Ferguson J.P.-masters of the Buddhist Occult-The Burmese Weikzas

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Con fr i buti o,u to A Hiln Sfudi ($ , V(ll. X V I Masters of the Buddhist Occult: The Burmese Weikzas 1 JOHN P. fERGUSON Slalt Uni" mity of N ew York , Cobl es kill, U. S.A. E. MI C HAEL MENDELSON Sc hool of Orienlal Sludi es, London, U. K. IN BURMA , as in much of So uth east Asi a, apparent reality is ultimately explained as me taph or, und erstandable at va ri ous levels depe ndin g up on on e's fascination with the unkn o wn . For those who seck the esoteric, Burm ese po pular religion has a whole metaph o ri ca l universe of the occult to explore. A hos t of Burm ese religious specia li sts exist to explain the hidd en mean· ings and c au sa ti ons be hind "realit y." Th e m os t abs tr act a nd lo ft y explana· ti ons are fo und in the Pa li sc riptur es of the Th er ava da Buddhi st ca non, with the monks the living teachers of the Buddha 's enlightened wi sdom, wh ic h is cons id ered the ultimate authorit y. Because the monks of Burm a, however, e xi st und er no unified ec cl esias ti cal h ie rarchy that could define orthodoxy, sects, splinter gro up s, and individual monks are quit e free to interpret the Buddh a's teachin gs with a la ti tude only limited by the tolerance of the la it y who s up port and reed them' Ov er the ce nturi es, Burmese Buddhism, even under the st ro ngest purif y- in g kin gs , has tolerated an am az ing degree of doc trin al variance, in corporating a num ber of Mah aya nist, San skrit, Hi na ya na , a nd Ta ntri c belief s. Rath er than exclude, Burm ese Buddhism abso rb s co mp eting id eas but gi ves them a Ther ava da inte rpr eta ti on, if possible, a nd it places co mp e ting no ti ons and sy mb ols into a hierarchy, with Pa li Th era vada beliefs cons id ered the highest insight s. Ove r the ce ntur ies this ab so rption process has pr es er ved a gr ea t many an- cient beliefs and sy m bols that a more ri gid religion would have re je cted . Thu s we ca n find in Burma today old Hindu gods transfo rmed into Buddhist higher nats or d evas, the ancient Hindu Mo un t Mcru -centered cosmology inhabited now by Bu dd hist be in gs. the Vedic lore of as tr ology and a lc hemy taught within a se mi-Buddhi st framework, ancient deities of pr e -Buddhi st tim es such as th e e arlh goddess. the se rpent o rlh e d ee p. or a nimi st n. a ture spirits all harn essed to glorify Buddhism, the Tantric and yogic austerities of the Tibe tan hermits adapted to Buddhist forest monk pr ac ti ces, the concept of the living, co mpa s- sionate Bodhisa tt as tran slated into sp ec ia l a rah als ...... ho del ay their extinc ti on in Nirv ana in order tu help the faithful tod ay. or even the most te rrif ying forms of whit e a nd black m ag ic still ta ught und er the umbr e ll a of popular Buddhism,' t...1.II":'. 1·.':1 .•. 1. H-I 1-. ·1:'· LlI.o1 I:

Transcript of Ferguson J.P.-masters of the Buddhist Occult-The Burmese Weikzas

Confributio,u to A Hiln Sfudi($ , V(ll. X V I

Masters of the Buddhist Occult: The Burmese Weikzas 1

JOHN P. fERGUSON Slalt Uni"mity of New York, Cobleskill, U. S.A.

E. MICHAEL MENDELSON School of Orienlal Sludies, London, U. K.

IN BURMA , as in much of Southeast Asia, apparent reality is ultimately explained as metaphor , understandable a t various levels depending upon one's fasci nation with the unknown . For those who seck the esoteric, Burmese popular religion has a whole metaphorical universe of the occult to explore.

A host o f Burmese religious specialists ex ist to explai n the hidden mean· ings a nd causations behind "reality." The most abstract and loft y expla na· tions are found in the Pa li scriptures of the Theravada Buddhist canon , with the monks the living teachers of the Buddha 's enlight ened wisdom , which is considered the ultimate authorit y. Because the monks of Burma, however , exist under no unified ecclesiastical h ierarchy that could define orthodoxy, sects, splinter groups, a nd individual monks are quite free to interpret the Buddha's teachings with a lati tude only limited by the tolera nce of the la ity who support and reed them '

Over the centuries , Burmese Buddhism , even under the strongest purify­ing kings , has tolerated a n a mazing degree of doctrinal variance , incorpora ting a number of M ahayanist , Sanskrit, Hi naya na , and T antric beliefs. Rather than exclude, Burmese Buddhism absorbs competin g ideas but gives them a T heravada interpretation , if possible, and it places competing notions and symbols into a hiera rchy, with Pa li Theravada beliefs considered the hi ghest insight s.

Over the centuries this absorptio n process has preserved a great many an­cient beliefs a nd sy mbols that a more ri gid religion would have rejected . Thus we can find in Burma today old Hindu gods tra nsformed into Buddhist higher nats or devas, the ancient Hindu M oun t Mcru -cente red cosmology inhabit ed now by Buddhist beings . the Vedic lo re of astrology a nd alchemy taught within a semi-Buddhist framework , ancient de ities o f pre-Buddhist times such as the earlh goddess . the serpent o rlhe deep. or animist n.a ture spirit s all harnessed to glorify Buddhism, the T antric a nd yogic austerities of the Tibetan hermits adapted to Buddhist forest monk practices, the concept of the living, compas­siona te Bodhisatt as transla ted into specia l a rahals ...... ho delay thei r extinction in Nirva na in orde r tu help the fa ithful today. or even the most terrifying form s of whit e and black magic still ta ught under the umbrella of popular Buddhism ,'

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Quite a t home in thi s ama lgam of belief is the master of the Burmese occult , the wtikw (wti 'w) .'

Man y in the West would rest rict the term wtiha to mythical beings who in popula r belief are the subject of much fa nciful literature and conve rsation but who do not exist in th is world apart from the enthusiastic imagin ations of the folk . In this paper we shall deal first with the idta of a weikza and then expla in how there are real individuals whom o thers bel ieve arc aClU alizations of the idea. The concept s th at center around the role of a weikza are very complex, a nd it is not easy to define such a being, sepa rating him from others with supra normal powers.

Basically a wcikza is conceived as a human who has acquired supranormal powers through mastery of alchemy, as trology, spells, signs, meditation, or other occult a rts . He is always male, and his knowledge is often acquired from a " master" in a strict teacher-pupil relationship. Sometimes, through a mysterious process, the spirit of another weikza inhabits him or "elects" him (h is own soul or spirit temporarily is sent elsewhere) . O nce a pe rson has ac­quired weikza knowledge, he can then postpone his soul's final ext inction for thousands of years, he ca.n leave his body and use another's, he can remain in­definit ely yout hful in appeara nce, he can cure and d ivine, he can speak man y to ngues, he ca n fl y in the air to foreign lands or travel th rough the earth to realms below, a nd , most importantly, he can comma nd and control a host of lesser gods and dangerous spirits that plague the human condi tion '

Before deal ing with the weikza's hi storical evolution or his links with nor· m ative Buddhism, we should point out that all his unusual powers are by no m eans unique to his role . In Burmese belief, unusual powers can theoretically be developed by many people. Since Theravada Buddhist thinkin g reserves the highest prestige ir. the entire cosmology for the huma n beings who best ex· emplify the teachings of the Buddha, who himself was entirely human , it fo llows logicall y that their gods, demons, spirits, wit ches, a nd so forth , no mat· te r wha t powers such be in gs possess, can all be outdone by the perfected hu man beings, the Buddhas, or by those holy monks who a re mos t like him in thought a nd deed . Huma ns ca n acquire unusual powers through medit ation , alchemy, astrology, charms and med ici nes, rec italion o f Buddhi st prayers over a rosary. or living a pure life and using it as a "vow Of lru lh" to accomplish the miraculous. O rthodox belief, however , always esc hews the use of an y such powers th at the less scrupu lous might be tempted to test. Humans may be a ided or harmed in miraculous ways by gods, spirit s, or other non-human be ings . In most cases, hov~'cve r, the acq uisit ion or miraculous powers is direct · ly proportional (0 one's progress in becomin g a good Buddhist. Miraculous po wer without Buddhism is believed to cause in sanity or death . Most Burmese who emba rk upon the quest for miraculous power consequentl y do so within the broad sanctions of Buddhism. Even a lay man seeking a charm to win at poker mu st observe some addit ional Buddhist precepts if he expects result s. A would-be weik za must exisl within the same framewo rk .

T o understand clearly the role of the weik za in Burma, one must deter­nline how the role lays daim 10 miraculous power that differs in any wa>r from

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powers attributed to others. Since the Buddhist monk is the society' s exemplar , we shall begin with distinguishing weikza powers from those attributed to monks .

The critical difference is found to center around the concept of rebirth . Even the best of monks-the arahal-can aspire only to fina l release from fur­ther rebirths in this human world of sensual auach_ment and eventual suffe r­ing. The personal '1 50 ul " of such a monk becomes extinct , according 10 tradi­tional thought , at his death, with his karmic forces producing no new attach­ment or debt s to this world . The arahat is free at last to enter the highe r heavens or Nirvana itself, never 10 return. For the average monk, a few or many more rebirths will be necessary . In other words, final release, even fo r monks will take a long time-a much longer time for the la it y, no matter how much Buddhist merit in this life they earn by generously supporting the religion . T he weikza , it would seem, seeks a shorter path to final release . In essence, he hopes to keep his soul or personal identity while his countrymen lose theirs at death . He hopes to ma nipulate his rebirths himsd£, t ~ king mat­ters out of the hands of ka rmic reckoning. Most importantl y, he hopes to schedule his rebirths or extend his present life so that he is here on earth at the same time the next Buddha arrives , popular belief asserting that all who hear the next Buddha preach will have the opportunity to attain Nirva na at once .6

At a gla nce it is obvious that such attempts to prolong individual identit y fly in the face of fundamental Theravada warnings that the self is an illusion and cannot survive death . Popular belief, however, has long included the no­tion of rewa rds in heavens or punishments after death as occurring to in­dividuals not impersonal bundles of karmic consequences . Nals, of course , seem to retain their personal identity over centuries, a nd some who are cricicaJ o f nat s doubt that many still exisl because they have passed on to another birth (Mendelson 1963a: 98-105) . Furthermore, popula r Buddhism has elaborated belief in cert ain arahals, such as Shin Thiwali (sec Figure I), Uppagou, or Kassapa, who have earned but not accepted Nirvana a nd thus remain as guardians or supporters of the religion to whom the people can turn for help (Ferguson 1977 b) . Weikzas can and do borrow a similar role for themselves as guardi ans a nd helpers of the religion , thereby giving an altruistic purpose to what otherwise might be secn as an egotistic quest. Weikzas in the sky are said to be able to transmit promptin gs and messages to the faithful on earth-all for the ostensible purpose of promoting the religion . T he weikza consequently cla ims a cont rol over rebirth that gives him powers only anributed to a handful of monks in all of history. T he Mahayanist Bodhisatta aspect of his claimed powers is quite evident. 7

O ther weikza powers, such as fl yi ng. curing, and providing protection from evil spirits, may be amibuted to non-a ra hat monks by their ardent followers, despite the fact that Ihe Buddha prohibit ed monks themselves from claiming such talents . T he more charismatic and saintly the monk. the more his fo llowers anributc miraculous abililies to him. Stories of his magical fl ying will be told ; he will be expected to dispense cha rms of all kinds: a nd he will be asked to a id the people in ridd in!( their environment of evil fo rces . Pa rticul arly

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common targets of such intense popular expectations arc solitary forest monks, meditating monks, and those skilled in alchemy, astrology, andlor folk medicine . Despite the injunctions of the Vinaya, many monks ca tcr to such needs of the people. The main difference between the monk and the weikza in these areas is that whereas a monk must be modest, dignified, and somew hat discreet in using what powers he has, the weikza can proudly claim to have all such powers and quite openly publicize them to the world. The monk must re­main within the range of tolerated behavior for members of the order. whereas the weikza is more like the independent being who charts his own course, no matter how eccentric and flamboyant it may become . 8

Most importantly, the weikza can orchestrate his bid for followers in a pragmatic way that allows him much more freedom than is available to a monastery-bound monk who is required to observe the demanding rules of the Vinaya . What is compulsory abstinence for the monk is voluntary for the weikza . A weikza can have a ,,,,ife but renounce sex, or he can keep as many Buddhist precepts as lit his life style; he can travel where he wishes, eat when and what he pleases, or handle money as he wishes . The monk has to live a much more constricted life stylc, making it morc dimcult to attract and nurture a following. In mher words, the monk exists within a monastic framework that is 2,500 years old, whereas the weikza is, significantly, quite free of such tradi­tions and can taifor his life style, his symbolic paraphernalia, and the construc­tion of his cult centers to lit the expectations of his clientele . The weikza, then, is ultimately a layman who lays claim to the miraculous powers of an arahat but who can be eeclectic in how many of the monk's rules he observes . There is also a tendency for the weikza of today to make a conspicuous virtue of austerities normally taken for granted when practiced by monks'

If we compare the weikza's role and reputed powers with other Burmese religious practitioners, wc lind that basically he claims superior ranking in the hierarchy of such roles and has reputed powers that supersede or equal those of his rivals. The practitioner most often thought of as mosl simi lar 10 a wcikza is the zawgyi (zo :gyi) ; long known to the Burmese public as a dramatic personage in theater presentations (pwts) or in puppet shows. Believed to be a Burmese version of the Indian yogi , the zawgyi is generall y conceived as a red-robed master of occult practices, particularly alchemy and charms, who uses his powers for non-Buddhist ends, such as obtaining women . Conventionally the zawgyi is portrayed as respecting the Buddha, although it is not clear what he does specilicall y to promote the fait.h. The zawgyi is rrequently a scape-goat for anti-yogic sentiment . A popular ligure in literature, dance and theater, iconography, and popular talcs, the zawgyi does not seem to be a role seriously assumed by any living Burmese religious prat"titioncrs (see Figures 1 and 2) . In any casc, whalever a zawgyi can be said to do, a weikza can be said 10 do better, although skeptical monks may dismiss both as fata lly fascinated by the female . 10

Much more evident in Burma arc the hermits, whose history closely parallels that of the monks . Dressed in robes that range from brown to dark

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red, holding beads, bowl, and cane , sometimes beating a brass triangular gong, they are sccn both at popular religious pilgrimage centers and in lonely forest or mounlain retreats . I! They arc virtually an unstudied aspect of Burmese religion, either by the Burmese themselves or by outside scholars. Ofren found near forest monasteries, their solitary existence in nature makes them seem rather special and esmcric, with many people attributing 10 rheIn special powers in alchemy, astrology, medicines , Of, particularly Vedic magic (see Figures), 2, 3, and 4). Most keep eight to ten of the Buddhist precepts and often provide menial services to monks and nuns, some working actively as mediums for various weikzas . Hermits are particularly evident at the more esoteric weikza and monasric centers, seemingly attracted to the realms where the miraculous is believed most likely to occur. They seem 10 serve rather than compete with weikzas, but our knowledge of their role is admittedly most in­complete.

Much more competitive with weikzas and beller known 10 all observers of Burma are the various lay soyos (masters of various arts) that exist all over Bur­ma. Usually a saya (hso.yo) will become an expert in onc field , such as tradi­tional med icine or astrology, but a few master a combination of skills , thereby increasing their access to miraculous powers . I '2 As curers , diviners, and exorcists, they play vital roles in helping the Burmese people deal with their problems. Depending upon the degree of their successes, their fame will be restricted (0 a village or ca n spread over a wide area that includes many ardent followers . The more successful ones may make a bid for weikza status. Most, however, remain well within the range of traditional semi-Buddhist practices, keeping their rituals close to accepted Theravada expectations. Since they do claim the powers to control nats and lesser spirits, they depend upon respect for such expertise 10 accomplish much of their work, particularly in exorcising, although they traditionally defer to monks in difficult cases. The sayas thus are the most serious rivals to the weikzas, particularly since they work more com­fortably within the established Buddhist framework , and their claims to power are basically morc modest. In many ways, the weikza can be conceived as a master saya.

This brief review of the weikza' s rival religious practitioners is intended to illu strate the rather ambitious claims he makes for his powers and his place in the Buddhist world . The weikza has become associated, particularly in modern times, with more than religious mallers . He also has been linked with various prophecies and traditions thal relate to popular belief in the fUlure king or world emperor. I)

Even though the last king of the Konbaung dynasty was dethroned by the British in 1885 , many Burmese yearn for the restitution of the old ways. The dynasty itself was founded by Alaungpaya, who was catapulted 10 power on the belief of people in his native village that he was indeed the legendary strong man of Buddhist virtue who would lead the country 10 greatness . When the throne was his, he became known by a name that means" a being who will become a Buddha." Alaungpaya, in a sense, set the theme for the dynasty,

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which was to be a fascination with the ancient dream of the world emperor who himself would also become the future Buddha. Alaungpaya chose as the leader of the Sangha a monk named Atula , who evidently was not adverse to giving the cuslOmary Buddhist sanction to such royal ambition."

h is quite possible that the origins of the modern beliefs in the weikzas arc to be found in the complex events that surround Alaungpaya and his leading monk Atula . That possibility is suggested by some very interesting details on the life of Bo Bo Aung given by a Burmese informant at Pagan . Bo So Aung (see figures I, 5, and 6), perhaps the most famous of all the modern weikzas, was said to have gone to school with two companions, U Wain, who later became King Bodawpaya, and another schoolmate who became the Taungpila Say~aw, popularly associated with teaching qin (qin:) practices (the powers of lelters and numbers) . While the story is strangely silent on the role of the sayadaw, it relates how the king tries later 10 kill his old friend Bo Bo Aung when the latter becomes a powerful weikza . This same king, who was the son of Alaungpaya, disrobed and banished his father 's monk, Atula, who traced his monastic pupil-teacher lineage back to the Taungpila tradition at Sagaing. Furthermore Bo Bo Aung is said to have been a monk at Sagaing when he first discovered some powerful qin on a palmleaf manuscript. What these details suggest is that the Bo Bo Aung tradition evolves out of a matrix at Sagaing, the traditional base of meditating forest monks and hermits, that could be related to King Bodawpaya 's futile but dramatic bid to force the monkhood to recognize him as both the world emperor and the future Buddha. Because the monkhood refused to sanction Bodawpaya's bid to fuse the emperor and Bud­dha roles inlO his person, the king carried out a purge of the monkhood , in­duding the disrobing of Atula."

When Bagyidaw, the son of Bodawpaya, became king in 1819, he tried to pacify the badly splintered monkhood, even going so far as to appoint a Ihalhanabaing (head of the Sangha) for the forest monks, who traditionally have considered Sagaing as their stronghold (Pannasami 1861 : 144). While Bagyidaw may have done much to unify the monkhood, he had to watch the loss of much of his country 10 the British by 1826, and popular hope began to center on Bagyidaw's son, who was known as the Setkya (Sa .ca) prince . Perhaps the Setkya would swoop out of Upper Burma and rout the enemy as AJaungpaya had done a few years before. All such hopes were dashed when Bagyidaw was overthrown by his brother Tharrawaddy, and the young Setkya prince was done away with by his uncle, using the velver sack into the river method so favored by Burmese royalty . The populace thus lost their savior

• prince . Tales soon developed, however , that the Setkya prince had not been

drowned but had been rescued miraculously by Bo Bo Aung himself. Bo Bo Aung had developed his weikza powers, left the monastery at Sagaing, put on the white clothes of a layman who keeps more than the usual Buddhist precepts , and had mastered the use of magic signs and letters (qin :) to obtain weikzahood . Using his weikza powers. Bo Bo Aung spirited the Setkya prince

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to the heaven where the future kings are said to bide their time before coming down to earth. The stage was thus set in popular belief for a host of future con­tenders for the title as Burma lost its independence to a colonial power . Just as the deadly use of royal power had created a host of nats in the history of Bur­ma, King Tharrawaddy's palace purge created a new focus of national belief-the faith in the Setkya prince who would soon come, with the aid of a weikza, to deliver Burma into freedom and prosperity, perhaps soon to be followed by the coming of the future Buddha as well (see Figures I and 2) . Some people, in their impatience, even fused the emperor-Buddha roles so that the Setkya prince was seen as the being who himself was also the future Bud­dha (Mcndclson 1961a; 196Ib). To accomplish all of this, the weikzas would use their magic powers, and in popular lithographic prints , Bo Bo Aung is seen crowning the future king .

Biller national events followed the loss of the Setkya prince in 1837 , culminating in the humiliating deposition of King Thibaw in 1885 and the long struggle for independence thereafter. During this cen.ury of s.ruggle, .he Burmese people retained their faith in .he coming king and .he future Buddha . Such faith was an e1abora.ion upon Pali orthodox Buddhism to fit the needs of wretched times. Some monks, as has been \\!ell documen{cd, joined the populace in belief in the messianic saviors (Mendelson 1975: 173-179). bu. enough of the monkhood held to "orthodox" opinions so tha. the elabora.ion of a new quasi- Buddhist weikza-emperor-future Buddha cult had to take place at the periphery of normative Buddhism, Such developments occurred among the fringe members of the Sangha, those who delved into forest austerities and occult practices (alchemy, astrolob'Y , elc .) or who sought a quick rou.e.o Nir­vana through meditation . Joining such monks were the hermits and sayas of various sorts . Groups of lay people (gaings or gain:) eagerly followed monks or lay masters who claimed varying supranormal powers, most cenrcred around faith in the ",eikzas, such as Bo Bo Aung, who would reSlore .he royal tradi· tions and bring about Buddhi st paradise on earlh . 16

It would seem that the weikza cult s that exist IOday represent a relari\'eiy modern development since the nineteenth century! (Q which have been added a number of ancien! c1ements from the available patterns in the legacy of popular Burmese religion (see Figure 7) . Nationalistic and messianic needs were answered by weikza cult s. and Burmese gaing leaders were quick to develop a histol)' that validated their needs . Monastic and lay chronicles were combed for weikza-like personages. Esoteric works wefe likewise searched, as were oral sayings and predictions . Out of the process ca me weikza "histories" which serve as charters for the believers .

We offer this as a working hypothesis on the origi ns of weikza beliefs, fullv aware that in the ruture. evidence may be brought forward that makes our positio n untcnablt: _ The most likely sourct" or such cou nter ev idence would be addit ional knowledge about the Ari forest monks of Pagan fame, who existed for centuries after the fall of Pagan ." Infamous in Buddhist chronicles for dab­bling with the occult, the Ari were accused or preserving many noo-Thcravada

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practices . They apparently fostered belief in the arahat Kassapa, who declined Nirvana to help the religion umil the next Buddha comes, at which time he will give his robe (actually the COIama Buddha's robe) to the Ariya Maitreya . Such notions are closely allied 10 the conception of the dead but living Bo Bo Aung. If the Ari did indeed represent the Mahayanist, Tantric, and Sanskrit aspeclS of Buddhism, they did so as monks. What seems to us the critical issue is that the weikza is a layman . Followers may claim a monk 10 be a weikza, but a weikza himself never claims 10 be a monk . In the brief hislOrical review that follows, the claimed predecessors of the weikzas, it will be noted, are all monks, not lay persons . Modern weikzas, like Bo Bo Aung, tend to leave the monkhood to achieve their goals. This assumption by the laity of prerogatives once exclusive to monks we see as pan of a general paltern involving educa· tion, meditation, and abortive attempts of government to control the monkhood (Mendelson 1975).

Most weikza hislOries recognize that non-Buddhist hermits ofJataka fame preceded Gotama and that these hermits possessed magic powers . Such her­mits are not considered weikzas, presumably because they are not Buddhists . Most weikza histories begin with Ottamasiri (Qou'ta.ma.thi yi), a monk from Prome who was shown a copper plate from a cave in which the hermit Deikbasekkhu (Dei'ba.se'ku .) had fOllllely lived ." Ottamasiri had previously practiced orthodox Vipassana meditation, but after deciphering the strange alphabet on the plate, he turned to writing books on magic written chat illS

(qin:). In the eyes of the orthodox, Ottamasiri fell from the lists of the holy ones (Htei : hlan 1937: 32), but to weikza cult people, he is a great writer on weikza knowledge (Than : 1965: Imro. Ill).

It should be made clear at this point that not all weikza histories list the same weikzas . One. for example, rather outrageously claims the famous refor­mist monk Shin Arahan 10 have been a weikza because he gave a magic alchemical mercury ball to a group of kings ofCeylon (Zo: ti.pala . 1952: 41) , but such a slOry is not confirmed at all by the Glass Palact ChronIC" (Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923: 89-90) . In Pagan times the alchemist Eizagona (Qi'za.go: na .) is, however, usually considered as a weikza because he had discovered the mercury ball that could turn base metals inlO gold; his knowledge is generally believed nOt to have survived him when he achieved weikzahood at Mount Papa (Mendelson 1963b: 796-797) . Other nameless weikza monks of the Pagan period are referred to under the generic name of Shin Mahti . It is significant that all Pagan "weikzas" are monks , usually dismissed by the or­thodox writers as shameless Ari backsliders .

The next historical wcikzas usually mentioned are Dhammaceti and his friend Dhammapala, who were both monks at Ava in the fifteenth century . They are said to have been taught weikza powers (qin :) by the famous Mon monk, the Bame Sayadaw (Ferguson 1975: 154, n . I) . In a popular dramatic version of their lives, they use their great magic to abduct Queen Saw Bu from Ava to Pegu, where she marries Dhammaceti after he doffs his monastic robes (Htin Aung 1962: 55-57). Dhammapala lures the queen to him nightly using

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70 JOHN P . t"ERGUSQN AND E . MICHAEL MENDELSON

weikza lore until his old friend Dhammaceti destroys him by superior magic . Again we see how weikza histories feature monks and, in this case, a monk who is a weikza king as well. Interestingly , between the fifteenth century and the early nineteenth century, when Ba BD Aung appears , there arc no nominations for weikzahood from the available historical personages. In sum, the so-called weikzas before Bo Bo Aung hardly seem part of a genuine tradition but rather as an ad hoc collection of alchemical and qin : monks, either fictional or real people who were slandered by chronicle writers or popular tradition (i .e. Dhammaceti) . "

It is only when we deal with Bo Bo Aung that we begin to find a body of legend that seems to have some kind of coherence and direction. Later claimants to weikza status and their followers have elaborated upon the basic Bo Bo Aung story to include a wide range of personages from the Buddhist cosmology. A group of believers in weikzas , historical or present-day, is refer· red to in this paper as a gaing. Gaings in modern Burma have developed a con­siderable body of literature that describes how certain higher nats or devas sup­port the weikzas . Various claims are made for the help of the Burmanized ver­sion of Sakka, known as the Thagya Min or Thija (Thi .ca:), who is the king of the gods in the Tavatimsa heaven and protector of the religion during the next 2,500 years before the Ariya Maitreya comes . Weikza literature often portrays Thija as working with the weikzas to promote the faith (Htun Hla Aung, n .d. : 17-18). Myanma Aye (Myan ma Qei : 1958: 48), the hapless contender for weikza-world emperor status in the 1950's, even claimed that Thija was his grandfather . Thija is also supposed to prepare the way for the future king and the Buddha by punishing the bad and by releasing the guardian spirits of the secret treasure troves so that they can bring their wealth to the future king to achieve the paradise on earth." As the celestial counterpart of the future king, Thija is often portrayed in lithographic gaing prints as giving his blessing to the day when Bo Ba Aung crowns the Setkya (see Figure 2) . In other words, Thija works with the weikzas during this difficult period .

Further legitimization is claimed through Thuyathadi, one of the higher nats or devas , who conventionally is thought of as guarding the Buddhist scrip­tures and as promoting the welfare of scholars and writers. In gaing literature, she also guards the Vedas and will be the mother of both the future king and his bride Mya Sein Yaung (sce Figures 2 and 8). Spiro (1967: 152) was even told that she would be reborn as a male and a Buddha . At a Bo Bo Aung shrine near Pagan, the statue ofThuyalhadi riding her golden hintha bird is found in a niche just behind and to the side of the weikza's image (see Figure 6). Thuyathadi is a very importanl nat in Burma, ranked and honorcd as one of the five great de vas and also as the oldest of all the nats. She is the wife of Brahma, who, in Burma is the most important next to Thija as a supp0rler of the religion . Claim for her support of gaing beliefs in weikzas would seem designed to stress the higher Buddhist motivation of the weikzas . Because she guards the Vedas-a traditional source of occult lore-and was once in India the goddess Saraswati, who was accredited with inventing Sanskril, we can

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MASTERS OF THE BUDDHIST OCCULT 71

speculate that she also symbolizes the debt that weikzas pay to the Sanskrit Hinayana traditions . In some Hindu traditions she was the former wife of Vishnu, which may explain her using Vishnu 's bird mount as her own. One gaing in Toungoo called itself the Thuyathadi or Wun Gaing and honored, along with their namesake Thuyathadi, the four guardians (Lokapalas) and four master weikzas (weikzas of mercury , iron, qin :, and medicine) . Her reputed patronage adds both a Buddhist and scholarly air to weikza gaing affairs .21

Another nat, used by a rather special gaing, is Ahmadaw (Qi'ma.to), who is seen as the sister of the gaing leader Maung Taw Gyi (Maun to ci : 1951: 102-103). In previous existences and in this one Maung Taw Gyi and the nat work together as a team . Ahmadaw takes possession of various members of Ihe gaing and helps the leader to elTect amazing cures, such as driving out witches (soun : and zo: ga .n!) with the magic powers of his special stalT (gan da 'pa. na'lhain:) (see Figure I). Maun Taw Gyi dresses up at gaing functions in the royal regalia of Thija, including crown and flying sandals, and at their major ritual occasion ofThingyan, many members of the gaing wear the dress of nats and act OUI their roles . Thingyan, of course, celebrates the coming to earth of the king of the nats to look over the human realm, and the gaing celebrates this by acting out nat dramas . Any member can become possessed by the nats, and membership is said to enable one to escape this cycle of existence with two more rebirths (Maun to ci : 1951 : 85) . Because this gaing feels that only nats will be able to benefit from the future Buddha's preaching, their goal is also to be among the audience of 100,000 crowned nats who will be the exclusive listeners to the next Buddha. This gaing claims not to dabble with mantras, charms, or medicines, and it identifies itself as a Gundari Ariya (Gun da.yi Qa yi .ya) Weikza order, that is a group with goals on a higher path to Nirvana than the worldly aims of many. While statues of weikzas such as Bo Bo Aung and the more modern Bo Min Gaung are found honored in their gaing altar area, this gaing is really a "nat weikza" group . That is, their main emphasis is upon the powers of the devas, whose help they seek, who possess them, and whom Ihey aspire to become. Interestingly , a number of monks seem to have been associated with the organization, and members go as Buddhists to their monasteries on holy days . '2'1

Other nats are seen as supportive of weikza endeavors, presumably because of Ihe tradition asserting that when the Buddha left this world, he put the nats in charge . The nats most often mentioned (excluding those just discussed above) include the following: the nats of the four quarters, the mother of Gotama the Buddha (Ma'to mi) , the nat of the royal umbrclla (Hti: hce'saun .), the guardian of the oceans (Ma .ni mci hka .la), the sun nal (Nei), the moon nat (La.), Irce nats (You'hka .sou .), " planet nats (Boun ma .sou :), a heavenly weather nat (Qa ka tha .sou :), forest nalS (To: saun .), mountain nats (Taun saun .) nats ofmantras (Man la ya :), nats ofqin :, nalS of treasure troves (thri'lha .main:), and stone and gas nat s (Cau'da ') . The list does not include the thirty-seven semi-historical or "ourer" nats, Those nat s on the list are par-

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72 JOHN P. FERGUSON AND E . MIC l-IAEL MF.NO£LSON

ticularly important to a would-be emperor- Buddha, astrologer, alchemist. and one who searches in nature for the raw materials necessary for magic. Wcikzas, it is said, must make sure lhal nats who control such areas do not become jealous of the weikza's superior powers. The tendency of weikza literature to omit reference to lhe outer nats may possibly reflect the desire of most weikza gaings to be known for taking the higher, purer palh . The nat wives and lower path sayas, sometimes dabbling with liquor, killing animals, and dealing with black magic . are seen as less prestigious than the more powerful and more Buddhist-oriented weikzas . The nats referred to by the weikza literature seem to be either at the very lOp or bottom of the nat hierarchy, the top stressing the higher Buddhist quest and lhe bottom being a reminder of the magical world that is utilized toward that quest.

We have now surveyed the complex symbolic world in which weikza beliefs have evolved . With this background, we can return to the history of weikzas in Burma, which we interrupted with the introduction of Bo Ba Aung in the early nineteenth century . Because Bo Bo Aung's story has been more of an oral than a literary tradition, there are many details about his history that vary considerably . Some claim his gaing center is at Prome; others feel it is at Mount Popa . There are a number of names by which he is known : U Aung. Pataman U Aung, Yathe U Aung. Some, however, distinguish Bo Bo Aung from Pataman U Aung from Prome, who is said to be a hermit who met with olher weikzas in 188810 vow 10 protect the religion after the deposing of Kin g Thibaw (Po qu : 1952 : 7) . Most informants agreed. however, Ihat Bo Bo Aung was a masler of qin : of lhe sort taughl by the Bame Sayadaw . With Ihe acquis i' lion of such power he became a maSler higher path weikza who is available for his followers .

His availabililY is in such a form Ihal , like a salellile in the sky, he exists as something people can contact. Believers put a statue of him in their home . Such an image usually shows him dressed in the while robes of a lay worship­per, wearing white or red lurban . using prayer beads, and holding a red weikza SI afT or wand ill onc hand and a mercury ball in the olher. He can send instructions to his followers in dreams, or he can speak to one of his traveJing sayas to give advice on even such mundane matters as new business ventures or what friends far away are doing. Many of his instructions have involved orders 10 build pagodas or vibrational pillars that are believed to have special powers. For the gaing leaders and adepts. of course, he exists as a guide to th. mOSI esoteric and difficult levels of knowledge. Mosl importantly, his followe" await his signaJing Ihe coming of Ihe fUlure king ."

If wc consiner Ba Bo Aung as Ihe archetype. then we are belter able to d eal with BD Min Gaung, who surfaces as (he successor in the evolution of popular belief in weikzas. 25 Bo Min Gaung enters the an cient Burmese religious cosmology wilh Ihe aid of modern media . Whereas Ba Bo AUllg is a legend Ihat can only be capsulated 10 wooden or paper images , Bo Mill Gaung appears with photographs, 1~lhographs , and a number of paperback books to su ppon hiS or hIS followers conlenllon for welkzahood (see Figures 2 and 9) . The

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MASTERS OF THE BU DDHIST OCCULT 73

modern weikza is bereft of wand and headgear-a layman (Everyman?) who has found the higher path . In modern times, the weikza takes on new roles , new disguises. particularly those of the madcap . Feigning an eccentric, Hamlet-like role. the modern weiha masks his occult powers to prevent di scovery and exposure, since his royalist proclivities endanger him and he seeks no personal glory .16

The detailed story of Bo Min Gaung has been told elsewhere (Mendelson 1963: 799) . He seems to evolve out of a complicated set of factors during the colonial days . One factor concerns the hermit U Khanti, a former monk who built up Mandalay Hill as a major shrine for pilgrims (see Figure 4) . U Khanti was a highly successful raiser of funds to be used to build shrines, pagodas, and pillars of vibration at almost fifty different sites in Burma . Maun to ci : (1952: 7) claims that he was directed by the same group of weikzas that had fOlllled in 1888 to protect the religion" Another factor in this period was U Awbatha, sometimes also known as U Kun or the Yekkansin Sayadaw, who claims to have thaught the hermit U Khanti . U Awbatha might best be thought of as a weikza monk oflhe most eccentric sort, constantly traveling about, doing mad­cap things such as turning himself to stone at Mandalay for awhile or building nine looms that, when activated, would send out magic vibrations" He did not see himself as directly linked to Bo Bo Aung but did spend three years at Mount Popa, and his name is frequently mentioned in gaing literature . His search for weikzahood seems to have included the full range of occult powers . He looked everywhere, saying, "Snakes see the feet of other snakes ." (Wei'za 1949: 16). Both U Khanti and U Awbatha represent the hermit-monk fringe that is supported by many lay people whose donations help to construct numerous cult centers, such as Taungelat at Popa and Mandalay Hill . At such centers the stories of Bo Bo Aung and Bo Min Gaung are elaborated by fringe monks, hermits, sayas, and devoted lay followers ."

By the time the Ba Min Gaung literature appears, his supporters have blended together an amazingly wide variety of themes and claims. He is related to other famous weikzas of the past, either by carrying out their direc­tives or by claiming to have been one or more of them in previous lives. He possesses powers of all kinds and even practices the arts of meditation , par­ticularly the Vipassana technique which became so popular during the U Nu period . Geographically, he is said to be everywhere-Popa, Moulmein , Rangoon, foreign countries, or even Himawuntha , the Himalayan forest where Queen Maya conceived Gotama the Buddha. ,. Greatest emphasis , however, is placed upon the messianic aspects that were so stimulated by U Nu's Sangayana that marked the mid-point in lhe 5,000 years between the last Buddha and the next. It was believed that special powers and effort would be called for as life was going to be increasingly difficult in the remaining years before the next Buddha. Much capital was made from worry about dire predic­tions of the forces of war, disease, povert y. and immorality that were to be let loose upon the world " Faith in the weikzas could bring insurance against these dangers . The worse things beca me in Burma, the more one needed the

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74 JOHN P . FERG USON AND E. MICHAEl. M£NOELSON

weikzas, and wcikza gaings continue to be widely supported to this day, many led by monks .

Weikza beliefs have not suffered from modern exposure to the space age as one might first think . There is such a wide spectrum of weikza thinking that notions such as relativity , change in atomic weights. space flight, or other scientific conceptions can easily be compared to existing esoteric lore. "£ - MC2" can be confirmation of the insubstantiality of all matler in Theravada philosophy. Changing one element into another is, after all, the alchemist's sublime goal . Space flight can be seen as a late Western discovery of what any good meditating monk or weikza has mastered for centuries. And so it goes . Weikza literature shows great resiliency in adapting to modem ideas.

Modern political developments since the U Nu period may have diminish· ed outward expression of weikza beliefs . The Ne Win government, while it has not succeeded in imposing a hierarchical structure of command over the monks (Monks are able to develop gaings almost at will.) , has instituted censorship of the press that has cut down publication of the more outlandish weikza materials, but a few weikza books are still available in Burma, and gaing lithographic prints are still being sold at pagoda stalls, although not openly. Even though the Ne Win government may frown on nats and weikzas, man)' military officers and wcll· educatcd Burmese stil1 retain a strong interest in weikza matters. What is not known is the degree to which it is possible today to claim to be a weikza who is also the future king. The present regime 's constant concern with insurrections and its susceptibility to revolutionary charismatic leaders of the Saya San type would seem to make it necessary for the expression of only the most indirect and discreet claims of a millenial nature . Deteriorating economic conditions and the lack of political freedom cenainly are the soil from which messianic weikza leaders could suddenly sprout.

In conclusion, we would suggest that, until evidence to the contrary is available, the weikza cults in Burma may be considered a relatively late development in Burmese Buddhism that incorporates intO a lay movement many ancient beliefs and traditions (many held by the monkhood itSelf) . It can be conceived as a symbolic reaction to the shock of colonialization." Clearly the basic ingredients of weikza belief, such as faith in alchemy, astrology, writ­ten charms, and mamras, have roots that antedate Buddhism itself, but the weiha as a lay Buddhist personage distinguishable from nats, monks, hermits, zawgyis, and master sayas would seem to evolve out of the Bo Bo Aung tradi­tion . On a larger scale, the weiha represents a borrowing by the laity of sacred matters that were previously the exclusive prerogative of the practitioners of the sacred . As such the wcikza is symbolic of the process of modernization which colonialism engendered . Modernization as a concept can precede its material dispensations , Therefore, in modern Burma, a pervasive and intense helief in the miraculous cont inues to underlie the world view of Burmese Bud­dhists. The wcikza has found , seemingly, a permanent place in that world .

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MASTERS OF THE BU DDHIST OCCULT 75

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