Francis Fukuyama

Yoshihiro Francis Fukuyama (born October 27, 1952)is an American political scientist, political economist, andauthor. Fukuyama is known for his book The End ofHistory and the Last Man (1992), which argued that theworldwide spread of liberal democracies and free mar-ket capitalism of the West and its lifestyle may signal theend point of humanity’s sociocultural evolution and be-come the final form of human government. However,his subsequent book Trust: Social Virtues and Creationof Prosperity (1995) modified his earlier position to ac-knowledge that culture cannot be cleanly separated fromeconomics. Fukuyama is also associated with the riseof the neoconservative movement,[2] from which he hassince distanced himself.[3]

Fukuyama has been a Senior Fellow at the Centeron Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law atStanford University since July 2010.[4] Before that, heserved as a professor and director of the InternationalDevelopment program at the School of Advanced Inter-national Studies of the Johns Hopkins University. Pre-viously, he was Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor ofPublic Policy at the School of Public Policy at GeorgeMason University.[4]

He is a council member of the International Forum forDemocratic Studies founded by the National Endowmentfor Democracy and was a member of the Political ScienceDepartment of the RAND Corporation.[5]

1 Early life

Francis Fukuyama was born in the Hyde Park neigh-borhood of Chicago. His paternal grandfather fledthe Russo-Japanese War in 1905 and started a shopon the west coast before being interned in the SecondWorld War.[6] His father, Yoshio Fukuyama, a second-generation Japanese-American, was trained as a minis-ter in the Congregational Church, received a doctoratein sociology from the University of Chicago, and taughtreligious studies.[7][8][9] His mother, Toshiko KawataFukuyama, was born in Kyoto, Japan, and was the daugh-ter of Shiro Kawata, founder of the Economics Depart-ment of Kyoto University and first president of OsakaCity University.[10] Francis grew up in Manhattan as anonly child, had little contact with Japanese culture, anddid not learn Japanese.[7][8] His family moved to StateCollege, Pennsylvania in 1967.[10]

2 Education

Fukuyama received his Bachelor of Arts degree inclassics from Cornell University, where he studiedpolitical philosophy under Allan Bloom.[8][11] He initiallypursued graduate studies in comparative literature at YaleUniversity, going to Paris for six months to study underRoland Barthes and Jacques Derrida, but became dis-illusioned and switched to political science at HarvardUniversity.[8] There, he studied with Samuel P. Hunt-ington and Harvey Mansfield, among others. He earnedhis Ph.D. in political science at Harvard for his thesison Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East.[8][11]In 1979, he joined the global policy think tank RANDCorporation.[8]

Fukuyama has been affiliated with the Telluride Associ-ation since his undergraduate years at Cornell, an educa-tion enterprise that was home to other significant leadersand intellectuals, including Steven Weinberg, Paul Wol-fowitz and Kathleen Sullivan.Fukuyama was the Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professorof Public Policy in the School of Public Policy at GeorgeMason University from 1996 to 2000. Until July 10,2010, he was the Bernard L. Schwartz Professor of Inter-national Political Economy and Director of the Interna-tional Development Program at the Paul H. Nitze Schoolof Advanced International Studies of Johns Hopkins Uni-versity in Washington, D.C. He is now Olivier NomelliniSenior Fellow and resident in the Center on Democ-racy, Development, and the Rule of Law at the FreemanSpogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford Uni-versity.[11]

3 Writings

Fukuyama is best known as the author of The End of His-tory and the Last Man, in which he argued that the pro-gression of human history as a struggle between ideolo-gies is largely at an end, with the world settling on liberaldemocracy after the end of the Cold War and the fall ofthe Berlin Wall in 1989. Fukuyama predicted the even-tual global triumph of political and economic liberalism:

What we may be witnessing is not just theend of the Cold War, or the passing of a par-ticular period of postwar history, but the endof history as such.... That is, the end point of

1

2 3 WRITINGS

mankind’s ideological evolution and the uni-versalization of Western liberal democracy asthe final form of human government.

Authors like Ralf Dahrendorf argued in 1990 that the es-say gave Fukuyama his 15 minutes of fame, which willbe followed by a slide into obscurity.[12][13] He continuedto remain a relevant and cited public intellectual leadingAmerican communitarian Amitai Etzioni to declare him“one of the few enduring public intellectuals. They are of-ten media stars who are eaten up and spat out after their15 minutes. But he has lasted.”[14]

One of the main reasons for the massive criticism againstThe End of History was the aggressive stance that it tooktowards postmodernism. Postmodern philosophy had,in Fukuyama’s opinion, undermined the ideology behindliberal democracy, leaving the western world in a poten-tially weaker position.[15] The fact that Marxism and fas-cism had been proven untenable for practical use whileliberal democracy still thrived was reason enough to em-brace the hopeful attitude of the Progressive era, as thishope for the future was what made a society worth strug-gling to maintain. Postmodernism, which, by this time,had become embedded in the cultural consciousness, of-fered no hope and nothing to sustain a necessary senseof community, instead relying only on lofty intellectualpremises.[16] Being a work that both praised the idealsof a group that had fallen out of favor and challengedthe premises of the group that had replaced them, it wasbound to create some controversy.Fukuyama has written a number of other books, amongthem Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Pros-perity and Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of theBiotechnology Revolution. In the latter, he qualifiedhis original “end of history” thesis, arguing that sincebiotechnology increasingly allows humans to control theirown evolution, it may allow humans to alter human na-ture, thereby putting liberal democracy at risk.[17] Onepossible outcome could be that an altered human naturecould end in radical inequality. He is a fierce enemy oftranshumanism, an intellectual movement asserting thatposthumanity is a desirable goal.In another work, The Great Disruption: Human Natureand the Reconstruction of Social Order, Fukuyama ex-plores the origins of social norms, and analyses the cur-rent disruptions in the fabric of our moral traditions,which he considers as arising from a shift from the man-ufacturing to the information age. This shift is, he thinks,normal and will prove self-correcting, given the intrinsichuman need for social norms and rules.In 2006, in America at the Crossroads, Fukuyama dis-cusses the history of neoconservatism, with particular fo-cus on its major tenets and political implications. He out-lines his rationale for supporting the Bush administration,as well as where he believes it has gone wrong.

In 2008, Fukuyama published the book Falling Behind:Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin Americaand the United States, which resulted from research and aconference funded by Grupo Mayan to gain understand-ing on why Latin America, once far wealthier than NorthAmerica, fell behind in terms of development in onlya matter of centuries. Discussing this book at a 2009conference, Fukuyama outlined his belief that inequal-ity within Latin American nations is a key impedimentto growth. An unequal distribution of wealth, he stated,leads to social upheaval, which then results in stuntedgrowth.[18]

3.1 Neoconservatism

As a key Reagan Administration contributor to the for-mulation of the Reagan Doctrine, Fukuyama is an im-portant figure in the rise of neoconservatism, although hisworks came out years after Irving Kristol's 1972 bookcrystallized neoconservatism.[19] Fukuyama was active inthe Project for the New American Century think tankstarting in 1997, and as a member co-signed the organiza-tion’s 1998 letter recommending that President Bill Clin-ton support Iraqi insurgencies in the overthrow of then-President of Iraq SaddamHussein.[20] Hewas also amongforty co-signers of William Kristol’s September 20, 2001letter to President George W. Bush after the September11, 2001 attacks that suggested the U.S. not only “captureor kill Osama bin Laden", but also embark upon “a de-termined effort to remove Saddam Hussein from powerin Iraq”.[21]

In a New York Times article from February 2006,Fukuyama, in considering the ongoing Iraq War, stated:“What American foreign policy needs is not a return toa narrow and cynical realism, but rather the formulationof a 'realistic Wilsonianism' that better matches means toends.”[22] In regard to neoconservatism he went on to say:“What is needed now are new ideas, neither neoconserva-tive nor realist, for how America is to relate to the rest ofthe world – ideas that retain the neoconservative belief inthe universality of human rights, but without its illusionsabout the efficacy of American power and hegemony tobring these ends about.”[22]

3.2 Fukuyama’s current views

Fukuyama began to distance himself from the neoconser-vative agenda of the Bush administration, citing its ex-cessive militarism and embrace of unilateral armed in-tervention, particularly in the Middle East. By late 2003,Fukuyama had voiced his growing opposition to the IraqWar[23] and called for Donald Rumsfeld's resignation asSecretary of Defense.[24]

At an annual dinner of the American Enterprise Institutein February 2004, Dick Cheney and Charles Krautham-mer declared the beginning of a unipolar era under Amer-

3

ican hegemony. “All of these people around me werecheering wildly,”[25] Fukuyama remembers. He believesthat the IraqWar was being blundered. “All of my friendshad taken leave of reality.”[25] He has not spoken to PaulWolfowitz (previously a good friend) since.[25]

Fukuyama declared he would not be voting for Bush,[26]and that the Bush administration had made three majormistakes:

• Overstating the threat of radical Islam to the US

• Failing to foresee the fierce negative reaction to its“benevolent hegemony”. From the very beginningshowing a negative attitude toward the United Na-tions and other intergovernmental organizations andnot seeing that it would increase anti-Americanismin other countries

• Misjudging what was needed to bring peace in Iraqand being overly optimistic about the success withwhich social engineering of western values could beapplied to Iraq and the Middle East in general.

Fukuyama believes the US has a right to promote its ownvalues in the world, but more along the lines of what hecalls “realistic Wilsonianism", with military interventiononly as a last resort and only in addition to other measures.A latent military force is more likely to have an effectthan actual deployment. The US spends 43% of globalmilitary spending,[27] but Iraq shows there are limits toits effectiveness.The US should instead stimulate political and economicdevelopment and gain a better understanding of what hap-pens in other countries. The best instruments are settinga good example and providing education and, in manycases, money. The secret of development, be it politi-cal or economic, is that it never comes from outsiders,but always from people in the country itself. One thingthe US proved to have excelled in during the aftermathof World War II was the formation of international in-stitutions. A return to support for these structures wouldcombine American power with international legitimacy.But such measures require a lot of patience. This is thecentral thesis of his 2006 workAmerica at the Crossroads.In a 2006 essay in The New York Times Magazine stronglycritical of the invasion, he identified neoconservatismwith Leninism. He wrote that neoconservatives:[28]

believed that history can be pushed alongwith the right application of power and will.Leninism was a tragedy in its Bolshevik ver-sion, and it has returned as farce when prac-ticed by the United States. Neoconservatism,as both a political symbol and a body ofthought, has evolved into something I can nolonger support.

Fukuyama announced the end of the neoconservative mo-ment and argued for the demilitarization of the War onTerrorism:[28]

[W]ar is the wrong metaphor for thebroader struggle, since wars are fought at fullintensity and have clear beginnings and end-ings. Meeting the jihadist challenge is moreof a “long, twilight struggle” [quoting JohnF. Kennedy’s inaugural address] whose core isnot a military campaign but a political contestfor the hearts and minds of ordinary Muslimsaround the world.

Fukuyama endorsed Barack Obama in the 2008 US pres-idential election. He states:[29]

I'm voting for Barack Obama this Novem-ber for a very simple reason. It is hard to imag-ine a more disastrous presidency than that ofGeorge W. Bush. It was bad enough that helaunched an unnecessary war and underminedthe standing of the United States throughoutthe world in his first term. But in the waningdays of his administration, he is presiding overa collapse of the American financial system andbroader economy that will have consequencesfor years to come. As a general rule, democra-cies don't work well if voters do not hold po-litical parties accountable for failure. WhileJohn McCain is trying desperately to pretendthat he never had anything to do with the Re-publican Party, I think it would be a travestyto reward the Republicans for failure on such agrand scale.

4 Affiliations

• Between 2006 and 2008, Fukuyama advisedMuammar Gaddafi as part of the Monitor Group,a consultancy firm based in Cambridge, MA.[30]

• In August 2005, Fukuyama co-founded The Amer-ican Interest, a quarterly magazine devoted to thebroad theme of “America in the World”. He is cur-rently chairman of the editorial board.[11]

• Fukuyama was a member of the RAND Corpora-tion's Political Science Department from 1979 to1980, 1983 to 1989, and 1995 to 1996. He is nowa member of the Board of Trustees.[11]

• Fukuyama was a member of the President’s Councilon Bioethics from 2001 to 2004.[11]

• Fukuyama is a Fellow of the World Academy of Artand Science (WAAS).

4 7 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

• Fukuyama is on the steering committee for theScooter Libby Legal Defense Trust.[31] Fukuyamais a long-time friend of Libby. They served togetherin the State Department in the 1980s.

• During the 2008 Presidential Election, Fukuyamaendorsed Democratic candidate Barack Obama whowent on to win the Presidential Election.[32]

• Fukuyama is a member of the Board of Counselorsfor the Pyle Center of Northeast Asian Studies at theNational Bureau of Asian Research.[33]

• Fukuyama is on the board of Global Financial In-tegrity.

• Fukuyama is on the executive board of the Inter-American Dialogue.

5 Personal life

Fukuyama is a part-time photographer. He also has akeen interest in early-American furniture, which he re-produces by hand.[34] He is keenly interested in soundrecording and reproduction, saying, “These days I seemto spend as much time thinking about gear as I do analyz-ing politics for my day job.”[25]

Fukuyama is married to Laura Holmgren, whom he metwhen she was a UCLA graduate student after he startedworking for the RAND Corporation.[8][11] He dedicatedhis book Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation ofProsperity to her. They live in California, with their threechildren, Julia, David, and John away in school.

6 See also

• Daniel Bell

7 Selected bibliography

7.1 Scholarly works (partial list)

• The Soviet Union and Iraq since 1968, Rand researchreport, 1980

7.2 Books

• The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press,1992. ISBN 0-02-910975-2

• Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Pros-perity. Free Press, 1995. ISBN 0-02-910976-0

• TheGreat Disruption: HumanNature and the Recon-stitution of Social Order. Free Press. 1999. ISBN0-684-84530-X

• Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of theBiotechnology Revolution. New York, NY: Farrar,Straus and Giroux. 2002. ISBN 0-374-23643-7

• State-Building: Governance and World Order in the21st century. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.2004. ISBN 0-8014-4292-3

• America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, andthe Neoconservative Legacy. New Haven, CT: YaleUniversity Press. 2006. ISBN 0-300-11399-4 USeditionAfter the Neo Cons: Where the Right went Wrong.London: Profile Books. 2006. ISBN 1-86197-922-3 UK edition

• Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap be-tween Latin America and the United States (editor).New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 2008.ISBN 978-0-19-536882-6

• The Origins of Political Order. New York, NY: Far-rar, Straus and Giroux. 2011. ISBN 978-1-846-68256-8

• Political Order and Political Decay: From the Indus-trial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy.New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 2014. ISBN978-0-374-22735-7

7.3 Essays

• The End of History?, The National Interest, Summer1989

• Women and the Evolution ofWorld Politics, ForeignAffairs October 1998

• Immigrants and Family Values, The ImmigrationReader 1998. ISBN 1-55786-916-2

• Human Nature and the Reconstruction of Social Or-der, The Atlantic Monthly, May 1999

• Social capital and civil society, paper prepared fordelivery at the International Monetary Fund Con-ference on Second Generation Reforms, October 1,1999

• The neoconservative moment, The National Interest,Summer 2004

• After neoconservatism, The New York Times Maga-zine, February 19, 2006

• Supporter’s voice now turns on Bush, The New YorkTimes Magazine, March 14, 2006

5

• Why shouldn't I change my mind?, Los AngelesTimes, April 9, 2006

• The Fall of America, Inc. Newsweek, October 13,2008

• TheNewNationalism and the Strategic Architectureof Northeast Asia Asia Policy January 2007

• Left Out, The American Interest, January 2011

• Is China Next?, The Wall Street Journal, March 12,2011

• The Future of History; Can Liberal Democracy Sur-vive the Decline of the Middle Class?, Foreign Af-fairs, January/February 2012

• What is Governance? Governance (journal), March2013

8 See also• Biopolitics

• Brave New World argument

• Obama Republican

9 References[1] “The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at

Stanford University”. Fsi.stanford.edu. Retrieved 19 Au-gust 2013.

[2] Thies, Clifford (2011-06-24) The End of Hystery? Fran-cis Fukuyama’s Review of The Constitution of Liberty,Mises Institute

[3] “Interviewwith Ex-Neocon Francis Fukuyama: “AModelDemocracy Is not Emerging in Iraq"". SPIEGEL ONLINE.March 22, 2006. Retrieved October 14, 2014.

[4] “Francis Fukuyama”. Francis Fukuyama. Stanford Free-man Spogli Institute for International Studies.

[5] “Francis Fukuyama — International Forum for Demo-cratic Studies Research Council Member”. National En-dowment for Democracy. Retrieved 23 November 2014.

[6] “Francis Fukuyama: 'Americans are not very good atnation-building'". the Guardian. Retrieved October 14,2014.

[7] Wade, Nicholas (Apr 2, 2002). “A Dim View of a'Posthuman Future'". The New York Times. RetrievedMar 17, 2011.

[8] Wroe, Nicholas (May 11, 2002). “History’s pallbearer”.The Guardian. Retrieved Mar 17, 2011.

[9] Fukuyama, Francis (Oct 7, 1999). Fukuyama 101. Inter-view with Ben Wattenberg. Think Tank. PBS. Washing-ton, D.C. Retrieved Mar 17, 2011.

[10] “Ford-Grilliparzer”. Encyclopedia of World Biography 6(2nd ed.). Detroit, MI: Gale Research. 1998. ISBN 978-0-7876-2546-7. Retrieved Mar 17, 2011.

[11] “Francis Fukuyama”. The Freeman Spogli Institute for In-ternational Studies at Stanford University. Stanford Uni-versity. Retrieved March 9, 2011.

[12] Dahrendorf (1990) Reflections on the revolution in Europep. 37

[13] Luciano Canfora La grande illusione del capitalismoeterno preface to Ercolani, Paolo La storia infinita. Marx,il liberalismo e la maledizione di Nietzsche quotation:

Quanto detto sin qui può forse bastare anon prendere sul serio saggi troppo fortunati(ma già quasi avviati al dimenticatoio) comeLa fine della storia del nippo-statunitenseFukuyama. Libro che, comunque, è statoampiamente stroncato per le sciocchezzeche contiene: e non già da tardi epigoni delmarxismo-leninismo, ma da filosofi 'liberal'come Dahrendorf, il quale ha anche avuto ilbuon senso di elencare gli errori di fatto (talida mettere in forse il conseguimento della“maturità classica"!) che il troppo fortunatolibretto contiene.

[14] Wroe, Nicholas (May 10, 2002). “History’s Pallbearer”.The Guardian. Guardian Media Group.

[15] 'Francis Fukuyama, “Reflections on the End of History,Five Years Later”, History and Theory 34, 2: “World His-torians and Their Critics” (May 1995): 43.

[16] 'Francis Fukuyama, “Reflections on the End of History,Five Years Later”, History and Theory 34, 2: World His-torians and Their Critics (May 1995): 36.

[17] For a critical analysis of Fukuyama’s bioethical argument,see: Jordaan, D. W. (2009). “Antipromethean Fallacies:A Critique of Fukuyama’s Bioethics”. Biotechnology LawReport 28 (5): 577–590. doi:10.1089/blr.2009.9915.

[18] Ryan Weddle (2009-02-18). “Fukuyama: “SocialAgenda” Needed to Combat Poverty in Latin America”.Devex. Retrieved 2009-02-19.

[19] Irving Kristol (1972), On the Democratic Idea in America,New York: Harper.

[20] Abrams, Elliott; et al. (1998-01-26). “Letter to PresidentClinton on Iraq” (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF)on 2005-10-09. Retrieved 2008-08-16.

[21] “Letter to President Bush on the War on Terrorism”.Project for the New American Century. Archived from theoriginal on 2004-12-30.

[22] Fukuyama, Francis (2006-02-19). “After Neoconser-vatism”. The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-05-02.

[23] Francis Fukuyama (2004-06-01). “The NeoconservativeMoment” (PDF). The National Interest. Retrieved 2007-05-13.

6 10 EXTERNAL LINKS

[24] “Fukuyama Withdraws Bush Support”. Today’s Zaman.2004-07-14. Retrieved 2007-05-13.

[25] Bast, Andrew (April 10, 2011). “The Beginning of His-tory”. Newsweek. Retrieved May 5, 2011.

[26] Andrew Billen (2004-07-14). “Why I won't vote forGeorge Bush”. The Times (London). Retrieved 2007-05-13.

[27] “The 15 countries with the highest military expenditure in2009”. Retrieved May 5, 2011.

[28] Francis Fukuyama (2006-02-19). “After Neoconser-vatism”. The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved 2007-05-13.

[29] Francis Fukuyama (2008-11-03). “Francis Fukuyama”.The American Conservative. Retrieved 2008-10-30.

[30] Pilkington, Ed (March 4, 2011). “US firmMonitor Groupadmits mistakes over $3m Gaddafi deal”. Guardian. Re-trieved March 25, 2011.

[31] Lewis, Neil A. (2006-02-03). “Defense Fund RaisesMoney in Libby Case”. The New York Times. Retrieved2007-05-13.

[32] The End of History, and Back Again, The Sydney Morn-ing Herald. Retrieved on 2008-05-27.

[33] Pyle Center for Northeast Asian Studies, the National Bu-reau of Asian Research.

[34] Fukuyama, Francis (2009-06-07). “Making ThingsWork”. The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-05-02.

10 External links• Francis Fukuyama’s blog at The American Interest

• Islam and America... Friends or Foes?

• Appearances on C-SPAN

• Booknotes interview with Fukuyama on TheEnd of History and the Last Man, February 9,1992

• ANU Public Lecture Series MP3 of a public lec-ture by Fukuyama titled The Missing Dimension ofStateness delivered at The Australian National Uni-versity, December 15, 2006

• Francis Fukuyama explains his last book: “The Ori-gins of Political Order”

7

11 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

11.1 Text• Francis Fukuyama Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Fukuyama?oldid=696289801 Contributors: SimonP, Aaron, Edward,Infrogmation, Fred Bauder, Menchi, Delirium, Mprudhom, Palfrey, Astudent, Vroman, Hyacinth, Mir Harven, Mackensen, Dimadick,Robbot, Sdedeo, Moncrief, Henrygb, Clngre, Sekicho, Wereon, Albatross2147, Centrx, JamesMLane, Graeme Bartlett, Wilfried Derksen,Alison, Tagishsimon, Neilc, CryptoDerk, LiDaobing, BozMo, Loremaster, Piotrus, Xtreambar, Mysidia, Commodore Sloat, Mpesce, Neu-trality, Burschik, Popolon, Flex, Lucidish, D6, Blanchette, Discospinster, Rich Farmbrough, Cnwb, Rama, Florian Blaschke, JPX7, Ben-der235, El C, Carlon, DS1953, Comtebenoit, Walkiped, Nk, Thedarkestclear, Obradovic Goran, Azn king28, Knucmo2, Alfanje~enwiki,Royblumy, Howrealisreal, Kurieeto, Omphaloscope, Grenavitar, Pethr, Bobrayner, Isfisk, Gmaxwell, JALockhart, Woohookitty, Jpers36,Triddle, Graham87, Rachel1, BD2412, Kbdank71, RxS, Rjwilmsi, Koavf, TitaniumDreads, Mick gold, Hiberniantears, Harro5, The wub,DirkvdM, FlaBot, Naraht, Ground Zero, JdforresterBot, 2514~enwiki, Chobot, Cornellrockey, The Rambling Man, YurikBot, Wave-length, RobotE, RussBot, Anomalocaris, Calsicol, Rjensen, Deodar~enwiki, Isolani, Davemck, Tony1, M3taphysical, BOT-Superzerocool,Cardsplayer4life, Jpeob, Tomisti, Rizla, Sandstein, Thnidu, Arthur Rubin, A Doon, JeffBurdges, Bill Reidy, Meegs, Samuel Blanning,Kgf0, SmackBot, YellowMonkey, Lestrade, InverseHypercube, Rentier, Unyoyega, Vald, Eskimbot, Ck4829, Gilliam, Hmains, Freedonia,GwydionM, Fionaussie, RDBrown, Jprg1966, Moshe Constantine Hassan Al-Silverburg, K4zem, Chendy, Nonplus, Tsca.bot, OrphanBot,Stevenmitchell, T-borg, JJstroker, Cordless Larry, Dreadstar, Derek R Bullamore, Dantadd, DMacks, Kukini, Akubra, Ser Amantio diNicolao, Nareek, JzG, Guat6, Saseigel, Rummyelendil, Korovioff, Ryulong, Armon, Tones, ShakingSpirit, Hu12, Norm mit, Quaeler,Sidi Bou, Joseph Solis in Australia, McJeff, DougHill, Funk1~enwiki, Eastlaw, TORR, Drinibot, Myasuda, Taleinfo, Cydebot, Aristo-phanes68, Pascal.Tesson, DBaba, Nishidani, Mattisse, Coelacan, Nirvana77, Matthew Proctor, Heroeswithmetaphors, Annie06, AntiVan-dalBot, WinBot, BokicaK, Guy Macon, Modernist, Phanerozoic, P.D., Mattleek12, Arx Fortis, Tldai, Athkalani~enwiki, DocFaustRoll,SteveSims, Magioladitis, Dekimasu, JamesBWatson, Sanyasi, NotACow, KConWiki, Aazeez, Ivangeotsky, Eddwin, Pádraig Coogan,Juniorplenty, Snowfalcon cu, Ginsengbomb, Camr, Rutgervw, When Muffins Attack, Aboutmovies, RogerProspect, Dhimmitude, Vyn,DASonnenfeld, Vranak, VolkovBot, TreasuryTag, Timmonsgray, Rei-bot, Don4of4, Broadbot, Room429, Wassermann~enwiki, Tempo-raluser, NHRHS2010, Goecke, SieBot, Jerryobject, DevOhm, Edwardwittenstein, Poindexter Propellerhead, OKBot, Dfgzsrserse, VidemusOmnia, Cyfal, Senorsergio, Francvs, Danausplexippus, ClueBot, SummerWithMorons, Zach3P, Drmies, Deselliers, Reconfirmer, Bchaosf,Gary Yam, Wndl42, Rhododendrites, Dealtthrice, Party, Bridies, WikHead, Borock, Taipan2000, Good Olfactory, Johnkatz1972, Kb-dankbot, Fluffernutter, Lihaas, DA19, SamatBot, Tomvasseur, Lightbot, Алый Король, Jarble, Andre Toulon, Legobot, Luckas-bot, Yobot,AnomieBOT, Hairhorn, Citation bot, Wapondaponda, GrouchoBot, Pringlescandy, Smallman12q, Devnews, Stlcardinals535, Zsazsatutu,Mmjohnsn, Trna.michal, Colchester121891, Lotje, And Rew, SeoMac, BBC Cookoo, Alokagrawal8, RjwilmsiBot, Barotoa, EmausBot,John of Reading, TreacherousWays, Jack Sebastian, Liverpool2321, Kiwi128, Donner60, Tomato hububyan, Pgarret, Matkatamiba, Xanch-ester, Tharadan, LugalbandaUruk, Helpful Pixie Bot, Silo004, Hratzoff, Circle12, Fukuyamaonshrooms, Polmandc, Spitekssmar, Batty-Bot, 99appleseed, CamiloStrange, ChrisGualtieri, Esszet, Dexbot, Mogism, Unorknewyique, Jimmycliff75, KhoikhoiPossum, Eb74734,Nimanakisa2233, Jim Carter, SaraJONeill, YeOldeGentleman, Diderot752, Ever Jobim, KasparBot and Anonymous: 248

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