Free Speech, Fearless Listening and Fair Trial

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Free Speech, Fearless Listening and Fair Trial How India’s Daughter has led to a bonfire of free speech Sukumar Muralidharan, March 13 2015 Free speech is not about raging at the walls of an empty room. It also involves the right to be heard. And this freedom could reasonably be limited where speech offends a person of robust common sense. Free speech requires fearless listening. Yet thresholds of tolerance are notoriously low in a world where offence is a political resource no actor is willing to surrender. Early this month, India’s parliament came close to declaring the whole country a cloistered hermitage where no evil will be seen, heard or spoken. That occasion arose with the scheduled telecast of a documentary on the gang-rape and evisceration of a young woman in Delhi in December 2012. The young woman died within a fortnight of the horror that was inflicted on her, but not before exciting a nation’s outrage, causing agonised questioning and getting even the most hardened sceptic to pray against all human and medical possibility for her recovery. Pronouncing himself deeply pained by the contents of the film, Home Minister Rajnath Singh declared in Parliament, soon after the question was posed, that all necessary instructions to ban the documentary’s broadcast in India and elsewhere had been issued. It was another matter that the putative ban perhaps only created a still larger audience for the film on video-sharing websites. Promos for India’s Daughter, produced and directed by British filmmaker Leslee Udwin, began appearing on social media sites of news broadcaster NDTV 24x7 on March 1. These spoke of an interview with one of the accused, Mukesh Singh, since convicted and sentenced to death, which testified to his moral certitude and complete lack of remorse. A competing channel was not about to let the opportunity go. Times Now which has long since reduced itself to a caricature of serious news analysis and debate, went quickly on air with elaborately simulated indignation. With Arnab Goswami, an anchor-person who has set himself up as the nation’s tribune, holding forth with contemptuous aggression towards dissent and unctuous deference to authority, the stage was set for a bonfire of free speech. Issues of aesthetics and factual veracity and there are several that could be raised about the film were quickly buried as agitated minds turned their attention obsessively to Mukesh Singh’s unrepentant attitude. Lawyers who represented a seemingly lost cause emerged as loutish and ill-informed, mirroring all the perversities of the criminals they were appointed to defend. A group of feminists and civil liberties activists, all highly respected for their moral courage and conviction, denounced the locutions of the rape convict as “hate speech” which threatened public order. Others fumed that a convict had been afforded a bully pulpit.

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Free speech is not about raging at the walls of an empty room. It also involves the right to be heard. And this freedom could reasonably be limited where speech offends a person of robust common sense. Free speech requires fearless listening. Yet justice is an end that cannot be sacrificed.

Transcript of Free Speech, Fearless Listening and Fair Trial

  • Free Speech, Fearless Listening and Fair Trial

    How Indias Daughter has led to a bonfire of free speech

    Sukumar Muralidharan,

    March 13 2015

    Free speech is not about raging at the walls of an empty room. It also involves the right to be

    heard. And this freedom could reasonably be limited where speech offends a person of

    robust common sense. Free speech requires fearless listening.

    Yet thresholds of tolerance are notoriously low in a world where offence is a political

    resource no actor is willing to surrender. Early this month, Indias parliament came close to

    declaring the whole country a cloistered hermitage where no evil will be seen, heard or

    spoken.

    That occasion arose with the scheduled telecast of a documentary on the gang-rape and

    evisceration of a young woman in Delhi in December 2012. The young woman died within a

    fortnight of the horror that was inflicted on her, but not before exciting a nations outrage,

    causing agonised questioning and getting even the most hardened sceptic to pray against

    all human and medical possibility for her recovery.

    Pronouncing himself deeply pained by the contents of the film, Home Minister Rajnath Singh

    declared in Parliament, soon after the question was posed, that all necessary instructions to

    ban the documentarys broadcast in India and elsewhere had been issued.

    It was another matter that the putative ban perhaps only created a still larger audience for

    the film on video-sharing websites.

    Promos for Indias Daughter, produced and directed by British filmmaker Leslee Udwin,

    began appearing on social media sites of news broadcaster NDTV 24x7 on March 1. These

    spoke of an interview with one of the accused, Mukesh Singh, since convicted and

    sentenced to death, which testified to his moral certitude and complete lack of remorse.

    A competing channel was not about to let the opportunity go. Times Now which has long

    since reduced itself to a caricature of serious news analysis and debate, went quickly on air

    with elaborately simulated indignation. With Arnab Goswami, an anchor-person who has set

    himself up as the nations tribune, holding forth with contemptuous aggression towards

    dissent and unctuous deference to authority, the stage was set for a bonfire of free speech.

    Issues of aesthetics and factual veracity and there are several that could be raised about

    the film were quickly buried as agitated minds turned their attention obsessively to Mukesh

    Singhs unrepentant attitude. Lawyers who represented a seemingly lost cause emerged as

    loutish and ill-informed, mirroring all the perversities of the criminals they were appointed to

    defend.

    A group of feminists and civil liberties activists, all highly respected for their moral courage

    and conviction, denounced the locutions of the rape convict as hate speech which

    threatened public order. Others fumed that a convict had been afforded a bully pulpit.

  • Members of the ruling party fretted over the defamation of the nation. And still others worried

    about a possible decline in tourist arrivals.

    What is the status in law here? In 1994, M.S. Sathyu, the famed director of the partition

    family drama Garam Hawa, sought permission to interview Dhananjay Chatterjee, a convict

    awaiting execution for the rape and murder of a child. Denied permission by prison

    authorities, Sathyu approached the Supreme Court and won the right to conduct an interview

    on camera, conditional on the subjects informed consent.

    In the words of the court then: The media has the right to every criminal. Likewise, every

    criminal has the right to every media.

    There was a caveat attached: the interview could not be broadcast or disseminated in any

    way till the prisoners appeal was finally heard and the inevitable mercy petition disposed of.

    Chatterjees mercy petition was rejected in 2004 and he was executed soon afterwards. Yet

    Sathyus film, an hour-long voyage into the moral repugnance of capital punishment, did not

    secure a screening till 2012.

    The formal language of the Indian Constitution allows for restrictions on free speech to

    safeguard against contempt of court. The courts ruling in the Dhananjay Chatterjee matter

    seemingly added the administration of justice as another criterion under which speech could

    be restrained.

    In July 2013, the National Law University (NLU) in Delhi began an ambitious project to

    gather and analyse all available information on capital punishment. Every execution since

    Chatterjees, which broke a long but undeclared moratorium, has triggered public debate,

    since there is a strong current of opinion for abolition. There is little information in the public

    domain though, on the numbers on death row and the circumstances in which they were

    convicted.

    Aside from pens and paper, every other recording device was prohibited in each of the

    prison interviews the NLU carried out, reveals project director and legal scholar, Anup

    Surendranath. And as part of their ethical guidance, investigators made it a point to fully brief

    interviewees about the purpose of the project and the manner information would be used.

    On the project website (www.deathpenaltyindia.com), the identities of all prisoners are

    protected so that the judicial process is not affected in any way, going forward.

    No such norms were followed in the case of Indias Daughter. Prison authorities only

    reserved to themselves the right to finally approve of the manner in which recordings were

    used. When faced with a copious volume of footage, their judgment and nerve seemed to

    fail. Rather than deal with interminable delay, the filmmaker then made a unilateral decision.

    In the bargain, ethical questions on the administration of justice were thrown overboard.

    Speaking in parliament just after the Home Minister, independent member Anu Agha warned

    that self-delusion was not a prudent course for a nation struggling to deal with the

    pathologies of patriarchy. And Javed Akhtar spoke of the salutary public service the

    documentary had rendered by bringing every man in intimate contact with the potential rapist

    in him.

    http://www.deathpenaltyindia.com/

  • These were powerful interventions that yet proved cries in the wilderness, since the mood of

    the moment was to evade the tough questions. Without an early judicial ruling which upholds

    the spirit of the Sathyu decision, free speech risks being severely set back by this incident.

    ----

    And as a postscript, it may be added that the Delhi High Court, which was approached by

    NDTV 24x7 for a reversal of the ban on Indias Daughter, seems from the remarks made by

    judges hearing the case, to uphold the wisdom of restraint on free speech in the interests of

    the administration of justice.

    Post postscript (March 14): Vrinda Grover reminds me that the opinion attributed to

    feminists and civil liberties activists above fails to mention that the statement she issued

    with Kavita Krishan and others, calls only for the suspension of telecast till the judicial

    process is concluded. I acknowledge the omission which arose from the tight word limit

    imposed on the article and the pressure of the deadline.

    As somebody who approaches the question from the free speech side, my questions in re

    the interview with the accused were: has there been informed consent, a full awareness of

    consequences, and competent legal vetting by counsel for the accused? I think the answer

    on all three counts is possibly no. So there are serious ethical issues involved for the media

    here.

    Vrinda et al have underlined the complexity of assuming "informed consent", in a custodial

    situation, especially in relation to a convict on death row. It is unseemly they argue, for free

    speech advocates to put their faith in a piece of paper that Mukesh Singh is believed to have

    signed, waiving his right to silence. In the process, the rights of the other accused get short

    shrift while Mukesh Singh partially exculpates himself (by claiming for example, that he was

    all the time at the wheel).

    All very good points. But there is a complexity involved in the changed information landscape

    since 1994 when the Supreme Court rendered its ruling in the M.S. Sathyu case. Once put

    on record, information is now virtually impossible to keep out of circulation. In their

    eagerness to provide this British filmmaker a tour of the inner recesses of the exotic Indian

    male pathology, the jail authorities forgot about both the fundamentals of due process and

    the realities of the new information environment.

    But then, is there a greater purpose served by locking away these persons in Tihar jail and

    pretending their thought processes will somehow perish on the gallows? This film has

    troubled several in the country because of all that it says about ourselves -- the point that

    Javed Akhtar made in parliament. That has been the main cause of outrage, not the vitiation

    of fair judicial process.

    What this also tells us is that the due process norms would have to be reworked since older

    practices, such as sequestration of judges and juries are increasingly ineffective. I can

    understand where the Delhi HC bench is coming from when it refuses to reverse the ban

    because "judges are not from outer space". But it is most unlikely that any judge who hears

    the appeal of the Dec 16 convicts would be unaware of the contents of the film. The judicial

    sensibility has to be robust enough to isolate that knowledge from its deliberations.

  • All this does not mean of course, that the media can spare itself the long overdue lesson in

    ethics 101.