’ declaration of emergency issued during World War Two by FDR and allowed in the
1944 Koremastu v. United States case which authorized the internment of Japanese-Americans. And
while the case of Ferguson is of a different order of magnitude, it nonetheless follows the same logic. As
Nelson writes, (I)t seems premised on the fearful notion that black people gathering in Ferguson to
protest perceived injustice is a state of emergency. But the expectation of Americans coming together to
express outrage does not justify intervention by the militia.3 The expectation that public protest in
Ferguson might require the mobilization of state military forces is precisely what seems to underwrite
the justification of Nixon’s executive order. The rationale for the executive order is couched in the
language of protecting peaceable assembly, protest and the protection of public safety, civil rights and
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private business. However, the suspension of law to protect civil rights raises a disturbing prospect, one
that Stephen Graham highlights in his recent book Cities Under Siege: the New Military Urbanism. As
Graham shows, there is an increasing coincidence of the discourses of policing, domestic security and
militarization in urban governance such that policing the city comes to look more and more like the
protection and organization of a military camp. Echoing Agamben’s thesis on the camp as internal logic
of the contemporary nomos, Graham writes, A priori incarcerations, bans, and a creeping mass
criminalization begin to puncture already precarious legal norms of due process, habeas corpus, the
right to protest, international humanitarian law and the human rights of citizenship. Increasingly, the
always – fragile notions of homogenous national citizenship fray and disintegrate as different groups and
ethnicities are pre-emptively profiled, screened, and treated differently. The rights of citizenship are
disaggregated or ‘unbundled: ‘Law’ is deployed to suspend law, opening the door to more or less
permanent ‘states of exception’ and emergency Systems’ of camps, militarized borders, and systems of
illicit, invisible movement now straddle nations and supranational blocs. The resulting transnational
archipelagos of incarceration, torture and death exhibit startling similarities to those that sustain global
geographies of tourism, finance, production, logistics, military power and the lifestyles of elites. The
‘enemies within’, the persons adjudged risky or worthless or out of place — the African-Americans of
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New Orleans, the troublesome inhabitants of Paris’s banlieues , the Roma encamped in the suburbs of
Naples or Rome, the favela dwellers on the edges of Rio’s tourist hot spots, the undocumented
immigrants, the beggars, the homeless, the street vendors everywhere — become increasingly
disposable, assaulted, forcibly excluded.4 Indeed, to the extent that “(L)aw is deployed to suspend law,
opening the door to more or less permanent ‘states of exception’ and emergency Systems’ of camps,
[and] militarized borders”, it is precisely the legal, civil and human rights that ‘law’ is supposed to
protect that is suspended and replaced with the logic of ‘camp’. The suspension law in order to protect
civil rights is thus the paradigm of the logic of the exception, a disturbing situation where martial law
becomes necessary for the protection of civil rights. In this way, justifying a state of emergency by
claiming that such a state is the best means to protect civil rights therefore implies the very possibility
Graham raises: the permanent state of exception or state of emergency that claims it is necessary to
protect civil rights. In Cities Under Siege: the New Military Urbanism, Graham documents the “…massive
global proliferation of deeply technophiliac state surveillance projects…[which] signals the startling
militarization of civil society – the extension of military ideas of tracking, identification and targeting into
the quotidian spaces of everyday life.”5 Situating the massive crossover of military discourses and
technologies into the governance of urban life, Graham argues that these military-style
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governmentalities “…represent dramatic attempts to translate long-standing military dreams of high-
tech omniscience and rationality into the governance of urban civil society.6 For Graham, these
movements to militarize urban policing and governance, most notably after 9/11, also signal the blurring
of the lines between discourses of State ‘homeland security’ and martial practices. Indeed for Graham,
what we are seeing is “(T)he dovetailing of state domestic security and military doctrines.”7 Graham
makes sense of the militarization of civil society through Foucault’s thesis about the ‘boomerang effect’
of modern state governmentality, whereby colonial techniques of genocide, discipline and social control
are appropriated by the State and applied internally on their own populations. This is a central thesis of
the book. Thus for Graham, the militarization of civil society can be understood as the internal
application of colonial and post-colonial models of social control, developed also in the Global South and
in the War on Terror, internally upon the domestic population. Graham outlines five key features of the
new military urbanism. First, Graham notes the expansion of the traditional language of ‘battlespace’
from the field to the city, such that everyday urban places such as subways, supermarkets, tower blocks,
industrial districts, and public spaces become reimagined as the site of urban warfare. Indeed,
“(E)veryday spaces of the city “…are becoming the main battlespace both at home and abroad.”8 In this
way, Graham states, Western security and military doctrine is being rapidly reimagined in ways that
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dramatically blur the juridical and operational separation between policing, intelligence and the military;
distinctions between war and peace; and those between local, national and global operations.”9
According to Graham, the ‘traditional’ understanding of ‘legal or human rights and legal systems based
on ideas of universal citizenship’ is being replaced within these new ‘battespaces’ with “…the profiling of
individuals, places, behaviors, associations, and groups….[and] assign these subjects risk categories
based on their perceived association with violence, disruption or resistance against the dominant
geographical orders sustaining global, neoliberal capitalism”8 This for Graham, the profiling of
individuals with regard to their risk or dangerousness is a feature of the new military urbanism. The
second feature of the new military urbanism has to do with ‘Foucault’s Boomerang: where “…explicitly
colonial models of pacification, militarization and control, honed on the streets of the global South, are
spread to the cities of capitalist heartlands in the North.”11 Internal colonization as mode of social
control. For Graham, the new technologies of militarization that are being deployed by local and state
government increasingly view urban areas as if they were a sort of post-colonial ‘military camp’ which
needs to be protected and walled in from outside invading forces. Indeed, for Graham, such
technologies, force people to prove their legitimacy if they want to move freely. Urban theorists and
philosophers now wonder whether the city as a key space for dissent and collective mobilization within
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civil society is being replaced…by camps which are linked together and withdrawn from the urban
outside beyond the walls or access-control systems.12
Rather than reading the resolution as a question of policy, we approach it from the political --- only our
affirmation of studious play can reclaim politics from the state of exception
Morgan 7 (Benjamin, University of California, Berkeley, “Undoing Legal Violence: Walter Benjamin's and
Giorgio Agamben's Aesthetics of Pure Means”, Journal Of Law And Society, volume 34, Number 1,
March,
www.academia.edu/1111547/Undoing_Legal_Violence_Walter_Benjamin_s_and_Giorgio_Agamben_s_
Aesthetics_of_Pure_Means
Giorgio Agamben's State of Exception paints an ominous picture. Agamben asks whether law can
regulate its own suspension not because this is an interesting, if abstract, legal problem, but because the
state of exception has become a worldwide `paradigm of government'. According to Agamben, a global
state of exception is the only way to explain our current state of affairs, in which: law can ... be
obliterated and contradicted with impunity by a governmental violence that, while ignoring
international law externally and producing a permanent state of exception internally, nevertheless still
claims to be applying the law. The state of exception enables this contradiction since it is neither inside
http://www.academia.edu/1111547/Undoing_Legal_Violence_Walter_Benjamin_s_and_Giorgio_Agamben_s_Aesthetics_of_Pure_Meanshttp://www.academia.edu/1111547/Undoing_Legal_Violence_Walter_Benjamin_s_and_Giorgio_Agamben_s_Aesthetics_of_Pure_Meanshttp://www.academia.edu/1111547/Undoing_Legal_Violence_Walter_Benjamin_s_and_Giorgio_Agamben_s_Aesthetics_of_Pure_Meanshttp://www.academia.edu/1111547/Undoing_Legal_Violence_Walter_Benjamin_s_and_Giorgio_Agamben_s_Aesthetics_of_Pure_Means
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nor outside law. On the one hand, it is not a `special kind of law' since it is `a suspension of the juridical
order itself'; on the other, it is not merely the absence of law, since law contains provisions for its
suspension. This topographical paradox means that law functions unusually within the state of
exception. The state of exception doesn't create chaos or anarchy; it sepa-rates the law's force from its
application. Law's purely formal applicability comes loose from its direct impact on life. As a result, acts
that are not authorized by any law can employ the force of legal action: in extreme situations `force of
law' floats as an indeterminate element that can be claimed by both the state authority ... and by a
revolutionary organization. Agamben argues that this ultimately makes law and life indistinguishable:
every action is potentially a legal action. Unfortunately, however, we can't simply return to a situation
prior to the state of exception: from the real state of exception in which we live, it is not possible to
return to the state of law, for at issue now are the very concepts of `state' and `law'. If we take
Agamben's claims about the reach of the state of exception seriously, we are left to grapple with the
odd solution that Agamben suggests. This solution is what I would like to interrogate here. Agamben
argues that to get beyond the state of exception we must do something more radical than modify the
law, since the exception has revealed that the normal functioning of law depends on violent force. As a
consequence, we must pursue ̀ the only truly political action ... which severs the nexus between violence
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and law'. But it is difficult to imagine how we might actually take this `truly political' action, which
Agamben calls `play': One day, humanity will play with law just as children play with disused objects, not
in order to restore them to their canonical use but to free them from it for good... . [T]his studious play
is the passage that allows us to arrive at ... justice. `Play' is a surprising answer to the problems that
Agamben has dramatically sketched: it seems simultaneously too abstract and not serious enough. But
can we take play seriously? Play might be able to counteract the law's violent application to life because
of its lack of seriousness: play suspends both instrumentality and normativity. In this sense, play
deinstrumentalizes what Agamben frequently calls the `machine' or `apparatus' of the state of
exception.
Traditional political dissent merely strengthens the security state --- we must instead expose and depose
of the security technologies the government employs
Agamben 14 (Giorgio – Ph.D., Baruch Spinoza Chair at the European Graduate School, Professor of
Aesthetics at the University of Verona, Italy, Professor of Philosophy at Collège International de
Philosophie in Paris, and at the University of Macerata in Italy, “From the State of Control to a Praxis of
Destituent Power,” transcript of lecture delivered by Agamben in Athens, 11-16-13, published on
Roarmag, 2-4-14, http://roarmag.org/2014/02/agamben-destituent-power-democracy/)
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Rediscovering a Form-of-Life But I would like to conclude — or better to simply stop my lecture (in
philosophy, like in art, no conclusion is possible, you can only abandon your work) — with something
which, as far as I can see now, is perhaps the most urgent political problem. If the state we have in front
of us is the security state I described, we have to think anew the traditional strategies of political
conflicts. What shall we do, what strategy shall we follow? The security paradigm implies that each form
of dissent, each more or less violent attempt to overthrow the order, becomes an opportunity to govern
these actions into a profitable direction. This is evident in the dialectics that tightly bind together
terrorism and state in an endless vicious spiral. Starting with French Revolution, the political tradition of
modernity has conceived of radical changes in the form of a revolutionary process that acts as the
pouvoir constituant, the “constituent power”, of a new institutional order. I think that we have to
abandon this paradigm and try to think something as a puissance destituante, a purely “destituent
power”, that cannot be captured in the spiral of security. It is a destituent power of this sort that
Benjamin has in mind in his essay On the Critique of Violence, when he tries to define a pure violence
which could “break the false dialectics of lawmaking violence and law-preserving violence,” an example
of which is Sorel’s proletarian general strike. “On the breaking of this cycle,” he writes at the end of the
essay “maintained by mythic forms of law, on the destitution of law with all the forces on which it
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depends, finally therefore on the abolition of state power, a new historical epoch is founded.” While a
constituent power destroys law only to recreate it in a new form, destituent power — insofar as it
deposes once for all the law — can open a really new historical epoch. To think such a purely destituent
power is not an easy task. Benjamin wrote once that nothing is so anarchical as the bourgeois order. In
the same sense, Pasolini in his last movie has one of the four Salò masters saying to their slaves: “true
anarchy is the anarchy of power.” It is precisely because power constitutes itself through the inclusion
and the capture of anarchy and anomy that it is so difficult to have an immediate access to these
dimensions; it is so hard to think today of something as a true anarchy or a true anomy. I think that a
praxis which would succeed in exposing clearly the anarchy and the anomy captured in the
governmental security technologies could act as a purely destituent power. A really new political
dimension becomes possible only when we grasp and depose the anarchy and the anomy of power. But
this is not only a theoretical task: it means first