French-English Relations in Canada

A clash of paradigms

Language cleavages are politically explosive

Closely tied to culture and religion Fundamental to identity Governments cannot disengage from

language as they can from other cleavages

Communication is fundamental to democratic politics; language is central to communication

Demographics (2001 census)

Mother Tongue Home Language Biling

Eng Fr Oth Eng Fr Oth

Quebec 8.3 81.4 10.3 10.5 83.1 6.5 40.8

ROC 75.2 4.4 20.4 85.6 2.7 11.7 10.3

Canada 59.1 22.9 18.0 67.5 22.0 10.5 17.7

Realities of language in Canada Most of Canada’s Francophones live in

Quebec Linguistic minorities tend to be small in

most provinces (except for New Brunswick)

The “bilingual belt” Process of linguistic assimilation of

linguistic minorities English is a socially powerful language

Canada is a federal state

Only a small proportion of the world’s countries (less than ten per cent) are federal nations

Canada is one of the oldest and most successful federal states in the world

Federalism can be used to accommodate diversity

Canadian federalism reflects the ways Quebec was different in 1867

The emphasis was on Quebec’s Catholicism, not its language

Two paradigms for accommodating linguistic diversity

Territorial approach Language of public life contingent on

where you live Idea is to provide a sense of linguistic

security for minorities Bilingualism typically limited to national

organizations

Two paradigms for accommodating linguistic diversity

Personality approach Language policy defined in terms of rights Language rights are attached to

individuals, not to territories Emphasis on personal mobility and

personal bilingualism Bilingualism pervasive

Two theses

French-English relations can best be understood as a clash between these two paradigms

Because federalism was the institutional solution designed to resolve the problem of accommodating Quebec, much of the debate centres on Quebec’s place in the federal system

The Quiet Revolution

Associated with government of Jean Lesage (1960-1966)

A period of modernization in Quebec The provincial state replaced the church at the

heart of Quebec’s political life Linguistic division of labour Quebec’s provincial government became more

assertive about Quebec’s place in Canada and federalism

Quebecois, not French Canadian

What did Quebec want?

Full control over provincial jurisdiction The federal government to extricate itself

from provincial jurisdiction Greater provincial power Increased say over federal institutions Recognition of “special status”

The federal response

Rights-based approach to national bilingualism Pierre Elliot Trudeau, Prime Minister from 1968-

1979, 1980-1984 Official Languages Act (1969) Re-making the federal public service Promoting linguistic minorities and personal

bilingualism A rejection of any special recognition of Quebec Quebec’s response was Bill 22

The rise of the sovereigntists

Parti Quebecois (PQ) founded by dissidents who left the provincial Liberal party

Led by Rene Levesque PQ grew steadily in support Won the 1976 provincial election with

41% of the vote and a majority government

Etapisme: taking it slow

PQ settled on a step by step approach to sovereignty

1. Govern well (Bill 101)

2. Call a referendum to get a mandate to negotiate with Ottawa

3. Negotiate with Ottawa

4. Have the outcome of the negotiations ratified in another referendum

The 1980 referendum

A soft question: asked for a mandate to negotiate sovereignty association

Bitter, divisive campaign 60% “Non” – 40% “Oui” Economic fears loomed large in the vote PQ may have miscalculated in its

referendum strategy PQ re-elected in 1981

Constitutional negotiations

Canada did not control the amendment of its own constitution

Trudeau wanted to patriate the constitution with a Charter of Rights

8 provincial governments, including Quebec’s opposed Trudeau

Compromise reached, but Quebec did not agree

Constitution Act, 1982

Applies to all of Canada, including Quebec, even though Quebec did not agree

Charter of Rights enshrined personality approach to national bilingualism in the constitution

Enhanced the idea of provincial equality: Quebec did not achieve recognition of special status or increased power

Change at the top

Brian Mulroney takes over as Prime Minister in 1984: wants to bring Quebec into the constitution

Now a Liberal provincial government, led by Robert Bourassa

Bourassa outlines five conditions for Quebec to sign the constitution

Quebec’s five conditions

Recognition as a “distinct society” Limitation on federal government

intrusion in provincial jurisdiction Role in appointing justices to the

Supreme Court of Canada Increased power over immigration A veto over any constitutional change

Meech Lake Accord (1987)

Mulroney wins agreement of all ten premiers to change the constitution

Enshrines Quebec’s five conditions in the constitution

Ten provincial governments and the federal government have to ratify the agreement within three years

Newfoundland and Manitoba fail to do so by 1990: the Accord dies

Charlottetown Accord (1992)

Much anger in Quebec Sovereigntist sentiment on the rise Again, federal government and

provinces agree on constitution package, called the Charlottetown Accord

Defeated in a national referendum: 55% No, 45% Yes

Defeated in Quebec as well

Reinvigorated sovereigntist movement Bloc Quebecois forms as a national

political party in 1990, wins 54 of Quebec’s 75 seats in Parliament in 1993

Parti Quebecois wins the 1994 provincial election

Announces a referendum in 1995 Narrow victory for the federalists: 50.6%

Non, 49.4% Oui Federal government weak in referendum

Federal Response: Plan A

A shaken federal government tries to respond to Quebec’s historical demands

But limited because there is no appetite for constitutional reform in Canada

Passes Parliamentary resolutions to recognize Quebec as a distinct society and to give Quebec a veto

Federal Response: Plan B

Legal challenge to constitutionality of Quebec sovereignty

Supreme Court of Canada in 1998 rules that it is unconstitutional for Quebec to secede without the consent of the other provinces, but if Quebeckers vote in a referendum to leave, the rest of Canada has to respond

Clarity Act sets out the rules for Quebec secession

The current situation

The essential problem remains unsolved Quebeckers and much of Canada

conceive of their country in different ways Quebec: Quebec is distinct and may

require different powers ROC: all provinces are equal

We’ve papered over the differences

The future?

Sovereigntist sentiment is currently in decline Parti Quebecois lost the 2003 provincial

election quite badly Bloc Quebecois’ support is in decline Demographic change in Quebec Evidence that Quebeckers have grown tired of

the debate over sovereignty 55% (63% of those under 45) do not identify

themselves as sovereigntist or federalist (CRIC)

For further reading

Kenneth McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada: The Struggle for National Unity (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997).