FROM WORKING-CLASS TO UNDERCLASS: THE RISE AND FALL …

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Revista DiveRgencia issn: 0719-2398n°5 / año 3 / eneRo - julio 2014 / pp 51-75

FROM WORKING-CLASS TO UNDERCLASS: THE RISE AND FALL OF INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM IN SOUTH YORKSHIRE

DE CLASE TRABAJADORA A CLASES BAJAS: EL AUGE Y CAÍDA DEL CAPITALISMO INDUSTRIAL EN YORKSHIRE DEL SUR

Charles J. Lockett

CharlesesunactivistapolíticodeSheffieldytrabajadorconcontratode“cerohoras”.PoseeunMasterofArtsenPolitics,porlaUniversidaddeSheffield,especializándoseenlasrelacionesdetrabajoylasociedadcapitalistapos-industrialdesdeunaperspectivamarxista.EsteartículocorrespondeapartedesutesisdeMaestría.Correoelectrónico:[email protected].

RESUMEN:South Yorkshire ha sido caldo de cultivo para la “acción política de la clase trabajadora” por mas de 150 años, reflejando cambios profundos en la suerte tanto económica como social, que ha experimentado el proletariado británico. Existe una experiencia circular distintiva entre los trabajadores de la época industrial temprana de Sheffield y Rotherham, y los trabajadores de la generación moderna de las «cero-horas»: desde la década de 1980, una forma de capitalismo mas desnuda se ha reafirmado, revelando que el «consenso de la post-guerra» fue un fenómeno fugaz e incompleto. Este artículo buscará demostrar las razones y posibles alternativas al «largo arco» que la clase trabajadora de South Yorkshire ha experimentado, desde jornaleros precariamente contratados pasando por una clase trabajadora establecida y terminando nuevamente de vuelta a su precarización.

Palabras clave: clase trabajadora - desarrollo - neoliberalismo - socialdemocracia - sindicalismo.

ABSTRACT:SouthYorkshirehasbeenacauldronof‘working-classpolitics’formorethan150years,reflectingdeepchangesinthesocialandeconomicfortunesoftheBritishproletariat.

ThereisadistinctcircularityofexperiencebetweenearlyindustrialworkersinSheffieldandRotherhamandthemoderngenerationofzero-hoursworkers:sincethe1980s,amorenakedformofcapitalismhasreasserteditself,revealingthe‘post-warconsensus’tobeafleetingandincompletephenomenon.Thisarticlewillseektoprobethereasonsforandpoliticalalternativestothe‘longarc’oftheSouthYorkshireworking-class,from

precariouslyemployeddaylabourerstosettledworking-classandbackagain.

Key words:working-class-development-neoliberalism-social-democracy- tradeunionism.

Recibido: 15denoviembrede2013/ Aceptado: 29dediciembrede2013Received: november 15, 2013 / Approved: dicember 29, 2013

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52 Revista DiveRgencia / issn: 0719-2398 n°5 / año 3 / eneRo - julio 2014 / pp 51-75

chaRles j. lockett

1. INTRODUCTION

Inthe2014roundoflocalelections,theUnitedKingdomIndependenceParty(UKIP)wontenofthetwenty-onecouncilpositionsupforelectioninthatcycle.LabourMPfortheRotherhamareaJohnHealeysaid‘Thisisamessageorawarningifyoulike,toallmainstreamparties-achallengetousallbecausepeopleareangry.’(“UKIPMakesMajorGains”,2014)Whenobservingthepatternofdisasterswhichhavebefallenworking-classresidentsofRotherhamforthepasthalf-century,thisangeriscompletelyunderstandable:thedecimationoflocalindustryduringtheThatcherera,aninactiveandcomplacentLabourcouncilforthe1990sand2000s,andse-rioussocialdisintegrationsincethefinancialcrisisof2008.FarfromtheaspirationalsocietywhichgrewinSouthYorkshireinthe1960sand1970s,thereislittlehopeofimprovementintheforeseeablefuture,withtheUK’snationaleconomyflatlining,andsocialpolicies resembling thoseat thecloseof thenineteenthcenturybeingenforcedbyaConservative-Liberalgovernment.

Thisharking-backtothedarkdaysofindustrialcapitalismismorethancoincidentalorsymptomaticofanyparticularpoliticalparty.Whilstatfirstthevictoryofafar-rightorganisationintheheartlandofBritishtradeunionismmightseembewildering,byanalysingthepatternsofworking-classpoliticsinthelongterm,wecanseewhyUKIPhavebeensosuccessful:theyfillavacuumcreatedbytheforcibledestructionofSouthYorkshire’slabourmovementandtheLabourParty’sderelictionofitsdutytoworking-classcommunities.

Theaimofthisinvestigationistodrawoutanarrativethreadwhichrunsthroughoutthe‘longtwentieth-century’:thatofinsecurity,poverty,precariousemployment,ex-clusionandfragmentation.Iwilldemonstratethattheseconditionsweremitigatedandmarginalisedbytheworking-classmovement,anditsexpressionin‘working-classpolitics’.Furthermore,Iwillconcludebydemonstratingthatnowthattheflee-tingsocialmomentinwhichthedemandsoftheworking-classmovementwerepar-tiallyinstitutionalisedhaspassed,anascendantcapitalistclassisdoingitsbesttorestoretheconditionswhichexistedinBritain’sindustrialpastforitsownbetterment.Inshort,thesocial-democraticexperimentlastingfrom1945to1979wasnot‘thenewnormal’ofprosperity,aspirationandconsumercapitalism,itwasanhistoricalanomaly,resultinginabnormallyhighstandardsoflivingandanabnormallyex-tensivecollectionofinstitutionswhichpartiallyinternalisedtheinterestsofworkers.Thisrevelationpresentsuswithurgentpoliticalconclusionsaboutthepost-FinancialCrisisworldinwhichwelive.

Thispaperissplitintofourparts.Firstly,PartIshallanalysetheparticularsocialandpoliticalconditionswhichpredominatedinSouthYorkshirebeforetheSecondWorldWar.Secondly,PartIIshallanalysethespecificreasonsforthesocialandpoliticalsettlementknownas the ‘post-warconsensus’.Next,Part IIIwillexaminehow thepost-warconsensuswasdismantled,andthematerialconsequencesforworkersintheregion.Finally,PartIVwillexaminethecontemporarysituation,drawingpara-

53Revista DiveRgencia / issn: 0719-2398 n°5 / año 3 / eneRo - julio 2014 / pp 51-75

FRom woRking-class to unDeRclass: the Rise anD Fall oF inDustRial captitalism in south YoRkshiRe

llelswiththepastexperiencesofworking-classpeople,andwillattempttosuggestsomenecessaryavenuesoffuturepraxis.

2. LITERATURE AND THEORETICAL REVIEW

2.1. Class and its malcontentsClass,asanobjectofpoliticalinvestigation,haslongbeenviewedwithdeepsus-picionbyboththeacademicandpoliticalmainstreamsthroughoutthelatterhalfofthe ‘long twentieth-century’ inwhich capitalist relationsdominatedBritish society.Thishasnotalwaysthecase:often,thosewithsocio-economicpoweracknowledgedmaterialandsocial inequalityandattemptedto justify it throughvariousmeans:aperfectexampleisthesternChristianityevidencedinCecilFrancesAlexander’s(1871,p.27)lyricsofthetraditionalEnglishhymnAll Things Bright and Beautiful,publishedin1848.Sheappealstoreligiousorderasajustificationforaclasssocie-tydefinedbyrigidrelationsofindividualstothemeansofproduction:

Therichmaninhiscastle,Thepoormanathisgate,Godmadethemhighandlowly,Andorderedtheirestate.

Inthesecondhalfofthe‘longtwentieth-century’amiasmaofdenialdescended,closelyassociatedwithneoliberaldiscoursessurroundingtheindividual.MargaretThatcher,ConservativePrimeMinisterfrom1979-1991,famouslyproclaimed‘Thereisnosuchthingassociety.Thereareindividualmenandwomen,andtherearefa-milies.Andnogovernmentcandoanythingexceptthroughpeople,andpeoplemustlooktothemselvesfirst’(Keay,1987).Concurrentlywiththeadventofneoliberalism,andtheshiftinsocialpowerawayfromorganisedlabour,whichIshallexploremorefullyinPartIII,contemporaryscholarshipdevelopedanalmostallergicaversiontodiscussionsofclass.Trenchantcriticismsofclassasameansforunderstandingthecleavagesandinequalitiesinmodernsocietyamountedtowhathasbecomeknownasthe‘linguisticturn’:thebeliefemergedinacademiaduringthecrisisofsocial-democracyinthe1970sand1980sthattraditionalempiricalmeasuresofsocietieswerenowirrelevantwithinaglobalisedworld.Inwhatpurportedtobethedeathknellforclassanalyses,PakulskiandWaters(1999,p.444)inThe Death of Class feltconfidentenoughtodeclarethatanyseriousanalysisofclassisnow‘hopelesslyanachronistic’.Thisaversiontoclassisnotconfinedtothepoliticalmainstream.Forexample,EllenMeiksinsWood(1999)chartsacross-disciplinaryshiftawayfromsocio-economicanalysestowardsdiscourse-basedexplorationsofpoliticalandhis-toricalphenomena,which,whilstretainingapatinaof‘neo-Gramscian’radicalism,oftenreachdescriptiveconclusionsorthosewhichunthinkinglymirrortheinterestsofpowerfulstateelites.Thispaperseekstorescueclassanalysisbothfromitsvulgar


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‘Marxist’caricaturists,anditscriticsinthepoliticalmainstreamwhoseektocensorcontentwhichcontradictstheirdirectmaterialinterests.

South Yorkshire has always been at the cutting edge of ‘working-class politics’. Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man marks a vital watershed in popular engagementwithpolitics,andthestartofseriousanalysisoftherelationshipbetweenmoderngovernorsandthegovernedofcontemporaryEurope.WithoutPaine’streatisesinwhichtheaspirationsofrevolutionariesweresharpenedintoadegreeofpoliticalcoherencewhichhadbeenhithertoelusive,laterpoliticalwriterswouldhavebeenutterlyfoundationless.Painepullednopuncheswhendamningtherulersoflate18th-centuryEurope:‘theideaofhereditarylegislatorsisasinconsistent…andasabsurdasanhereditarymathematician’(Paine,1945,p.289).Thistextwaswildlypopular,sellingmorethan50,000copieswithintwomonthsofitspublication,andwas‘ea-gerlyreadby…theskilledfactory-handsofthenewindustrialnorth’(Rudé,1964,p.183).Whilstwritingthesewords,PainewaslivinginMasbrough,Rotherham,de-signingastate-of-the-artironbridgefortheWalker’sironworksin1789and1790,hispresencehavinganelectriceffectontheburgeoningpoliticalcultureofSouthYorkshire’sradicalartisansatthecruxofEuropeanrevolution.1

FromtheearliestformsofcapitalinSouthYorkshire,itappearsthattherehasbeenamostfundamentallinkbetweenthespecificprocessesofindustrialdevelopmentandthekindofpoliticalexpressionstowhichtheygaverise–anditseemsthattheclaimsofexceptionalismmadebyanti-classtheoristsaboutneoliberalsociety,that‘everythingisdifferentnow’,cannotholdtrue.

2.2. Class, in the abstractClass,fundamentally, isnota thingbutarelationship;classeswithdifferingrela-tionshipstotheproductionofthesocialsurplushavestruggledforcontroloverthatsurplus.ItisnocoincidencethatinthefirstwordsoftheCommunistManifesto,Marxlists pairs of classes: it is impossible to imaginea ruling classwithout aworkingclass,anoppressorwithouttheoppressed(Marx&Engels,2008,p.3).Itisvitalweunderstandclassasarelationshipsinceitisadialecticprocess,subjecttocontinualevolutionthroughcontestation–Marx’sfamousquote,takenfromtheopeninglinesof The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon,outlinesthedialecticofclass,interac-tingandbeinginteractedwithbyotherclassesandthematerialenvironment:

Menmaketheirownhistory,buttheydonotmakeitastheyplease;theydonotmakeitunderself-selectedcircumstances,butundercircumstancesexistingalready,givenandtransmittedfromthepast.(Marx,1852,Ch.1)

1 KarlMarx‘soneandonlyinteractionwithSheffieldwassouredbyintellectualprickliness–hewroteaseriesofarticlesforaChartistnewspaper,theSheffieldFreePress.TheseweresaidbythepoliticallyerraticeditorIsaacIronsidestobesolongastobe‘entombingthenewspaper’;Marx,uponhearingthis,andthathisfeesweretobewithheld,damnedthenewspaper’seditorshipas‘Calibans’.(Price,2011,p.51).



It is thisabstraction,with its focuson theunderlyingrelationshipsofcapital, thatallowsustodrawtogetheracoherentlineageofworking-classculturethroughthe‘long twentieth-century’ of capitalism in SouthYorkshire. Though the form of op-pressionofworking-classpeoplehasalteredradicallyacrossthepast150years,underlyingeconomicandpoliticalstructuresintegraltocapitalistaccumulationpro-videcontinuity.

Thompsonrightlyattackswritersofallshades, including‘Marxist’writers, inhea-vilyemphasisedquotationmarks,whopresume thatclass isnothingmore thanamathematicallydeducedpositioninsociety,working-classculturebeingwrittenoffaseitheran’unjustifieddisturbance-symptom’upsettingtheorderofsociety,orasanuisance-riddensuperstructurewhichbreeds‘false’consciousness(Thompson,2013,pp.9-10).Clearlysuchframeworksarerevealedasmechanisticandinstrumenta-listwhenfacedwiththecontradictory,diverseandfragmentedexperiencesofthereal peoplewho constitute and have constituted South Yorkshire’sworking-class.Hisstatedaimof‘seekingtorescuetheobsoletehand-loomweaver,the‘utopian’artisan…fromtheenormouscondescensionofhistory’(Thompson,2013,p.12)isnotsomeantiquarianprojecttocataloguethecuriosofthepast,butanexerciseinunderstandinglivinghistory.Itisonlyinthisfocusontheagentsofhistory,workingmenandwomen,thatThompsondemonstrateshowwecangrapplewithupdatingGeorgLukacs’s(1967,Ch.4:iii)conceptofmanasthe‘subject-object’ofhistoryintothetwenty-firstcentury–ishumanpoliticalactivitystillinextricablyinterlinkedwiththedialecticalprocessofcapitalistdevelopment,anddoesworking-classpolitics,therefore,stillmatter?

2.3. Working-Class PoliticsUnderstanding specificallyworking-class politics cannot be donewithout amuchmorecomplexviewoftheinterplaybetweenexperiencesofprivationandinsecuri-ty,andwidersocialandculturalcontextsthroughwhichthosematerialexperiencesarefiltered.Forthepurposesofthispaper,working-classpoliticswillbedefinedbroadlyasthepoliticalideasandinstitutionsemergingfromtheinterplayofthreedialecticallyinterrelatedareas:

a)Directlivedexperiencesofworking-classpeople–wages,jobsecurity,wor-kingconditions,housing,socialsupport,etc.

b)Thedominantpoliticalideaswithinsociety–prosperity/depression,indivi-dualism/collectivism,nationalism/internationalism,etc.

c)Culturalnarrativeswhichpredominate–communitydecline,lossofidentity,self-improvementetc.

Itshouldbeobviousthatsuchadefinitiondoesnotcondemnasirrelevantor‘falseconsciousness’thoseorganisationswhoseaims,policiesandactionsarehugelydetri-mentaltoworking-classinterests.Todosowouldobscureanuncomfortabletruth–


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thatthe‘politicsofdespair’areoftendrivenbypreciselythesameprocesseswhichdrove the LabourParty’spredominance inSouthYorkshire.Nowhere is thismorestarklyillustratedthaninRotherhamsince2008.

Forawiderunderstandingofworking-classpoliticswehavetomovebeyondMarx’scomparativelylimitedwritingstolaterwriters–onewhoshedslightonthisareaisAntonioGramsci.Hiswritingonhegemonyishighlylucidandrelevant.Forsakeofbrevity,in-depthanalysesofGramsci’swritingcanbefoundelsewhere(Lockett,2014),butinbrief,Gramscihighlightstheconstruction ofpoliticalconsensuses–thatpoliticalsettlementscometofruitionwithinashiftinghistoricalandmaterialcontext,andareconstantlysubjecttotheconflictualinteractionofclasseswhopossessvastlyunequalresourcesofpoliticalandsocialpower.

Sohowcanweoperationalise the intellectualavenuesof inquiry setoutabove?JoseHarris thinksthat ‘traditionalhistorianshaveprobablybeenright inseekingthecollectivehistoryofthe“workingclass”informalinstitutionssuchastradeunionsandco-operativesratherthanintheexperienceoftheshop-floor’(Harris,1993,p.148).ButThompsondemonstratesconclusively,aswehaveseen,thatanalysesoftheworking-classcannotignorethelivesledbytheconstituentsofthatclass.Thus,wehavetochoosethemetricsandproxiesmostrelevanttoworking-classpoliticsandworking-classlifeinordertodrawacohesivemacroeconomicnarrative.Thebodyofthispaperwillfocusmainlyonthreeoverlappingandintertwiningareasacrosstheperiod:

1)The‘shop-floor’–livingconditions,jobsecurity,workingconditions.

2)Organisedlabour–tradeunionhistory,unityanddisunity,efficacyinsecu-ringinterestsofmembers,etc.

3) Formal politics – political parties, local democracy, relationship to localunions,working-classengagement/disengagement.

Withtheseinmind,thispaperwillsetouttodemonstratethatthroughouttheperiodinquestion,working-classpoliticshasinformedpoliticalcurrentsinSouthYorkshireinroughlythreeperiod:firstly,before1945,industrialcapitalismledtoanincreasin-glymilitantunionmovementwhichwaschannelledintothefledglingLabourParty;secondly,duringtheSecondWorldWarapoliticalsettlementwasreachedbetweencapitalandlabourwhichcementedsomesignificantgainsforworking-classpeopleinSouthYorkshire;andfinallythatacross-partyneo-liberalcounterrevolution,ty-pifiedmostviolentlybytheMiners’Strike1984-5,subsequentlyreturnedcapitalistdevelopmentandworking-classlifeintheregiontotype,seeingthestrippingofatemporary,incompleteandexclusivesocial-democracybyforce.



3. SOUTH YORKSHIRE FROM THE SECOND INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION

3.1. The Working MassesWhilst lodging inanattic inScotlandStreet,centralSheffield in1887,Sheffieldresident,earlyanarchistandnaturalistEdwardCarpenterwrote:

Intheearlymorningtherewasthestridentsoundofthe‘hummers’andtheclatteringofinnumerableclogsofmenandgirlsgoingtoworkandontilllateatnightthereweredrunkencriesandshouting.Fararoundstretchednothingbutfactorychimneysandfoulcourtsinhabitedbythewretchedworkers.Itwas,Imustsay,frightfullydepressing.(Carpenter,1916,pp.135-6)

Thisisbutoneisolatedaccountoftherealityofindustriallifepickedfromthecount-lessobservationsofsocialcommentators,documentarians,philanthropists,agitators,and the comparatively rareaccounts ofworkers themselves. The last quarter ofthenineteenth-centuryuntil theFirstWorldWar,knownamongsthistoriansastheSecond IndustrialRevolution (Lloyd-Jones&Lewis,1994), is thefirstpointonourchartofthelongarcofworking-classlifeinSouthYorkshire.Accordingtohistoricalorthodoxyitmarkedthepointatwhichtechnologicalinnovationunleashedthefullproductivityofmoderncapitalismforthebettermentofall–asthecoinerofthephrasePeterGeddesput it in1915, the ‘neotechnic’ hadfinallyvanquished the‘paleotechnic’(Geddes,1915,Ch.4).However,ifweexaminetheactualprocessesofdevelopmentinSouthYorkshire,weseethatamuchmorepiecemealandcontes-tedpictureemerges,oftencontingentonindividuallabourdisputesandunderhandcompetitionbetweencapitalists.

Thoughcoalandmineralshadsupportedinhabitationgoingbackintohumanity’smostdistantpast (Coates,1975),by1891 the soon-to-be-CityofSheffieldhadgrownto388,089inhabitants,almosta1000%increaseinsizesincethestartofthecentury(SheffieldCityCouncil,2011).MuchofruralSouthYorkshirewasminedfortheplentifulsuppliesofcoal,andconditionsdownpitswerelittlebetter,andjustasdangerous,astheyhadbeenwhenthefirstpitsweresunkintheeighteenthcentury–evenFrankMachin,inhisexhaustiveaccountofearlySouthYorkshirepits,feltthat‘itisnotnecessarytorepeattheofttoldstoryofthechildrenemployedunderground’(Machin,1958,p.4).Thevastmajorityofminerslivedinnear-abjectpovertyinruralareasofSouthYorkshireinclose-knitminingcommunitiessuchasDinningtonandMexboroughwhich retained their unique social structureuntil thepitclosuresofthe1980s-managerialabusewasrife,andlabourrelationswererarelyharmonious,thoughdisputeswereoftenhighlylocalandfragmentedduetothebogglingarrayofindustrialcomplexitiesfoundinmining2.

2 Managerial safety certification was only introduced in 1872; even by 1911 its application washaphazardandincomplete.(Machin,1958,p.12).


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Industrialworkers,flockingtourbancentresfrompoorruralareaswhereemplo-ymentwasseasonalandatthemercyoftheweather,faredlittlebetter.ThoughSheffield’shistorically looseanddiffuseformaladministrativearrangementsmayhavebeenanimportantfactorinthestrengthoftheearlyworking-classmovementthere(Price,2011,pp.3-4),itwasdisastrousforpublichealth–meaningnocentra-lisationofsanitationálaJosephChamberlain’stenureasMayorofBirminghamwaspossible fordecades.Mortality,according tocontemporary surgeonJohnTaylor,wassignificantlyhigherthansimilarcities,withnearlyathousanddeathsfrom‘zy-motic’diseasesperyear–theseincludedsmallpox,measles,scarletfever,diphthe-ria,whoopingcoughanddiarrhoea(Taylor,1873,p.9).

Workingconditionsweresimilarlydire.ThoughmainstreamcommentatorssuchasGeddes provide uswith images of the emergence of an entirely new industrialsocietyemergingfullyborninthelateVictorianandEdwardianperiod,industrialdevelopmentinSouthYorkshirewasconflictualandslowatbest.Theantagonisticanddivisive ‘butty’ system, involvingmultiple layers of subcontraction, remainedthecommonestformofemploymentinSheffield’sironworkshopsandinnewsteel-producingestablishmentsusingBessemer’snewrefinementtechniques,thenumberoflargefactoriesremainingverysmall(Docherty,1983,pp.32-5).WithouteventheminimalLabourExchangesof the1910sonwards,employmentwashaphazardlydependentonpersonalconnectionsandpatronage.Workersseekingeducationorhealthcarehad todependonmiddle-classandbourgeoisphilanthropic concernssuchastheearlySettlementmovement,whichoftencameheavilyloadedwithpa-triarchalovertones(Price,2011,Ch.8).GaskellalsoprovidesuswithafascinatinginsightintotheineptitudewithwhichSheffieldCityCouncilattemptedtodealwiththeunimaginablesqualorofurbanconditions,bornetoasignificantdegreeoutofsimplelackofmotivation(Gaskell,1975).

3.2. The Cradle of Mass Industrial UnionismSouthYorkshirehasalongandcolourfultraditionofworking-classradicalismstret-ching backwell into the eighteenth century, closely bound upwith the artisanalformsofindustrywhichpredominatedintothetwentiethcentury.DuringtheJacobinRevolutioninFrance,Sheffieldbecameahotbetofintrigueandunrest,whichbe-yonddoubtinvolvedsignificantlayersofbothcraftsmenandmanuallabourers–thepoetryandballadsofradicalfile-cutterandalehouseregularJosephMathergivesusavividinsightintotheindependenceandpugnacitynaturaltothisclassofskilledcraftsmen(Mather,1862).

Since the formal legalisation of combination ofmen in 1824, there can be litt-ledoubtthattheformoftradeunionismwhichprevailedwasareflectionofthebewilderinglycomplexandcontradictorydevelopmentof industry inSouthYork-shire.Duetotheclosenessofworkersandtheexclusivityofskillsinherentwithinthemicro-productioninSheffield’sskilledworkshops,thestructureofSheffield’searlyunionsallowedthemtoassume‘notonlytheordinaryindustrialfunctionsofatrade



unionbutalsoahostofsocialandpoliticalfunctions[aswellas]anextensiveshareinthecontrolofitsindustryasawhole’(Pollard,1959,p.65).Yetthispositionoforganisedlabourcanbehighlyexaggerated–evenamongstskilledmetalworkingtrades, density, efficacyand longevity of unionactivity varied significantly,withvarious tradesandunionsfluctuating instrengthwithoftenseriousbreaks incon-tinuitywhenmarketconditionswereparticularlytough,orparticularlyprosperous(Pollard,1959,pp.75-77).Whilstitisspurioustosuggestthatearlytradesunionswerefocusedentirelyonthemaintenanceofprivilegeforalabouraristocracy,itisclearthattradeshadlittleunifyingdirectionororganisation,andhadglaringholesintheircoverage–SidneyPollardaddsasanunforgivablybriefafterthoughtthatalmostallfemaleworkersinSheffieldtradesbeforethe1890swereunorganised(Pollard,1959,p.77).Butthisillustratesoneofourkeythemesrunningthroughoutthispaper–thatallsocialsettlementsbetweentheworking-classandtheproperty-owningelite inSouthYorkshire in thenatureof thebargainexcludedsectionsofthepopulationfromprotectionandinclusion.Thesearealmostinvariablytheleastvisible,andtheleastsecure–inthenineteenthcenturythesewerewomen,thepoor,andtheunorganised.

The eclipse of iron by steel began to transform industrial relations across SouthYorkshire,andindeedacrossBritain.Bythe1890s,thenow-outdatedtechniquesofBessemerweregraduallyreplacedbyopen-hearthsteelmaking–theheavy,capi-tal-intensiveBessemerplantshavinglittledrivetoconvertproductiontothenewandbettertechniques,countlesssmallfirmshadsprungup(Lloyd-Jones&Lewis,1998,p.93).Asdemandforsteelskyrocketed,thesefirmsbecamethecradleofnewmassindustrialunions,whichquicklyeradicatedthe‘butty’systembytheearly1900sinSheffield(Docherty,1983,p.39).WhilsttheminersinthehillsaroundBarnsleyhadorganisedastrongandpermanentMinersAssociationofSouthYorkshirein1858(Fields,1980,p.23),industrialcohesionandco-operationinmajorindustrialcentreswasmoreelusive,conditionedbydisarrayinthesmalltrades,whoremainedatthecoreoforganisinginitiativesinSheffield–in1914,onetradesspokesmangivesableakpicture:

Menengagedin the industrydidnotsupport theirunionsbecausetheyfeltthat[they]couldnotgivethemanyassistance…Theunionswereina stateofbankruptcy, commandingneither respect fromemployernoremployee…Thewholeoutlookofthetradeismostdeplorable,andtheconditionof thoseengaged in the industrydrifted frombad toworse.(SpringKnifeWorkers’Amalgamation,1914)

ElsewhereinBritain,themovementfor‘NewUnions’baseduponthemassmembers-hipofunskilledlabourerswithmilitantstrategieswasinfullswinginthelate1880sand1890s,indirectresponsetotheuseofun-unionised‘freelabour’primarilyinmanualoccupationssuchasondocksandingasworks(Kapp,1989).Themostsuc-cessfuloftheseinSouthYorkshirewastheNationalAmalgamatedUnionofLabour(NAUL)insteelandengineeringworks;itwasestablishedfromapositionofstrength


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incontradistinctiontothestrugglingcraftunions,andassuchprovidedatemporarypoleofattractionforeffortstoamalgamate,breathingnewlifeintotheSheffieldFederatedTradesCouncil(SFTC)(Pollard,1959,pp219-221).

TheseNewUnions terrifiedemployersand theBritish statealike -nationally themembershipoftradeunionsdoubledinthetwoyearsfrom1889-91(Lovell,1986,p.21).Thedockworkers’organisationsinHull,asignificantportfortheindustrialgoodsproducedinSouthYorkshire,weresosuccessfulthattheyprovokedabac-klashofepicproportionsfromlocalauthorities,withthemyriadlocalinstitutionsofstatecombiningtocrushthedockers’unions.Thisculminatedinthedeploymentoftroops,withtwogunboatsbeingmooredontheHumberandthecityresemblingan‘armedcamp’(Saville,1967,pp.228-230).ThispatternwasrepeatedinmultipleportsacrossBritain–andfromthemid-1890s,useofthelawbyemployerstoshutdownstrikeswasincreasinglycommon.TheTaffValeDecision,whichmadetradeunionsliablefortheiremployers’lossesduringstrikes,wasadisasterforindustrialunionism(Bealey&Pelling,1956,Ch.3&4).Itseemsintuitivelyhighlylikelythatthelegalbacklashagainstunionisminthe1890s,morethanotherfactors,convin-cedthefledglingtradeunionbureaucracyintoacceptingtheoveralllimitationsofcapitaliststructuresandseekingtosetupindependentlabourrepresentationwithinthebourgeoisstate.

3.3. The Genesis of the Labour Party in South YorkshireAsIhopetodemonstrateinthispaper,therelationshipbetweenworking-classpoli-ticsandformalpoliticalpowerandinfluenceisrarelysmooth–andthebirthoftheLabourPartyinSheffielddemonstratesthisperfectly.Lackinganationalpoliticalorganisationof theirown,many tradeunions had informal relationshipswith theLiberalPartywhodominatedSheffieldCityCouncilformostofthenineteenthcen-tury.G.H.B.Ward,Sheffieldengineerandleadingsocialist,railedagainst‘thisbe-nightedcityofLiberalLabourism’(Mathers,1979,p.163),givingvoicetothemanytradeunionistswhofeltnoloyaltytothe‘OldUnion’waysentrenchedintheupperechelonsofthelocalunionbureaucracy–buttheLabourRepresentationCommittee(LRC) and the newly-formed Independent Labour Party (ILP) frequently clashedwithoneanotherandtheSFTC,notablyaroundtheAttercliffeby-electionof1894(Brown,1975,p.4).Thisbecamesoacrimonious thatfrom1908-1920Sheffieldhad two trades councils, one comprisingof the ‘OldUnions’arrayedaround theSFTC,andtheother,namedtheSheffieldTradesandLabourClub,formedbysocia-listactivists,NewUnionistsandindustrialworkers(Pollard,1959,p.199).

Hereweseeacomplexprocessoftheformationofanewworking-classpoliticalorganisation,conditionedandcomplicatedbythesocialstratificationofacity inindustrialflux,thecleavagesbetween‘New’and‘Old’unionsbeinglaidbarebythe obvious necessity of some kind of political organisation. Elsewhere in SouthYorkshire,thegenesisofLabourwasmuchlesshotlycontested,reflectingtheuniquecourse of capitalist development in Sheffield – for example, in Barnsley the ILP



hadawell-establishedbranchby1900,whichhadconsiderablepoliticalinfluencefromtheoutset(Lindley,1980).By1906,explicitlyworking-classpoliticalculturewasburgeoninginSheffield–thelocalbranchoftheILPlauncheditsweeklytheSheffield GuardianonJanuary13th,andhaddoubleditsmembershipto500bytheendoftheyear.Thisisinadditiontonumerousothergroupsandsocieties,includingtheSocialDemocraticFederation,theFabians,severalsocialistSundayschoolandothers3.

Butisitassimpleasthis?Doesthismarkthepointatwhichtheconditionsandaspi-rationsofworking-classpeopleinSouthYorkshirebegantheirinexorablerise,thestructureswhichperpetuatedthemiseryoftheworkersinSouthYorkshiresteadilyeroded?ToassumesowouldbetofundamentallymisunderstandthenatureoftheLabourPartyanditsrelationshiptothesourcesofsocialpowerincapitalistsociety.OnedisillusionedLaboursupporterwrotein1921that:

Betweenthosedaysofardentfaithandheroicself-sacrifice,thosedaysofKierHardie’sclothcapintheHouseofCommons,andthesedayswithitspoliticalmachinewithitsseekingofvotesandplace,thereisagreatgulffixed.(Desmond,1921,p.55)

ThismythofLabour’s‘goldenage’canbecontrastedsharplywiththerealityoftheprocesswehaveobservedinSheffield,wherethebureaucraticheadsofthetradeunionmovementhadtobedraggedintosupportinganewParty,withtheideaofabolishingcapitalismrarelydiscussedevenbytheILP.AsKierHardiehimselfputit,‘ThenumberofLabourMembersintheHouseofCommons.This,tome,istheques-tionofquestions.’(Cliff&Gluckstein,1996,p12).TheLabourPartyquicklybecamede factounmooredfromitsmemberswhenin1906itpassedaresolutionatitsfoun-dingconferencedelegatingthetimingandimplementationofallfuturepolicysetatitsconferencetotheParliamentaryLabourPartyandtheNationalExecutive,ratherthanhavingdirectinputfromthemembership(Cliff&Gluckstein,1996,p.40).ThisledR.T.McKenzietowritein1955that‘Theterm“TheLabourParty”isproperlyappliedonlytothemassorganisationofthepartyoutsideParliament;itsupportsinParliamentadistinctandseparateorganisation,“TheParliamentaryLabourParty”.’(McKenzie,1964,p.12note).Fromitsinception,itcanbeseenthattheLabourPar-tywasahighlyimperfectexpressionofworking-classpolitics.

The immediateaftermathof the FirstWorldWarwas nota returnof heroes toGod’sOwnCountry:thesuddendropindemandfortheregion’smassiveindustrialoutputofsteelandcoal ledtolevelsofunemploymenthithertounseen,withbet-weenfortyandfiftythousandunemployedinSheffieldinthewinterof1921.Localauthoritieswereutterlyunprepared(Price,2010,pp.120-121).The1920swerefractiousnationallyontheindustrialplane:anaverageof28millionworkdaysperyearwerelostduetostrikesandlockoutsbetween1919and1927(Lovell,1986,p.57),anditisduringthisperiodthatAllenchartstheriseofthenationaltradeunion

3 ArchivesoftheSheffieldGuardian,passim.


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bureaucracyintheformoftheTradeUnionCongress(TUC)(Allen,1971,Ch.13).

The1926GeneralStrikewassupportedenthusiasticallybylocalLabourpoliticians,andactivitywascoordinatedbytheSheffieldTradesandLabourClub’sCentralDis-putesCommittee.Itisnoexaggerationtosaythatthisbodybrieflybecamethede factostateinSheffield,exercisingpracticalcontrolovertherunningoffactoriesandservices(Peck,1970,p.9).ThelocalLabourParty’ssupportofthestrike,combinedwiththedead-endpresentedbyaTUCunwillingandunpreparedtofightseriousnationalstrikes,securedthemtheirfirstcontrolofthecouncilintheelectionsinthatyear,institutionalisingto some degree theinterestsoftheoverwhelminglyworking-classpopulationofSheffieldwithinthestructuresofthelocalstate.

4. SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH YORKSHIRE

4.1. Whither Social Democracy?WehaveexploredthekindofsocietywhichexistedbeforetheSecondWorldWarinSouthYorkshire,howcapitalist relationsenforcedbyahostilestateresulted inpovertyandmiseryforworking-classpeople,andhowtheinterestsandaspirationsgeneratedbyinsecurityandsocialdegradationexpressedthemselvesimperfectlyinaLabourPartywhichwasneverquitemooredtotheworking-class.Now,weturnto theperiodwhere,accordingtoPrimeMinisterHaroldMacmillan, ‘mostofourpeoplehaveneverhaditsogood.’(“OnThisDay”,2014).

TheyearsbetweentheendoftheSecondWorldWarin1945andtheelectionofThatcher’sConservativegovernmentin1979areknownasthe‘post-warconsensus’,which,asRichardToyepointsout,wasverymuchaconsciouslyinvokedpoliticalsta-tementasmuchasarealityofpost-warpolitics(Toye,2013).Therelativestabilityofthestate,thecontinualupwardtrendinbothwagesandproductivity,andcom-parativeindustrialquiescencecanbeexplainedusingtheframeworkdevelopedbytheregulationschoolofpoliticaltheorists.DrawingmuchinspirationfromAntonioGramsci, this school states that societiesachieve temporary ‘modesof reproduc-tion’:thatis,specificsetsofcontingentinstitutions,ideasandmethodsofeconomicredistribution,whichreproducethecontinueddominanceofandaccumulationbyaparticularclass(Boyer,1990,p.12).Inthecaseofthepost-warconsensus,wecanunderstandthisregimeasbeingmaintainedbythetradeunionbureaucracy,BritishpoliticalpartieswiththeLabourPartychiefamongstthem,theunusuallongevityofthepost-wareconomicboom,andexternalfactorssuchasthethreatoftheUSSRduringtheColdWar.

Britishindustrialunionismwasarguablyatitsstrongestinthelate1940s.Totalunionmembershipstoodatnearly10millionin1948(Wrigley,1997,p.30),withesta-blishmentfiguresevensuchasChurchillpayingthemhomageattheConservative



Partyconferencein1947as‘alongestablishedandessentialpartofournationallife.’(Wrigley,1997,p.44).ThatevenChurchillshouldhavetopaylipservicetotheunionsspeaksvolumes:thepost-warconsensusinthisrespectcanbethoughtofasaconsensusbetweenpoliticalpartiesasthe‘thinking’partofthecapitalistclass,definedincontradistinctiontothemovementoftheorganisedworking-class.UnliketheGreatWar,unionmilitancyonlyfellforthefirsttwoyearsofwar,andsucharesponseshockedthosewithinthestate.AsPughputsit,‘concessionswerenomorethanameansofachievingtheco-operationinthewareffortthatwassocruciallynecessary’(Pugh,2007,p.261).Throughouttheperiodofpost-warconsensus,theconsentofthetradeunionbureaucracywasasimplenecessityforeffectivegovern-ment,asTedHeathdiscoveredtohislosseventowardstheendoftheperiod.

Buthandinhandwiththepoliticalclass’ imperativetotakeaccountofthetradeunionsgoestheinverse:thattradeunionbureaucratsbecameconvincedoftheright-nessoffollowingthegovernment.Thereisnobetterexampleofthisthantheco-operationofthetradeunionswithLabour’swagerestraintanddeflationarypoliciesoftenattheexpenseoftheirmembers,ofwhichFaustianpactCliffandGlucksteinarefiercelycritical(1996,pp231-233).Butnevertheless,thepositionwhichtradeunionsoccupiedinnationalculturecannotbeignored,forminganideologicalcoun-terweighttothekindofideasespousedbybourgeoisstateinstitutions–thatis,theneweducationsystem,theformalpoliticalsystemandthecapitalistmedia–aswellasprovidingaforumwithinwhichworking-classpeoplecouldengagewithpoliticsatagrassrootslevel.Thesheermassoftheunionsmeantthattheysimplycouldnotbeignoredbypoliticians.

Anothersignificantfactorinthepost-warconsensuswasthestrengthandlongevityof the economic boom, the scale and atypicality ofwhich cannot be explainedmerelybynewlydiscovered technologies.Understanding the reasonsbehind thisrequiresustoexamineMarx’stheoryoftherateofprofit.Briefly:whencapitalistsinvestcapitalintoproductionbybuyingmoreefficientmachinery,largerfactoriesandotheraidstomagnifythelabouroftheworkforce,thatcapitalbecomesfixed,itdoesnotproduceanyextravalue.Sincecapitalistshavetocompeteagainstothercapitalists inorder toaccumulate throughgaining comparativeadvantagesovertheir fellows (eg.greatermarket share), theamount ofmoney invested tends to increaseandtheamountofprofitmadetendstofall,whilstbeingpotentiallycoun-teractedbycountervailingtendencies(Gillman,1957).Oneofthesecountervailingtendenciesisthedestructionofcapital–literallywhenthefixedcapitalsunkintofactories,machineryandtoolsisdevaluedbycrisisorphysicallydestroyed.Klimandemonstratesconclusivelythattherateofprofitwasrestoredsignificantlyduringthe1940sfollowingtheSecondWorldWar,beforeslumpingintheperiodafter1957(Kliman,2009).Thisprosperitycruciallygavepoliticianswithintheperiodjustenoughfinancialleewayinordertoenactsignificantredistributivemeasuresandtoimplementthewelfarestateinpursuitofsocialcohesion.

Finallyamongstthechieffactorsofthepost-warconsensusistheColdWar.Thoughfullofsocialistzealwhenoutofpower,whenitassumedgovernmentin1945onthe


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verydayofelectoralvictory,NyeBevanannouncedthat‘BritishforeignpolicywillnotbealteredinanywayundertheLabourgovernment’(EveningNews,26thJuly1945).Fiveyearslater,thesamegovernmentfollowedtheUS’sleadintotheKoreanWar,exhibitingthesameanti-communismwhichhadletittoelectoraldisasteroverthehandlingoftheZinovievletterin1924.Itisdifficulttoimaginetherelativequies-cenceoftheBritishrulingclass inthefaceofsignificantsocialreformwithoutthetwinfactorsoftheexistenceoftheUSSRandtheColdWar,whichraisedspectresofrevolutionathome.Theconcomitantanti-communiststancetakenbytheLabourgovernmentin1945andbyallgovernmentssincesimultaneouslyreassuredelitesoftheParliamentaryLabourParty’scredibilityasapartyofcapitalistgovernment.

4.2. The Peak of Industrial CapitalismAsduring theFirstWorldWar,SouthYorkshirebecameaworkshopofwar.TheRiverDonWorks’steamhammerwasconvertedtobuildSpitfireparts;otherfirmsmade significant leaps forward in terms of innovation in toolmaking (Holiday,1987).However,unlike theGreatWar,SouthYorkshirewasnotdecimatedbyaslumpfollowingtheSecondWorldWar.Thoughdemandsforcoalnationalisationin1919hadbroughtBritainclosertorevolutionthanatanypointinitshistory,ittookanear-revoltatthe1949LabourPartyconferencetocommitAttlee’sgovernmenttothecompletenationalisationofcoalandsteel.Yetthismightnotbetheworld-changing event it appears: during thewar, themixed economy and the routineandpenetrativeinterventionofgovernmentintoeconomicaffairswasestablishedasrealfact(Pugh,2007,p.260).Andthoughnationalisationaffectedmorethantwomillionworkers,manyofwhomwereinSouthYorkshire,andcoveredone-fifthoftotaleconomicactivity,thereitended(Cliff&Gluckstein,1996,p222).ManyworkersinSouthYorkshirefoundthemselvessimplyfacingagovernment-appointedbureaucrat rather thananemployer,a changemany thought insignificant.MinerAbeMoffat’saccountofnationalisationisdismissiveatbest:

Wesupportedtheideaofnationalisation,evenifitwasnotthetypeofnationalisationwewouldhavewanted.Proofofthatfactwasthecom-positionoftheNationalCoalBoard,onwhichtherehasalwaysbeenamajorityofpeoplewhohadneversupportednationalisationintheirlives,andneverevensupportedLabour.(Moffat,1965,p.86)

However,itcannotbedeniedthatbythe1960s,numerousadvantageshadbeengainedbyworkersinSouthYorkshire:thepatchworkoflocalhealthcareprovisionandcharitableaidwhichmostpoorworkersintheregionhadtorelyonwasrepla-cedgraduallybytheNationalHealthService,enactedbytheAttleegovernmentin1946.Employmentwasnominallyfull,withwomenenteringthelabourforceforthefirsttimeinsuchnumbers–in1951,32%ofworkersintheregionwerenowfemale(Hey,1998,p.272).HeygivesusasolidaccountoftherenovationsofSheffieldCityCentre in theyears following theWar, includingnew thoroughfares through



thecity’sclutteredmiddle,howlargenewofficesandapartmentswerebuilt,andhowpublicbuildingswerecleanedorextended,contributingtoafeelingofurbanrenewalwhichwasatleastcosmeticallypleasing(Hey,1998,p.273-4).

Sheffield’sperennialhousingproblems,werefinallyamelioratedsignificantlyinthisperiod.Onespecialcasedeservesparticularattentionasamicrocosmicexampleofsocial-democracy inSouthYorkshire: thatofParkHill.ThoughslumclearanceshadbeenunderwaybeforetheWar,drasticsolutionswereneededtoreplaceadecayinghousingstock.CityarchitectJ.LewisWomersleytookinspirationfromleCorbusier’sUnitéd’HabitationdevelopmentinMarseillesinordertocreate‘streetsinthesky’.Hisvisionwas‘soplannedastogiveeachhouseholdprivacyandquietdespitetheessentiallycommunalnatureoftheproject…Eachdwelling,irrespectiveofsize,isprovidedwithalargeshelteredbalconywheresmallchildrencanplayintheopenair,whereapramcanbeputoutandonwhichanoccasionalmealcanbetaken.’ (“ParkHill:ContinuityandChange”,2014).Thiswasan immeasurableimprovementformanyofthe996familieswhotookupresidenceonitscompletionin1961.BrendaHaguewas22whenshewasoneofthefirsttomovein:

Itwasluxury.Me,myhusbandandourbabywerelivinginaback-to-back[Victorianterracedhouse].Myparentswerethere,too,andmybrother.Wehadnobathroom,justatinbathonthebackofthedoor.Sowhenwegothereitwasmarvellous.Threebedrooms,hotwater,alwayswarm.Andtheview.It’slovely,especiallyatnight,whenit’salllitup.(Cooke,2008)

ParkHillwasdesignedtomirrorthecommunitieswhichitreplaced,includingproperstreetnamesforeachofitsrowsofflats,andfacilitiesforresidentsincludingitsownpub.Itrepresentsthehighpointofmunicipalsocialdemocracy,wherealongwithundeniablesocialgainstheaspirationsoftheupwardlymobilemiddle-classeswerespreadto,albeitsometimesimposedupon,theworkingclass.YetParkHill’sdeclineafterthe1970salsomirrorsthearcoftheclassforwhomitwasdesignedtoserve.

Yet,wasSouthYorkshire’ssocial-democracyasencompassingaslaterwritershaveasserted?JeremySeabrookgivesusclues that thismaynothavebeen thecase.ThoughhisanalysisdoesnotdealdirectlywithSouthYorkshire,heprovidesfamiliarimageswhichsurelywerereproducedacrosstheregioninthe1960sand1970s.Hisaccountisfullofauthenticworking-classvoicesfromthelatterperiodofthepost-warconsensus,as itbegan tocrumble.His interviewwithGeorgeHodgkinson,aformershopstewardandILPmemberwhowaseighty-fiveatthetimeofSeabrook’sinterviewin1978,iscertainlyworthreproducinginparthere:

Ithinkthere’salotofdisappointment,distresseven,becauseoftheLa-bourParty’sfailuretofulfilitspromises.Thesepromisesarealwaysinter-pretedasmeaningmaterialprosperity… [but] itpromisedadifferentkindofsociety,andithasn’thappened…Thekindofprosperitywhichthelabourmovementhasmanagedtowrestfromcapitalismhasbeenacqui-redatterriblehumancost.(Seabrook,1978,pp.167-168)


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Thisservesuswithasalientreminderthatthebountyofthepost-warconsensusdidnottouchallcommunitiesequally,andsomenotatall.Thiscanbeexplainedasafunctionofthepartiesinvolvedinthepost-warregimeofaccumulation:asapactbetweentheimperfectrepresentativesofthelabourmovementandthecapitalistclass,thosenotcoveredbyeitherfoundthemselveslargelyexcluded.Secondly,itremindsusthatevenifSouthYorkshire’slabourmovementhadmanagedtosecurematerialprosperityforallthroughagreaterproportionofnationalincomegoingtotheworking-class,itwouldstillnothavebeenthesocialchangedesperatelysoughtbythemasseswhohadconsistentlyparticipatedwithinit.Fundamentally,thepost-warconsensuswasoneinwhichtheuppermostpartoftheorganisedworking-classmovementvoluntarilydecidedtobecomecaretakersofcapitalism,sacrificingtheirabilitytosatisfytheinterestsandneedsoftheirconstituents.

5. NEOLIBERALISM IN GOD’S OWN COUNTRY

5.1. Neoliberalism as class powerThispaperhasdiscussedabovehowwecanconceiveofthepost-warconsensusasaspecificregimeofaccumulationdependentonamediatedandcontestedbalanceofsocialforces–inthiscase,thecapitaliststatewasabletomollifythedemandsoftheworking-classmovementduetotheprolongedeconomicupswingafter1945,redistributingjustenoughsurplusvalueintheformofwagesandsocialsafetynetstopreventupheaval.Butintheearly1970s,arangeoffactorscoincidedtounder-minetheviabilityoftheconsensus,andtheriseofanewpoliticalorthodoxyintheformoftheNewRightwasdeterminedtoimposeanewregimeofaccumulation.

The1970swerearockydecadefortheBritisheconomy.InternationalcrisessuchasOAPEC’s1973embargoonoil, thenewfuelforcapitalist industry,addedtoBritain’sdomesticproblemsofseriousinflationandthereturnofmassunemployment(Pugh,2007,pp.339-340).TheunderlyingfallintherateofprofitdiscussedbyKliman,towhichthispaperhasalreadymadereference,underliesthissurface-leveleconomic turmoil: since therewasnosignificantdevaluationofcapital, successivegovernmentshavingsuccessfullypreventedordelayedeconomiccrisisthroughKey-nesianmeasures,ratesofprofithadbeendrivendownbycapitalistcompetitionandever-increasingtechnologicalinvestment(Kliman,2009).

KarlMarxhandilygivesusaguidetoprocesseswhichmayrestoretherateofpro-fitandthusallowcontinuedaccumulationinsixpoints:moreintenseexploitationoflabour,reductionofwagesbelowthevalueoflabourpower,cheapeningthecostoffixedcapital,maintainingareservearmyofunemployedlabour,increasingforeigntrade,andthespreadingofproductivecoststhroughtheuseofjointstock(Marx,1959,Ch.14).Somewritersseethislist,squareitmechanisticallyandawkwardly



withThatcher’spoliciesanddeclarethatshemusthavebeenactingconsciouslyanddeliberatelyintheinterestsoftheglobalcapitalistclass.(Ross,1983).Thisanalysisisofcoursefartoosimplistic.ThereisnocoincidencethatThatcher’spoliciesendeduphugelybenefittingtherulingclassattheexpenseoftheworking-classinBritain,butitwascertainlynotagrandmaster-plan.Itisfarbetterconceivedofasasee-sawing, reactiveandoftendisastrously ineffective response to loomingcapitalistcrisis at the end of the post-war consensus, filtered through the radical doctrineofmonetarism,setoutbyFriedrichvonHayekinhis1944bookThe Road to Serf-dom(1944).Theprincipleobstacletoanyattemptstorebalancetherelationshipbetweenlabourandcapitalinfavourofcapitalwastheorganisedworking-classmovement,thedestructionofwhichisstillrawinSouthYorkshire.

5.2. The murder of South Yorkshire’s industryBefore the Miners’ Strike of 1984, the opening shots of the conflict betweenThatcher’sgovernmentand theorganisedworking-classcame in1980,when thesteelworkers’uniontheIronandSteelTradesConfederation(ISTC)wasgoadedintonationalactionoverwagesandpay.DespiteitbeingthefirststrikeoftheISTCfor54years, the steelworkersheldout for14weeksbeforecapitulating (Docherty,1983,pp.151-152).

Heartrending and informative accounts of the 1984-85 Miners’ Strike in SouthYorkshirearenotdifficulttocomeby,sothispaperwillnotdwellonthespecificsoverlong.JonathonandRuthWintertonprovideperhapsthemostthoroughempi-ricalexaminationoftheStrikeinSouthYorkshire,detailingpossiblescenariosforrestructuringthecoalindustryandprovingbeyondalldoubtthattheclosureofthecoalfieldsinitiatedbyThatcherwasamovewhichonlymadesenseasapoliticalattempttounderminethestrongestofthetradeunions,theNationalUnionofMi-neworkers(NUM)(Winterton&Winterton,1989).Butthetruecostoftheminers’losscannotbeconveyedinstatistics.TherichhistoryprovidedbytheHatfieldminingcommunityinA Year of Our Livesgoessomewaytowardsillustratingwhatcommuni-tiesinSouthYorkshireexperienced.Forthecommunity,‘Therewasasickemptiness.Almostafeelingofdesperate lossgoing in toworkthenextday,weall lookedsheepish.Itfeltalmostlikescabbing.Weweredoingsomethingwhicheveryporeofourbeingtoldusnottodo.’(Humeetal,1986).TheThatchergovernment’suseoftheMetropolitanPoliceForceasaparamilitaryextensiontoSouthYorkshirePolicebecameetchedintopopularmemoryattheBattleofOrgreaveon18thJune1984.

SouthYorkshire’seconomyandsocietywentoverthecliff-edgein1984fromwhichithasneverrecovered.By1985,unemploymentinSouthYorkshirewasrunningat17.3%,comparedto10.4%inGreaterLondon(Beattie,1986,p.17). Inaper-ceptiveanalysisoflocalhealthinequalities,Thunhurstconcludesthatsocialclassisbyfarthemaindeterminantoflifeexpectancy;heevendiscoveredthatthedeathratewas10%higherthanthenationalaverage(Thunhurst,1985,p.116;p.32).G.Greenetal’sinquiryinto‘socialcapital’inruralSouthYorkshirefindsconditions


chaRles j. lockett

littlebetterinsurroundingvillages,withlowerlevelsofemployment,higherlevelsofdeprivation,andmanymorelong-termillnessesthannationalaverages(Greenetal,2000,pp.19-32).Startlingly,in1986,halfofallhouseholdsinBarnsleywereinreceiptofhousingbenefit,withoneinfivepeopleoutofwork(SheffieldCentralPolicyUnit,1986).Put simply, it isdifficult tooverestimate the scaleofdamagedonetoSouthYorkshirebythedismantlingof thetradeunionmovement throughworkplaceclosuresandphysicalconfrontation.ItisforthisreasonthattheMiners’StrikeisstillknowninSouthYorkshireasa‘civilwarwithoutguns’(Smith,2014).

5.3. Labour sells outThoughvirtuallyunsourceableandprobablyapocryphal, there isapopular talethatsaysthatwhenMargaretThatcherwasaskedwhatherproudestachievementwas,shereplied‘TonyBlairandNewLabour’.InSheffieldwecanseethatdespitebeingknowncolloquiallyasthe‘SocialistRepublicofSouthYorkshire’,Labourpre-sentedlittlechallengetothenewlogicofprivatisedservices,rigidcouncilspendingandlocaltaxationproposedbytheConservativesinthe1980s.Thisunderlinesmythesisaboutthecriticalityofunitybetweenworking-classpeopleandtheirpoliticalrepresentatives.

The‘de-industrialisation’ofSouthYorkshirebeganbeforetheThatchergovernment,thousands of jobs having already gone in a perfect storm exacerbated by hergovernment’saggressivemarketpoliciestowardssteelproduction:chronicunderin-vestment, the1973OilCrisis,andnewlabour-savingtechnologyareallblamedvariousbymembersofSheffield’sLabourleadershipofthetime(Allender,2001,p.77).Thetradeunionresponsetodeclinewasfragmentedandcontradictory,withadisorganiseddisplayofsolidaritywiththe1980steelstrikehavinglittlenationalimpact.Asaleft-leaningLabourCouncil,thoughnotonparwiththeLiverpoolMi-litantcouncilof1983-7,SheffieldCityCouncilsetupanEmploymentDepartmentduringtheMiners’Strike–butrather thanprovidingactualassistanceata locallevelbyenactingpublicworks,providingreliefandsoon,itconfineditselftoprop-pingupfailingbusinessesandcreating‘equalopportunities’frameworks(Allender,2001,pp.84-5).However,economicpolicybegantoshiftfromeventhemostba-sicpublic interventiontowards ‘partnerships’withtheprivatesector,evidencedinpamphletsevenbefore theMiners’Strike (Blunkett,1983). It isalsoclear that intheperiodafter1984theCouncilengagedinhigh-profilebutruinouslyexpensiveprojectssuchastheSupertramsystemandhostingtheWorldStudentGames,whilstsimultaneouslyfailingtoprovidebasicservices(Allender,2001,p.95).ToborrowPatrickSeyd’sphrase,theLabourgroupseemedunabletoprovideanyalternativetoConservative-enforcedmiseryfortheresidentsofSheffieldandbecamemoreconcernedsimplywith‘thepoliticalmanagementofdecline’(Seyd,1993).Thisisafactwhichdidnotgounnoticedbyworking-classvotersinSheffield:between1973and1993Labour’svotedecreasedfrom53%toabare38%(Allender,2001,p.95).TheriseoftheLiberalDemocratsinSheffielddemonstratesanotherimportant



facet:thatpeopleareoftenwillingtogiveelectoralpowertowhoevermightbeofferingsolutionswhentimesaredire.Thoughunemploymentfellfromitspeakofover17%,thescarsleftbytheexperienceofindustrialtraumahavecertainlynotyethealed.

6. WHERE ARE WE NOW?

Theforcibledestructionoftheworking-classmovementinSouthYorkshire,andthepoliticalsuicideof itssupposedlyleft-wingchampionsintheSocialistRepublicofSouthYorkshirehas leftaclasswithoutapoliticalexpression,whoremainat themercyoftheimpersonalprofitmotiveoflargecompanies.

Sincethe2008financialcrisis,andinlieuofanyseriousresistancefromthetradeunionmovement,therehasbeenanexplosionin‘zero-hour’contracts–thatis,con-tractswhichguaranteenohoursofworkperweek,whilstrequiringtheworkertoworkwhateverhourstheiremployeroffersthem.Inthissituation,onecanworkfivehoursoneweekandfifty-fivethenext,withnocertainlyofincomeandnocontinui-tyorregularpatterntolife.ThegeneraltradeunionUniterefertoa‘subclassofinsecureemployment’whichnowencompassesmorethanfivemillionworkers(Flynn,2014).Thisismorethancoincidentallysimilartothepositionthatmanythousandsofso-called‘freelabour’workersinSouthYorkshirefoundthemselvesinattheendofthenineteenthcentury,whichweexaminedatthestartofthispaper.Evenmoreconcerningly,halfofthose5millionworkersareyoungworkers,between16and30,andanecdotalevidencefortheabuseofthesecontractsisreadilyavailable–forexample,fromtheauthorofthispaper.Thoughofficiallyunemploymenthasfallento6.4%nationally(“BankofEnglandcutswagegrowthforecast”,2014),theriseofzero-hourcontractssince2008makesthetrueextentofunderemploymentnear-impossibletojudgeoncurrentdata,sinceaworkercountsasemployedeveniftheyreceivenohoursfromtheirzero-hourcontract.

Wageshavealsotakenadrastichitsincethe2008financialcrisis,fallingonave-ragearound8% in real terms (Roberts,2014).Meanwhile, it has recentlybeenreportedthattheUKhas100billionairesforthefirsttimeinhistory.

Undertheseconditionsofever-increasingseriousnessitisunsurprisingthatworking-classvotersturntopartiessuchasUKIP,evenwithpoliciessuchasaflatrateoftaxforallandthefinalprivatisationoftheNationalHealthService(“LocalElections:WhatDoesUKIPStandFor?”,2013).WhatweareobservinginSouthYorkshireisthecynicalexploitationofafeelingofgroundlessnessandlossofidentitycausedby the de-industrialisation of a region, combinedwith a political vacuumwithinworking-class politics created by local Labour politicianswho no longer have atransformative visionof society,andwhose leadership has shackled them to ca-rryingouttheausteritymeasuresoftheConservative-Liberalcoalition(Whitaker,2014).Todismisstheconcernsofvotersasracistisdangerous,asSeabrookremind


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us.Thoughhiswordsarefromanotherindustrialnortherncityalmost50yearsago,theyarestilljustasrelevanttothehereandnow:

The pain of these working-class communities is real and deep; and ithasn’tbeenrecognisedbythosewhoclaimtocareforworkingpeople…Increasingprosperityisinsufficientunlessthereissomecorrespondingsen-seofbeingaffirmedandvalidatedinwhatpeoplecangiveorachieve.Peoplewill always remain inconsolablewhen theyaredenieda senseof purpose; and rightly so. The resentment against black people onlyconcealsthetruesourceofthewoundthathasafflictedBlackburn.(Sea-brook,1978,p.162)

Thisessayhastracedathreadofworking-classhistorywhichtiesthepresentdi-rectlytothepast:theinsecurity,povertyandmiseryofworking-classlifeinSouthYorkshire.Ihaveshownthatthereisadirectcorrelationbetweenthefortunesoftheworking-classandthekindofworking-classpoliticalformswhichhavetakenshapeoverthelong-twentiethcentury,primarilythatthetradeunionmovement,despiteitsimperfections,itshesitancyanditsbureaucratism,actedasasocialcounterweightto theattacksof the ruling-class,and thatonce thismovementwas shatteredbyapoliticallyastuteandaggressivegovernmentinthe1980sthatwehaveseenareversion-to-typeforcapitalism.Thesocialmomentofthepost-warconsensuswashighly contingent and fragile, and not as extensive as could have been hoped.Nevertheless,thosethirtyyearsdemonstratedthesheerpowerwhichtheorganisedworking-classcouldwieldevenimperfectlyandthroughathoroughlybourgeoisifiedworking-classparty.

Myultimateconclusionisthatthestructuresofcapitalismresultsinonlyoneoutcome,soonerorlater:thehousealwayswins.Chiefamongsttheurgenttasksconfrontingtheworking-classmovementisthere-creationofapro-working-classpoliticalcul-tureamongstpoorurbancommunities–initiativessuchasUnite’sCommunityUnionscouldprovideagoodwaytocircumventtheuphillchallengesofworkplaceorga-nisationinSouthYorkshire’sscatteredworkplacesandserviceindustries.Thereisnooptimisticconclusion–thestrugglecontinues.

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• Blunkett,D.(1983),Building From The Bottom,London:FabianSociety.

• Carpenter,E.(1916),My Days and Dreams,London:GeorgeAllenand



Unwin.

• Geddes,P.(1915),Cities in Evolution,London:WilliamsandNorgate.

• Green,G.,etal(2000),Social Capital, Health and Employment in South Yorkshire Coalfield Communities,Sheffield:SheffieldHallamUniversity.

• F.Hayek(1944),The Road to Serfdom,London:Routledge.

• Hume,B.(1986),etal.,A Year of Our Lives,UK:HooliganPress.

• Mather,J.(1862).,The Songs of Joseph Mather,Sheffield:JohnWilson.

• Moffat,A.(1965),My Life With The Miners,London:LawrenceandWisheart.

• Paine,T.(1945),(ed.P.S.Phoner),The Collected Writings of Thomas Paine,NewYork:Citadel.

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