Final Project of Communal Ism
Transcript of Final Project of Communal Ism
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CHANAKYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY
SUBMITTED BY:- Raj kumar
Roll No.:- 592(1st
semester)
SUBMITTED TO :- Mr. P.K. Pandey
SUBJECT:- Legal Method
Topic:- Communalism and communal violence
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
It is my privilege to record my deep sense to perform gratitude to those who helped me
in completion of this project.
In making of this project many people helped me immensely directly or indirectly. First
of all I would like to thank Mr. P.K.Pandey who had given me an idea and
encouragement for making this project. where I would like also to thank my friends for
being cordial in order to make conducive environment of the CNLU Hostel.
Raj kumar
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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Methodology is a systematized investigation to gain new knowledge about the
phenomena or problems. Legal phenomena require their own research methodology.
The research methodology applied here is doctrine method of research. The systematic
investigation of problems and of matters concerned with the topic “communalism and
communal violence” has been done. The books in the library and materials available on
the internet have been used to study about the topic. The main goal of this research is to
understand the legal system prevailing in this era in comparison to what existed a
decade ago.
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HYPOTHESIS
After getting this project by my subject teacher I presume that this topic means:
Communalism is a term with three distinct meanings according to the Random House
Unabridged Dictionary'. These include (1) "a theory of government or a system of
government in which independent communes participate in a federation". (2) "the
principles and practice of communal ownership". There is no indication whether
communalism (sense 2) would apply in the "independent" communes described in the
definition of communalism (sense 1). However, in practice, many experiments in
utopian socialism such as that of the Spanish anarchists did implement internal rules of
communalist property ownership in the context of federated communalism.
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CONTENT
1. Introduction 2. Historical background
3. Constitution of India and Communalism
4. Effect of communalism
5. Communal violence
6. Historical background of communal violence
7. Situation in present scenario 8. Conclusion 9. Bibliography
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INTRODUCTION
A unique feature of our country is that the major religions of the world are practised here like
Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Buddhism, Sikhism, Jainism and Zoroastrianism. Hinduism is
a dominant religion and others are in minority. But we can notice comparative peace and
freindliness among other religions. Unluckily this peace and friendliness are not seen among
the Hindus and the Muslims. The two have never respected each other's identity and broken
out from time to time in various parts of the country. And whenever there is a riot, national
integrity has fallen into danger. We can trace the history of communal riots in the background
of our independence. We gained our independence after a long and difficult struggle. Our
leaders had a vision of a free and a united country, which inspired them to fight eventually
not one but two countries were formed, India and Pakistan. The separate state of Pakistan was
created for Muslims. When these two states were formed terrible problems arose. There were
many Hindus in Pakistan and Muslims in India. Some cummunal minded people began to
inflame communal passion. They began to riot and kill people belonging to the other faith.
Communal hatred showed its true colours as lakhs of innocent people were massacred and
millions rendered homeless. The horrors of partition had a strong effect on everyone's mind.
The creation of Pakistan could not solve the communal problems. Hindus and Muslims
remained at daggers drawn. The makers of the constitution resolved that India would be a
secular state where everyone would be free to practise his/ her religion. But due to some
misguided people and corrupt Politicians several communal riots have broken out even after
independence. In 1979, Aligarh was utilized by communal roits and it took several months to
bring the situation under control. In 1980 there were communal riots in Muradabad, Aligarh,
Allahabad, and Delhi. Again in 1987 and 1991 there were widespread riots in Meerut. To
crown them all was the drab Carnage which occurred in the year 2002. It looked a partition
again. These communal riots are the greatest blot on humanity they spread hatred andinsecurity. They lead to a great distruction of life and property. The normal lives of people
are disturbed which is a great loss to the country as well. For the well being of all our people
and the country, it is important that we respect other religions and live in peace and harmony.
Our leaders can be of great help in this field. They can inspire people to outlook the
differences between Hindus and Muslims. Social workers should extend their helping hands
in preparing an atmosphere of love, friendship and harmony. Disputes should be solved
peacefully. The media of mass communication should promote an atmosphere of natural
understanding by high highlighting the similarites in the culture of the two communities. The
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T.V., newspaper and the radio should not give any such news which may inflame communal
feelings. Instead the news should aim at restoration of peace which alone can save humanity.
BACKGROUND
Fifty-four years ago the UN Declaration of Human Rights came into force worldwide. This
time frame, give or take a few years also coincided with the birth of fledgling nation states
who emerged from centuries of colonial rule in Asia and Africa. Within these formulations,
many of which consciously, as a result of their individual nationalist struggles chose the
democratic option sworn to notions of egalitarianism, the realisation of individual human
rights ought to have been more and more assured. India is a classic example. Our
Constitution adopted just two years later after the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
adopted by the UN General Assembly on December 10, 1948, is an admirable sister
document, of the UN charter reflecting a seriousness and commitment to notions of equity
and justice in the context of a democratic and secular order. The opening declaration of the
UDHR compares so closely to the Preamble to the Indian constitution; the UDHR‟s Article 2
on non-discrimination on the basis of race, colour, sex, language, language, religion, religion,
political or other opinion etc. is ably reflected in our constitution‟s Article 15: “Prohibition of
discrimination on grounds of religion, race caste, sex or place of birth of any of them.”
Similarly the UDHR‟s Article 3 on “everyone has a right of life, liberty and security of
person” is reflected in Article 6 of the Indian Constitution: “Every human being has the
inherent right to life. The rights shall be protected by and under law. No one shall be
arbitrarily deprived of his life.”
The same comparisons can be found between Articles 7 and 18 of the UDHR that deal with
non-discrimination in protection before the law and freedom of religion, thought and
conscience and the Indian Constitution‟s Articles 14 and 25.
However like in the west, where inherent notions of white supremacy and dominance have
allowed racism to exist, or subsist, surface and even flourish within western democracies -
side by side with the laudable Bill of Rights and other fundamental freedoms -- inherent
inequities among the social and economic strata within the Indian nation state have seriously
hampered the deepening of democracy and through this process, the realisation of actual
individual human rights to citizens living under the Indian political dispensation.
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Poverty, or economic deprivation is undoubtedly the greatest obstacle in the attainment of
individual freedoms and genuine liberty. The tragic disparities that Indian society not merely
always did have, but appears to have enhanced over fifty years‟ of independent governance,
are clear pointers to this inescapable reality: that economic dignity and independence go a
long way towards exercising choices and living lives that are genuine manifestations of lived,
personal liberty.
However within economic disempowerment and inequity in opportunity remain a critical
source of denial of basic human rights, increasingly caste and community based disparities
and discriminations are the cause also, of not simply denials but serious breaches.
The denial, or rather violently snatching away of the rights of minorities (religious) to life,
protection from the law, access to employment, right or residence in any part of India have
been insidiously taking place in the country over the last two decades. This erosion has been
happening under the increasing social sway of and credence being given to the majoritarian
communal ideology of Hindutva — the ideal of a Hindu rashtra (as opposed to a democratic
and plural and democratic nation). The erosion has manifest itself through eating at the very
morale and ethic of democratic institutions like the law and order machinery -- the police, the
executive and even the judiciary. Increasingly incidences of partisan and biased ways of
functioning have been discerned and analysed. In fact, a singular fact of the political
functioning of the BJP and it‟s cadres when in power has been to infiltrate different segments
of the police, judiciary, media and education system with persons avowed to their rigid
ideology and worldview. This, therefore, poses the single most serious threat to Indian
democracy today.
Impact of Communalism
Communalism has divided our society for long. It causes belief in orthodox tenets and
principles, intolerance hatred of other religions and religious group, distortion of historical
facts and communal violence.
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HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
One cannot understand the phenomenon of communalism without understanding the very
nature of society. Society plays a very important role in the genesis of communalism. One
cannot divide the society unless it is divisible along certain fault lines. These fault lines get
further aggravated in certain conditions. These fault lines do exist in feudal societies but
don‟t play the politically divisive role they do in a colonial or capitalist society, which are
much more competitive. It is important to note that throughout history the Indian society was
never homogenous. It was highly diverse religiously, culturally, caste-wise and linguistically
but there was hardly any tension between these groups. The phenomenon began with the
establishment of British rule in India. Most scholars agree that communalism is a modern
phenomenon and not a medieval phenomenon. Why did the social cleavage get so aggravated
with the advent of British rule? The cleavage existed earlier but turned hostile in the British
colonial period. The explanation for this is quite complex as there are a host of reasons for
this. However, the following three reasons are quite predominant: the divisive policies of the
British; the competitive nature of colonial, political and social structure; and the
backwardness of colonial society with stunted economic growth. The British rule was shaken
by the war of independence in 1857 when Hindus and Muslims united to challenge British
hegemony. But as the British found out they were easy to divide. The fault lines were
sharpening and communal consciousness was emerging among the Hindu and Muslim elite.
It should be noted that communalism is basically an upper class elite phenomenon. The
Hindu elite welcomed the British rule as a “liberative” one and began to aspire for higher
administrative jobs. The Muslim elite — mostly feudal — on the other hand, considered the
British rule an unmitigated disaster as they lost power but and suffered the most during the
retaliatory action by the British after the 1857 uprising. They developed an aversion of sorts
to the British rulers and were quite reluctant to take to modern education introduced by them.Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, a great thinker and educationist urged the Muslim elite to opt for
modern education to better their future. Hence, the Hindu and Muslim elite began to compete
for British jobs and political favour. This widened the cleavage between the two elite. The
British exploited this fully. The formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885 made the
British apprehensive of the rising aspirations of “Hindu nationalism” and as a result they
began to manipulate the Muslim feudal elite to play them against the Hindu elite. Thus the
colonial society sharpened communal consciousness and the British further fuelled separation
through political manoeuvres. The Hindu and Muslim masses remained aloof from these
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controversies and coexisted without hostilities — there was no competition for jobs or
political posts at their level. However, there was some trickle down effect. Communal
hostilities intensified with the passage of time. Controversies about sharing power arose
between the Hindu and Muslim elite. This included the constitutional arrangement for sharing
power. Communalism is not a product of religious hostilities. It is a result of political and
economic struggles for a share in power and resources between the educated elite. It is not a
subaltern phenomenon either as they are not involved in such struggles. Jinnah, a product of
Lincoln‟s Inn in London, represented the Muslim elite, not the Muslim masses. The orthodox
Ulema, on the other hand, were closer to the masses and represented their aspirations. No
wonder then that Jinnah and the Deobandi Ulema never saw eye to eye on political matters.
The latter were closer to the Indian National congress than to the Muslim League, which was
the party of the Muslim elite. They supported composite nationalism rather than Muslim
separatism. British society was essentially a colonial society and the masses had no say in
political matters, as there was no universal franchise. After independence universal franchise
was introduced and the masses began to participate in the political processes. For a few years
after independence the Congress was elected to power. Congress leaders like Nehru and
others enjoyed tremendous prestige and people of all castes and communities voted for it.
However, the political scenario began to change sharply at the end of sixties. The few general
elections had brought more political consciousness to the different castes and communities.
The various castes and communities began to develop heightened consciousness and began
demanding a greater share of power. Only the upper castes among the Hindus had all the
political or economic benefits so far. Increased participation in political processes made
minorities and lower caste people understand the importance of their vote and they began to
make increased demands, thus changing the dynamics of political change. This added a new
dimension to communalism, which we had inherited from the British period. Economic
change also added to the social strife. With land reforms, middle castes in various states
acquired more social clout and demanded a greater share in political power. The Reddys and
Cammas in Andhra Pradesh, Patels in Gujarat, Marathas in Maharashtra, Yadavs in Utter
Pradesh and Bihar etc. acquired much greater clout and were wooed by political parties.
During the early eighties Mrs Indira Gandhi realised the potential of these castes and sought
their support for electoral purposes. In some cases communalism provided an easier route to
power for these castes. Thus the Patels in Gujarat flocked around the BJP to claim a greater
share in power. Other backward castes also found it attractive to support communal outfits. A
sociological study of castes supporting the VHP will be quite an interesting phenomenon.
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Finding no place in established secular parties, most of the backward castes found ready
acceptance in outfits like the VHP. And to be in the VHP, one has to compete with others in
displaying communalism. The communal rhetoric helped them doubly: they rose in the
esteem of the upper caste Hindus and it also ensured that they quickly rose in the political
power hierarchy. The BJP which earlier had a narrow upper caste base found it extremely
difficult to win parliamentary seats. It felt the necessity to widen its base. Initially it opposed
the implementation of the Mandal Commission in 1990. But soon it realised its political
potential and began to woo the OBCs (Other Backward Classes) to its fold. For these OBCs it
was not easy to rise through the higher ranks of the political hierarchy. They thus flocked to
the VHP, which was a militant Hindu organisation. The extreme communal rhetoric made
them more acceptable to the Hindu nationalist organisation. The extremist rhetoric ensured a
quick rise of OBC leaders like Kalyan Singh (who rose to become the chief minister of UP),
Uma Bharti, Sadhvi Rithambara, Acharya Dharmendra Acharya Giriraj Kishor, Pravin
Togadia and others. Ramjanambhoomi became the peg to hang their political aspirations on.
It was confrontationist politics all along for them. More extreme the rhetoric, the quicker the
rise. The Shiv Sena too attracted those castes which were below the Mahars in the
Maharashtran caste hierarchy. The Mahars had already acquired political clout due to
Ambedkar‟s struggles but those below the Mahars had no such clout. In a bid to expand its
own political base, the Shiv Sena gave them political importance and attracted them. Muslim
politics also underwent similar change. In pre-partition days Muslim politics was the
monopoly of upper class Muslims known as ashraf. Most of the ashraf from minority areas
like Utter Predesh. and Bihar migrated to Pakistan leaving behind the low caste and poor
Muslims known as ajlaf. Most of these Muslims were artisans and belonged to lower
professions. These Muslims acquired economic clout in post-independence India. They began
to rise in the class hierarchy and began to aspire, like the OBCs among the Hindus, for more
political power. This drove a section of them to religious and fundamentalist rhetoric. Some
of them acquired confrontationist postures during the Shah Bano movement. The Babri
Masjid issue also has to be seen in this light. The confrontationist postures from both sides
sharpened communal consciousness and communal violence became more intense and
widespread during the eighties and early nineties. Indian society will continue to experience
such violent caste and communal eruptions as long as it does not find political and economic
equilibrium in terms of castes and communities. The rise of OBCs on the one hand, and the
impact of globalisation on Indian economy on the other, will continue to cause occasional
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eruptions of violence in Indian society for quite some time. Caste and communal polarisation
will haunt us as long as we are unable to create a more egalitarian society.
Constitution of India and Communalism
Gandhism could not play a creative role after Independence either in field of social justice or
in the field of religion. Its real spirit died with Gandhi himself. Nevertheless, the
Constitution of India adopted for this kind of secularism which comes out from Article 25 to
30 providing for freedom of religion and protection of cultural and educational rights of
minorities, as well as some other Articles.
First, it guarantees freedom of religion to individuals as well as to religious groups. Second,
it guarantees equality of citizenship that is no discrimination on grounds of religion (Article
15.1), equality of opportunity in public employment (Article 16.1.2), no discrimination in
educational institutions (Article 29.2) and no communal electorate (Article 325), although
there is a special provision for reservation of seats for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes
(Article 330) 1 and 332). Third, it provides for separation of State and religion, that is, no
special taxes for promotion of religion (Article 27) and no religious instructions in State
educational institution (Article 28). The provisions in these articles make clear that the
intention of the Constitution is neither to oppose religion nor to promote a rationalization of
culture, but merely to maintain the neutrality and impartiality of the State in matters of
religion.
Legal Provisions
The existing legal provisions, both preventive and punitive are adequate enough to prevent
and suppress communal riots.
Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973
Section 151: Under this Section, a police officer is empowered to arrest, without a warrant, a
person designing to commit a cognizable offence.
Section 144: The Section deals with cases urgent in their character, of either nuisance or
apprehends danger. An order under this section can be passed only by an Executive
Magistrate and Commissioner of Police; the order may be directed to a particular individual
or to persons residing in a particular area, or to the public generally when frequenting or
visiting a particular place or area.
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Section 145: An Executive Magistrate, on receipt of police report can take action under this
Section whenever disputes between parties regarding possession of land or right of its use as
an casement or otherwise threatens to develop into riots.
Likewise, there are other laws to prevent riots like Section 129, Section 130, Section 131,
Section 132 and Section 106.
Curfew order is imposed by an Executive Magistrate and Commissioner of Pohce under
Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure to prevent stabbing, looting and arson
particularly when a more stringent application of Section 144 becomes a necessity. In quite a
larger number of cases, the spread of communal riot could be averted by prompt imposition
of curfew and its effective enforcement. Violation of curfew order is a cognizable offence
and punishable under Section 188 I.PC.
IPC Section 295 to 298 deals with offences relating to religion.
Section 141 IPC defines unlawful assembly; Section 142 defines who is a member of
unlawful assembly; Sections 143, 145, 146, 147, 148 and 149 I.P.C. lay down punishments
for being members of an unlawful assembly, riot etc., and constructive liability of each
member of an unlawful assembly for acts done by others.
Section 153 — A (c) I.P.C. and widening of its scope by Criminal and Election (Amendment)
Act of 1969 has given a powerful instrument to those District Magistrates and
Superintendents of Police who are really alert in preventing communal riots.
EFFECT OF COMMUNALISM
After the call-off, the Non-Co-operation Movement was the growth of communal tension and
the occurrence of communal riots. The tabligh movement was started by Muslim
communalists to promote conversion to Islam. The Shuddhi movement was started by Hindu
communalists to reconvert to Hinduism, persons who had been converted to other religions.
The communal parties were not concerned with the freedom of the country but wanted to get
concessions for the upper classes of their communities. Muslim League which cut itself off
from the Congress in the 1920s and started pursuing its communal demands. The Hindu
Mahasabha which had been formed in 1915, demanded special privileges for Hindus in
provinces where they were in a minority. The communal tendencies hampered the nationalist
movement. They did not concern themselves with questions affecting the common people-
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poverty, social reform and equality. They were concerned only with the rights and privileges
of the upper classes of their community. Many communal riots occurred in various parts of
the country as a result of the activities of communal organizations.
Communal Violence
Of late, communal violence in India has assumed alarming proportions. Hardly I a year
passes without a communal incident in one part of the country or the other. It dislocates
social and economic life. It leaves behind atrail of bitterness and terrible memories. It
weakens the task of national consolidation. Unless systematic, vigorous and effective
measures are initiated to contain the growing communalism, it does not appear probable that
our society can usher in an era of enlightenment, social cohesion and economic well-being.
Growing feeling of communalism is a by-product of development of nationalism. The British
were seen as outsiders, enemies of the nation. While mobilising the people to fight the British
and to drive them out of the country, inspiration was drawn from j the acts of bravery of
heroes like Sivaji and Rana Pratap, who in their own way, fought with the Mughals. The
Mughals were then seen as representing the forces inimical to the nation. They were seen as
desperadoes who inflicted humiliation on the native Hindus.
The memories of the destruction of Hindu shrines by Mehmood Ghazanavi and Md. Ghauri
as well as imposition of Jizia by Aurangzeb on the Hindus were revived to put the Muslim
community in the dock. Past was called in to aid chauvinists to fix the guilt on the
contemporary Muslims for the supposed deeds of their ancestors. Thus were sown the seeds
of Hindu militancy in the late 19th and the early 20th century. Although the Hindus and the
Muslims have co-existed in this sub-continent for more than a thousand years, the social
interaction between them has not progressed beyond formal relationships in agriculture, trade
and industry. Closer intimacies between-the people belonging to these communities are
barred by a long tradition going back to the period of earliest contact between them. There
are historical precedents of Mughals marrying Rajput princesses; such occurrence appears to
have been a very limited exception to the rule and was more for diplomatic reasons rather
than for bringing the two communities socially closer. Inspite of the irreconcilable
differences between the ways of life of the two communities, incidents of communal clashes
between the two communities prior to the present century are hardly noticed. The layout of
different localities and houses in traditional villages and townships prevented closer
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interaction between the two communities and there was tacit acceptance of the basic
differences between their social mores which made for permanent non-interference in each
others' affairs. The beginning of communal strife can be traced in the crisis of identity faced
by the two major communities in the wake of political dominance of the British and the
increasing westernisation following industrialisation of Indian cities.
Worthlessness of the present and hopelessness of the future mingled with a nostalgia for the
glorious past (of the golden Hindu age or the days of the Moghal empire) stir them to activity
and rouse them sufficiently to perform the acts of heroism by way of stabbing or lynching
hapless victims of the other community. Any opportunity that comes their way is readily
seized by them. But for such opportunities, their valour might have gone unnoticed and their
heroism unsung. They would not make any attempt whatsoever to throw water over the
communal fire; they will rather pour oil of malicious slogans to stir up the flame.
Communal flare up has a few manifest causes and many underlying latent causes. Men's
behaviour is the result not so much of conscious motives at play, but a very great deal of it is
due to machinations of the unconscious. The same explanation applies to group behaviour or
the behaviour of an incendiary crowd. Act of aggression or violence is the language of the
unconscious. Unless unconscious motive is understood and explored, we cannot make head
or tail of communal conflagration.
Communal hatred, of which violence is extreme manifestation, is rooted deep in the
unconscious of the people of Indian sub-continent. That people are born unequal in different
castes or religious denominations is almost an unshakable belief in the minds of the H'ndus.
This belief has almost fatalistic overtones. It is a product of social determinism. The
legislation on removal of untouchability, adult suffrage and reservations has made little
impact on the illiterate and the uneducated. They know that to hear something is different
from personally experiencing the same.
Whereas stratification in terms of Brahmin, Bania and Sudra are indicative of caste
affiliation, the distinction between the Hindu and the Muslim indicates a supra-caste system,
a more irreconcilable difference than is denoted by the different castes. There appears to be
no meeting ground between them socially. The Hindus and the Muslims look at one another
with a sense of mystery and at times with pathological suspicion as if they do not belong to
the same species of Homosapiens, but to different species. There is a deadlock of communication between them. Industrial society has brought the.two together in factories, in
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trade, in office and in living quarters. They have mostly formal relations among themselves.
Intimacies leading to marriage ties are not "the done" thing; these are singular exceptions.
The prejudices contracted in the past have not lost any intensity with the'lapse of time. They
have rather fed on fresh developments like the partition of the country, popular elections and
cutthroat competition in the scarce job market. It is a point for consideration whether persons
with known criminal records perpetrate communal violence or the non-criminals join the fray
under provocation. It has been the experience of the investigators of communal violence that
the overwhelming majority participating in communal "violence is that of non-criminals.
Crime is singularly secular in nature and flourishes with equal felicity among all religious
denominations and communities. It is experienced that even mild mannered persons, who
would not kill a fly, can be roused to communal frenzy under sufficient provocation.
This fact demonstrates how strong is the hold of symbols of religion - temples, mosques,
scriptures, idols - on the psyche of the people. This hold is stronger than the hold of living
fathers and mothers. If you ignore these symbols, you cut yourself from all bonds with the
community. Once this happens, no matter what is your rank or status in the society, you cease
to belong to the in-group of the society. You are as good as social outcast.
There appears to be a close relationship between industrialisation and communal violence in
India. Insecure people, where insecurity is due to emotional, cultural or economic factors,
tend to have predispo-sition to uninhibited communal frenzy and irrepressible inclination for
violence and destruction. Factory workers are living a precarious existence in industrial cities.
They no longer have the emotional sustenance and social security they used to get in their
village homes by engaging themselves in traditional professions.
They are always apprehensive of being cheated by city dwellers - a Baniya or a trade union
leader. The farther away they are from their moorings, from their ego-ideals, stronger
attachment they feel towards them (resurgence of Hindutva sentiments in the American and
the British Hindus is an apt illustration). They glorify everything that belongs to the past. The
slightest disrespect shown to their religion or culture or language wounds their self-esteem.
They are enraged. They want to wreak vengeance. This vengeance assumes the outburst of
communal violence. Driven to improvised labour colonies/slums by sheer economic
compulsion, the wage earners coming from different villages, communities and religions
have no strong social bond. They feel that they cannot relate to one another meaningfully.
This inability makes them feel repressed and uncomfortable. The loss is felt all the more
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keenly as they have left out a much fuller social life back home. A communal conflict
provides them with an opportunity to identify themselves with one of the contending parties.
The membership of the Hindu or the Muslim community at such a time caters to their self-
esteem. They distinguish themselves as an in-group of the communities by destroying their
opponents, damaging their property and inflicting defeat on the enemy.
The problem of communalism at the present stage of societal development in India is almost
intractable. This is as difficult as eradication of prejudices from the human mind. It is easier
to part with money or comfort, but it is much more difficult to part with one's pet prejudices.
These prejudices have resided in human mind for centuries; framework of years or even
decades appears to be too short for ridding the human psyche of prejudices particularly those
relating to colour, religion and language. But this realisation should not act as a deterrent in
coming to grips with the problem and chalking out a purposeful plan of action to contain it
and ultimately to solve the problem. The task of curing India of communal virus is no less
difficult than transforming her from a semi-feudal superstition-ridden society into a modern
enlightened society. The hold of the past on our people has to be loosened by developing in
them futuristic orientation. People of various communities and religious persuasions joined
together in the common endeavour to overcome their present disabilities and to attain a
prosperous future would have little time and inclination for petty squabbles andrecriminations.
They will labour together in fields, factories and laboratories to increase the food production,
consumer goods and sophisticated devices and gadgets to improve the quality of life.
Economic linkages between people of different communities will provide an antidote to
communal virus and heal the wounds of the past. The educational institutions, particularly the
universities, can play a pivotal role in enhancing awareness about the anthropological and
sociological findings that confirm the equality of races and communities.
While elimination of communal feelings requires multi-pronged strategy involving
educational, social and political measures, prevention of communal conflagration requires
alertness and immediate response from the law and order administration. The District
Administration should regularly update itself about the various developments likely to cause
communal ruckus.
It can initiate preventive detention of mischievous elements from the concerned communitiesand can thus reduce the chances of a communal conflagration. The local magistrates should
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keep themselves updated with the happenings in religious congregations and should be on the
lookout for any serious portents of communal trouble. Timely information can ensure
preparedness of the administration for unpleasant situations as it will not be caught napping.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF COMMUNAL VIOLENCE
Most communal riots prior to 1947 were rooted in the „divide and rule‟ policy of the British
colonial rule. But after the partition of the country, sections of the Indian elite from both the
communities are also to be blamed for the problem. Communal violence in independent India
has been caused by many factors. Some general factors are : First the class divisions of our
society and the backwardness of our economy has resulted in uneven development of the
economy. It is the upper classes of the less-developed communities that have enjoyed the
fruits of limited growth and hence it is they who have also enjoyed political power. Over a
period of time some sections among this elite developed a sense of rivalry vis-à-vis their
counterparts in other communities. In order to draw support from the masses of their own
community, these leaders have often encouraged communal feelings to strengthen their
political support. Thus, the traditional beliefs of the society are perpetuated to the advantage
of the elites. When they, many among common people, feel insecure because of some
adverse circumstances, they often tend to rely on religion, which make them vulnerable to
political manipulation to inflame communal passions, some times leading to violence.
Communal violence also increases because communal parties carry on religious propaganda
in an offensive manner, thereby creating ill-will among the members of the various
communities. The political parties in India which adopt a communal attitude should be
blamed for encouraging communal feelings which often cause communal violence. Apart
from these general factors, some specific local causes also account for communal violence in
India. First, because the power of smugglers and criminal gangs, local rivalries between
traders of different communities often leads to such violence. Large cities are also prone to
periodic communal riots because of the power of smugglers and criminal gangs. The
communal violence after the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1993 is an example. Secondly,
communal riots occur in towns which have a history of communal riots. Aligarh and
Hydrabad, among other cities, suffer from this trend. Presence of a large proportion of
religious minorities increases political rivalry between the upper strata of both these
communities who often appeal to their communal identity to gain support. Whatever may be
the cause of communal violence, whenever it occurs, it immediately attracts attention of the
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nation. In our society class identities still remain submerged under caste and communal
identities. With economic problems becoming important, the ruling elite of our country
manages to convert economic problems like poverty unemployment, price rise etc. into caste
and communal ones. People should be careful not to be influenced by such tactics. Economic
problems of the people, like-poverty and unemployment must be resolved in the country
before the problem of communal violence can be totally eliminated.
PRESENT SCENARIO
How Secular Is India Today?
There is always a big gap between theory and practice, theology and history. Indian
constitution, no doubt, is one of the best in the world. It is truly secular in spirit so much so it
was secular even when word secular was not added to it until 1975 i.e. during emergency. If
it were truly implemented India would be an ideal country to live in especially for minorities,
both religious as well as linguistic. However, as we all know there is big gap between theory
and practice, constitution and governance of the country. India was far more peaceful after
independence for number of reasons. Firstly, nationalist leaders who had participated in
freedom struggle and were instrumental in framing the Constitution were still around and
despite various pressures, stuck to ideals and values to a great extent.
Secondly, due to idealism and nearness to spirit of freedom nation as a category and national
identity was of great importance and often caste, linguistic and religious divisions mattered
less. Thirdly, the process of economic development had just begun and yet people‟s demand
for share in development on caste and communal lines was not very articulate and loud.
Because of all this identity politics was still subdued and Marathi versus non-Marathi, Tamil
versus non-Tamil sentiments were not so prominent. Hindu versus Muslims feelings were not
so subdued due to memory of partition but due to other factors communal violence was still
limited and had not assumed proportions of ethnic cleansing or genocide like in Gujarat in
2002. It all began with series of communal riots in sixties assuming great proportions in
Ahmedabad in 1969 and Bhivandi in 1970. In Ahmedabad nearly 1000 people were killed in
Ahmedabad in 1969 and around 400 people in Bhivandi. But then communal violence
remained in check until 1977 when again some major riots took place in several places like
Jamshedpur, Aligarh and Varanasi etc. Again whole of decade of eighties was full of
communal violence climaxing in Mumbai riots in 1992-93. The Ramjanam bhoomi
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movement once again polarized as on the eve of partition. Again there was lull in communal
disturbances from 1992-93 to 2002 when Gujarat took place in 2002. Gujarat riots once again
made communal situation quite fragile and weakened secular ethos in the country. Now the
identity politics soared quite high and national ethos considerably weakened. Today everyone
prioritize once caste, communal and religious identity over national one. National rhetoric, as
if, has almost disappeared and even Hindutva forces talk more of Hindu religion than of
patriotism or nation. For them too Indian nationalism has been replaced by Hindu
nationalism. For Shiv Sena of course Maharashtra was always more important than the
Rashtra (nation) and those Hindus too who spoke Hindi the Rashtrabhasha (national
language) came under attack. Several Hindus from U.P. and Bihar were mauled by Marathi
speaking zealots belonging to Maharashtra Navniram Sena (MNS), a splinter group from
Shiv Sena. Now recently Christians who were never targeted before by the Hindutva zealots
have also come under attack. Christians, a mere 2.2 percent minority and which has
contributed so richly to the country in the field of education and health services are being
killed ruthlessly. What is going on in Kandhmal district of Orissa and some adjoining
districts, is indeed hair raising. More than 40 Christians have been killed, a nun mass raped, a
woman burnt beyond recognition, more than 400 houses burnt and looted and 35 thousand
have fled from their villages to relief camps. And what for? A myth has been spread by the
powerful machinery of Sangh Parivar that all Christians convert. Remember RSS propaganda
“All Muslims are not terrorists but all terrorists are Muslims”?
Orissa is another Gujarat both in brutalities and terrorization of minorities. When Christians
and Muslims are being so brutally targeted the RSS Chief Sudarshan says that both Muslims
and Christians convert and Muslims want every one to become Muslim and Christians want
all to follow Christ and so Hindus must give fitting reply. And our rulers just look on. When
BJP was ruling over the country and whole country was communalized we were feeling
suffocated and felt liberated when UPA took over and the BJP led Government defeated at
the hustings. We celebrated UPA‟s victory specially because it was supported by the left
which is the only hope for Indian secularism. However, left has withdrawn its support on
nuclear issue and once again we are feeling suffocated in the communally surcharged state of
affairs in India. However, what is most worrisome is that it is happening under UPA
Government which is supposed to be a secular outfit. Perhaps today there is more suffocation
than even under the BJP-led NDA Government. The UPA has forgotten all its promises made
to the country and is betraying minorities and jettisoning its secular commitment. Prime
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Minister Manmohan Singh is more occupied with his pet nuclear pact with America than the
communal explosion back home. The communal forces are growing stronger and stronger
everyday and the ruling coalition of secular forces is quite indifferent. The Home Ministry is
functioning quite in a lackadaisical manner. It has given complete liberty to these forces and
they are riding roughshod over our secular values and constitutional forces. They never got
such license to function freely. The NDA Government liberally recruited RSS inclined
candidates in all key positions and they captured important academic positions too. Also,
RSS trained teachers and journalists also were recruited on large scale. It is because of this
that we find communally minded people in all walks of life. The media also has been
communalised as never before. Today be it communal riots or terrorist attacks most of the
newspapers and T.V. channels publish police version unabashedly as if it is ultimate truth. No
questions are raised and it appears as if investigative journalism has become story of the past.
Media plays most important role in strengthening democratic values and democracy cannot
survive without a critical and alert media. But it seems except for few papers and magazines
media has been completely communalised. Even a well-known Daily from south which was
known for its strong commitment to secularism appears to have developed, of late, subtle
communal slant. It is indeed very critical period for India. India is well known as largest
secular democracy in the world. But first Gujarat and now Orissa has dented its secular image
thanks to Hindutva forces. Manmohan Singh was faced with the most embarrassing situation
abroad and he had to admit that what is happening in Orissa is „shameful‟. But having
described developments in Orissa shameful what has he done to redeem it? He is quite
hesitant to ban Bajrang Dal and resisting demand of some of his own Congress party
colleagues to ban it saying we are watching and waiting for reports from Chief Minister of
Orissa. It is indeed more shameful than communal carnage in Orissa. Any truly secular
government would have dismissed Navin Patnaik Government for its complete inability to
control communal violence. So far I never believed that Indian communalism could take form
of fascism as many leftists had been saying all along. Today we see the footprints of fascism
in India. The situation is very similar to that of Germany in the thirties. The unemployed
hordes of lower middle classes have joined Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad in large
numbers and hailing Hindutva leaders. Some of the text books in Rajasthan and Gujarat, both
BJP ruled states are praising fascism and Hitler. Also, the Central Government is appeasing
these communal forces. It appears though the Government at the Centre is of secular UPA but
agenda is of Sangh Parivar. The police appears to be taking orders from Sangh Parivar rather
than from ruling Congress or UPA. Riot after riot be it in Orissa or Digras, Pusad or Dhule
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the police just looks on when mobs loot and burn even during curfew hours. It is indeed very
very worrisome situation. The UPA Government is assisting the Sangh Parivar in every way
possible. The police is riding absolutely roughshod over minorities and latest example is
Batla House „encounter‟. Though the print and electronic media abdicated its responsibility
the human rights groups raised questions and pricked holes in the police claim of encounter
of „dreaded terrorists. The situation is indeed very grave and unless secular forces unite and
play determined role things can get far more worse.
CONCLUSION
Communal ideology is a diversion attempting to prevent radical progressive movements. It
ties in conveniently with a post-nationalist phase where the middle-class does not wish to see
the widening of the social base providing access to power and resources. Communal ideology
is antithetical to liberal and radical thoughts and action. Where it sees thwarted it does not
hesitate to recruit the urban underclass or lumpens in an effort at criminalizing activities and
thereby holding society to ransom. India is a land of multiple faiths and religions leading
often to violence and hatred among the people. Those who fan this religious violence do not
consider religion as a moral order but use it as a means and weapon to pursue their political
ambitions. Communalism essentially leads to violence as it is based on mutual religious
hatred. This phenomenon leads to distinction between a communal organisation and a
religious organisation. Communalism essentially has following main features.
1) It is based on orthodoxy.
2) It is exclusive in out look, a communalist considers his own religion to be superior to
other religions.
3) It is based on intolerance.
4) It also propagates intense dislike of other religions.
5) It stands for elimination of other religions and its values.
6) It adopts extremist tactics including use of violence against other people.