I ·· .' ,

Fa'tiehmLa. ••• a,

.. 11:14 Za.:r ... :rXk8,'.na.

~ ptrVl~r Jnah Duggar

FOREWOIiiD

~1I'dor' K"pa~ ::Sibgh

:N-aho.tlal '?I"£lfp.'~C\rf,c f SiLl 15m <,

. ,

INSTJTUTEOf SIKH STUDIES •

JAlANDH4R 'c

" I ,

The renewed interest in these

epis tles of Guru Gobind Singh . called 'Proclamation of total Conquest' , Fatehnama, and 'Notification of

complete success and victory ',

Zafarnama, springs not from mere histo rical curiosit y but is rooted in

the current mood of sensitive sikhs

who instinctively feel that the current situation in wrucb tbey find them­selves in is, in some way, remini sce nt of tbe phase of the Guru 's career a de Javu, tbe feeling tbat it has happened before, where defeat and frustration was overcome through defiance and courage, convictio n and higb sense of commitment that led to victory and glory, self-fulfilment

and panoply of power.

S. Devinder Singh Duggal M.A.

has rendered tbese letters into Englisb free verse and he has done

it well, preserving the content and

the spirit of the original as best as be could .

-Sirdar ~apu.r SUH£lh I.C.S .-Ex.

National Professor of Sikhism

Rs. 6S

Fa.1#ehll1a. ..... a. a.lI1d .

Z a.£ a.lPlI1 a. ... a.

by Devinder Singh Duggal

FOREWORD

Sir dar 5t.apur Sil1\1h C)'latiol1al cpro/e""or 01 Sikhi"Ht

INSTITUTE OF SIKH STUDIES JU LLU N Q .. UR

INSTITUTE OF SIKH STUDIES 1'4.Udham Singh N •• ar. Jullundu,.,

First Edition 1980

Price ; Rs . • 6Ji

PubU.hed by An>a.deep Singh ~or &he In.&l&u.t;e 01 Sikh Btudle_, 1.94.-Udh.un Singh. Naga.., JuUund",. and pZ't:n:ted by HaUlda.rd Pre •• , Jullundur.

those sacred souls who, in the true

traditions of Sikhism, preferred

to be dismembered alive,

skinned alive, broken on

the wheels alive, boiled

alive, sawed alive and

scalped alive, rather

than bow to the

brutal will of

the tyrants.

CONTENTS

Foreword by Sirdar Kapur Singb

(i)-(x)

Prefae. by tb. autbor

(xi)-(xiv)

PART r

Life of Guru Gobind Singh

I. From Patna to Paonta 3-8

II. Baptism in Warfare 9-13

III. Tile Crowning Achi~vement 14-20

IV. Escalation of Conflict

21-3.6

V. End of tbe Journey 37-41

VI. Epilogue 42-58

PART II

VII . Fatebnama & Zaf.rnama 61 - 70

Texts an d Translat ions

F.teboama

71-84

Zafarnama 85-140

Notes & References

141--':156

Index 157-160

-,-0 -

FOREWORD (By Bhai Sahib Sirdar Kapur Singh,

M.A. (Punjab), M.A. (Cantab), Ex. ICS, Ex M.P., National Professor of Sikhism.)

Recently, I have been requested more than once, by young "Sikh ,wliters to say a few words to introduce their composltiolll; referring to the two lellers Guru Gobind Singh (1666470&) ~rote to Emperor Aurangzib· (1626-1706), One called Fatelinamtt (December, 1704) and the otber Zafarnama (May, 1705); ~,:rhjj;

renewed interest in these documents, apparently, springs ' not from liiere historical curiosity but is rooted in the current "moOli of sensitive Sikhs wbo instinctively feel that tbe current sitUatiQh in which tbey find themselves is, in some way, reminisedlt, ct the phase of the Guru's career a de j •• u; tbe feeling that 'it- hils bappened before 0 wbere defeat and frustration wasovercomle througb defiance and courage, conviction and higb sense ,df commitment that led to victory and glory, self-fulfilment and panoply of power.

2. Fatehnama and Zafarnama are the titles not iDtcgdl to these communications of tbe Guru, but are mere generic tags wbicb oriental tradition and courtesy attaches to docoments issued by or on behalf of a sovereign to his leige. Gueu Gobind

'Singh was the True King, .acca padisbab, while Aueangzib" a mere mortal pretender to sovereignty over men, in the Sikh

-estimlltion, and, therefore, the Sikhs feel justified c,Uiing these epistles of Guru Gobind Singh as, 'Proclamation ' of total Conquest, 'Faleh-nama', and as the 'Notification of-complete

.Succ,e~s and Victory', 'Zafaroamah'.

(ii)

3. S. Devinder Singh Duggal, M.A. has rendered these Letters into English free verse and be has done it well, preserving tbe content and the spirit of the original as hest as he could, and the result is a readable rendition.

4. As a backdrop, S.Devinder Singh bas prefaced his rendition witb a Iife-sketcb of Guru Gobind Singb, bringing out tbe salient points of tbe Guru's traditional bistory, so that his renditions of tbe GUTU'S communications to the ,Emperor migbt be prop~fy appreciated.

S. Tbe traditions I history of Sikh chroniclers states that tbe first-letter, Fat,haama, that tbe Guru wrote at village Machhiwara in the Ludbiana district of the Punjab, was smuggled out of tbe 'c1ose military vigilance by tbe Guru himself as he escaped to ffeYiMt mto the Bhatinda desert, in the disguise of a renowned M1IIIIft holy man-Pir-I-Ucea-and tben it was .forwarded 'iIiI'til tII'e far South in Deccan where Aurangzib was busy 'in ,.ttr~s military operations against the Sbia Muslim States. The-dironiclers tell us that the Guru affected his escape with tbe 'arid «:lwo of bis Patban devotees, wbile in disguise, and at one ~illf\ when detained by a military post for proper identification, was 'helped out by sayyid witness wbo swore a solemn and 9O.jurous oatb on the boly Koran to the effect, tbat tbe luspected and detained person was 1I0t Guru Gobind Singb_

6. Tbe aames of these Patban helpers and the aayyid perjurer are known, and for bundreds of years, tbeir descendants have been receiving generous gifts and comforts from pious, am'lent Sikhs as a token of appreciation and gratituoe for their

services rendered to the Guru.

7. These descendants, right from the early 18th century, down to the mIddle of the 20th century, wben India was partitbned into two <'Ountries, Hindu India and Muslim India, renderiog the Sikh identity as an infruetuous irritant, bave carried with tbem 'testimonial.', huklm-Dam.bs, claimed to have been authenticated by Guru Gobind Singh himself, certifying tbat tbe -historical facts are. as ihe Chroniclers say, they are, and no body bas cared or dared to doubt their genuineness till tbe

'(iii)

thirties of the 20tb century, wben the Sikb savant, Bhai Vir Singh sensed the intrinsic improbability and blemisb of the story a~out Guru Gobind Singh escaping in disguis~ and said so.

8. II was at tbis stage tbat I wro' e, in SOme vernacular journal that (I) Guru Gobind Sinih never escaped in disguise 8S

Pir.I, Urea, out of the official vigilance ring operating in tbe area of Cbamkaur-Machbiwara, and (2) lbat it was Bbai Daye Siogh Pyl'. wbo, in tbe disguise of a Muslim Holyman smu~ gl.d the letter Fateutima out of Punjab and then conveyed it to Aurangzib in tbe far ofl' Deccan. This is tbe basis of Devinder Singb Dugg':I's statement in bis book, that

'n ACCording 'to Sfrdar Kapur Singh ~lIai Daya SIngh was entrusted with'l'he task bf delivering tbe letter perstinaily to Auran'gzib".

,~, Now a critical analysis of the evidence available in the ferm of chronioles and historical nLrratives that clearly leads to lOch a conclUSion, is now brielly given below.

I (). A piece of historical evidence cannot be properly evaluated uolees its enviroomental baCk-drop arid cultural ~ra~ter 'is precisely determined first Perceptions and ~erti6ns are'tlOt made in a void or segregated sitlation; they iDevit-ably arc integrated to the cultural and mental loc sand season of tbe period. Our Hindu idea of yoga 'tbe age', is based OD this seminal insigbt and concept wbich postulates tbat, in a given Jleriod, ·men are compulsively motivated -find oriented in ~rdance with broad fixed psycho·meotal trends. It is to tbis idea, originally of anoient Upanisadic insight. that Guru Nanak refers in Asa dl Var, kali jug ratth agllD ka kud aega rotba.lbo: 'ln tbe Kali-age, men arc motivated by passion and driven by falsebood', A.N. Whitebead in his: 'Science and the Modern World' has given us a phrase to e"press tbis phenomenon,'o,eDlal climate', The 'mental climate' of a period consists of those fundamental assumptions which are current in tbat period and which are accepted as self-evident and wbich form the common ground~of attitudes.and deeds of men during tb.t period. Such

(iv)

presumptions arc not expressed and eXp'lained a.s· explicjt philosophi •• but nonetheless they form the b~sis of p~iiosophits formulated, things said and done, and attitudes adopted'; during that period. The chronicles and stories about the de~patcb ' of tbe FalehDom. and tbe episode of Pir,i.Utea, cannot be ·an exception. . . . . •

II. In confronting and dealing Wiih tbe ruli';i'g Muslim . class, Ihe ' :turks" of Sikb phraseology, the Guru si~ply could not and would not take recourse to a disguise to escape from danger or 10 conceal bis credal idenlity. He would not simulate or evade avowal of his identity, nO matter hc!w m(lrtal the danger facing him or bow compelling tbe claims 'of expi:diency, for, to do so, would belie his own teachings,lhe behests of God Almighty-Kabio prabbu so bhakh hUll; ~abio prabhu so maio karoo, and to fear nothing, no man except God, is Ibe bed· rock of Ihese teachings. It must be remembered th'at only a day or so carlier, in his predicament al Cbamltaur, tlie Guru bad stoutly refused to leave Ibe defensive mud 'walls .i!lto open saf_ty without first throwing clear challeng. to thousands of his enemies beleaguering bim, trumpeting the dC'fiance ;' : "The Spiritual King of India and the Paracelele of Hiildus n(jW 'comes fortb from bebind tbe mud fortificalion and let bim who cares and dares to obstruct his progress, advance and rry" ; paul· bind nikasio javal ghero lum main jo balwan. It may not be lissumed tbat less tban forty eigbt bours afterwards he would bellave and act differently. The Guru was nol a cyclotbymic personality inclined 10 alternation of bigb and low spirits, wavering will and vacillating creed and conviction, of infirm cbaracter. Again, to assume the disgUise of Pir·j·Ueta soon after compl5sing Ihe deatb,defying Fatebnama to the migbty Aurangzlb, would make tbe Guru look ridiculous and contemptible in Ibe eyes of Aurangzib, tbe stauncb Sunol Muslim, wbo regarded Ihe

. doctrine of Dissimulation and Disguise, taqqieb, as cowardly and un,koranic. Tbe taqqieh, faise disavowal of faitb, pretention in religion, prudence in face of extreme danger, is the doctrine of Shia Muslims,-on ,tbe autbority of Koran (16.107j

(v)

wherein he who is 'coerced to disbelieve, whilc his heart fiods peace in the faith' is deemed as not blameable. Tbe Korao (3 : 8) speaks of two \ciods of "erses in it, the clear ones, mobakmataba and tbe obscure'ooes and multivocal, mutshabihatu, and Sunni Muslims, therefore, interpret tbis taqqieh doctrine "erse, differently. The Sunui Muslims believ¢ tbat wheo 'extreme and mortal danger confronts, that is the momen'! that lays an uncompromising obligation on a believer to avow ' openly his laith and through death confirm his faith , sbahadat. This is precisely the Sikh doctrioe also . The test of authenticity in Sikhism is unwaverin~, steadfast altegianee and adhereoce to truth, truth of thougbt, word and deed : jujb .. araoll laa sac pallj.1. The Guru, therefore, would oever pretend to be pr acquiesce io being represented as Pir·i-Ueea, ander any circumstances whatsoever.

12. We have considered three reasoot, so far, that militate against the literal acceptance of the chroniclers story, that the Guru escaped in disguise by pretending to be the Pir-i-Ucea; (1) the true structure of his firm, welt-integrated non·cyclothymal ¢haracter (2) the ceotral doctrioe of Sikhism tbat enjoios open, tinfalteriog av,?wal of faitb aod (3) extreme uolikelibood of a Proud', self-regarding persooality actiog in a maoner that degrades him in the . estimatiuo of his adversa,'Y. Tbere is a fourth reasoo which is equally conclusive io tbe matter. We have Guru's own unambiguous declaratioo that bis mission as COinmaoded by God, is to educate aod persuade maokiod to follow 'the right way of life', the panth, the way of Dharma and Righteousoess. In the yaksbaprashoa of tbe Mahabharat, the "pallth" is explained as "the path traversed by good and true inen i o the days gooe hy" mahajaoa yena gal.b soh pantbab. 10 Islam, 'tbere is the concept, sulin.b, of more or less, tbe same import. Literally it meaos, "tlle well-trodden path", but io Islamic terminology it signifies "the example set by the Propbet'\ aod tbus has ar iseo an abundance of tradition hadilb, attributed to the Prophet Mohammad. Tbat wha; Mohammad did is its owo ethical validity and signification of

(vi}

bigb propriety. Tbe presuppositions tba.! support tbe> cQ,llcepl' of pIIDtb and sanna constitute and determine Ibe meo~al

climate of Islamic world outlook: and the Sikb wellaocbauung. Jf. Ih"efore, the Guru bad escaped' io disguise to a',oid mortal danger or had disavowed directly or indirectly bis t<ue faith, there would have been no Sl~h martyres submitting to being scalped alive, broken on tbe wheels or cut up liob by limb ratber tban buying safety throu~b disavo"al and dissimulation. Yd, tllere is no! a single instance known in Sikh history wbere a true Sikh adopted dissimulation or disavowal to save his life. Tbere are numerous true stories of Sikhs in receot times, the Ghadarlte Sikhs including, wbo spurned suggestions of falsific­ation of their appearances by casting away their Sikh symbols in order 10 evade police IIpprehension as unsikhlike. 8hagat Siogh is called" tbe Great Martyre" by political Hindus beca~ he succumbe.d to sucb suggestions of cowardly prudence, but Shagat lIingh himself, duriog his lasl days on earth, was, sincerely repenteot of bis unsikblike conduct. There is ,bundant evidence in tbe earlier Sikh history alSl> showjng that tbe contiogent conduct of the Guru was accepted as providing guid~lines of absolute Sikh rectitude not to be disregarded in an.y case. For instance, when Gur,! Gobind Singh ~rmly declined at Chamkaur (Dec . . 1 ~G4) to ~ve his own two SODS from being killed in the bl!ttlefield, as long as other Sikhs were \bere to go out to battle, it became. a firm precedent of catelloric.1 imperative never to regard safety of oDe's OWO family or kinsmen as a matter of pri,ority or preference wbere Ibere was a question Of pantbic integrity or image involved. As ' Rattan Singh Shangoo tells us in his Panth Parkash (Sakhl Jaml/er : 29) martyre Subeg Singh stoutly declined to save the life of hi. son, Sbahbaz Singh, simply to keep his own family line g"ing. His reply was: "the Guru did oot care to keep his own family line going, bow can I, a mere Sikh, do .o? Ham taran gur tolbe ,avai, baua kal •• thoD kavan )'adai? About Jassa Singb Ahluwalia. we are told, (S,thi Wadda Gbalugbara: 86) tbal be refused to move his horse at a quicker pace in face

(vii)

of overwbelming danger, as Guru Gobind Singh had refused to do so when similarly situated during his progress towards the present Mukatsar (Jan ., 1705). This contingent conduct of Ibe Guru bas had the force of a categorical imperative for tbe Sikhs, not to panic or show signs of fear, no matter bow overpowering the odds. Jassa Singh Abluwalia's response was (1762) : "If 1 now quicken tbe pace in our tactical retreat,l sball be looked down upon by all true Sikhs for running away from danger and death in panic and fear" : .. ra Pa.tb karelo Italtba, gbota bbaJai ·Jas .. Singb nttba. It was precisely this baditb, tradition or ' paatb of the Guru whicb a handful of 21 Sikbs at Sangarhi (1897) followed wben tbey fougbt wilh eight thousand Orakzai Pathans ror seven hours, to the last man, witbout .iarrendering. · The story IU related by tbe cbroniclers, tberefore, about tbe Pir·l·Vcca episode simply cannot be accepted as in its literality, and was fact, never accepted true by tbe firm consensus of tbe Sikhs of the contemporary era and of the days of yore.

13. There is yet another, the fiftb supportive reison extracted from the Islamic Jurisprudence, Islamic Law of Evidence and Islamic Penal Code. The Pir·i-Veea chronicle states that the two Pathan devotees of tbe Guru, Gbani Kban and Nabi Khan, aided the escape of tbe Guru in disgu ise and a sayyid of liigb 'respectability of the I~ality , Qazi Pir Mohammad' of village Saloh, testified falsely by a solemn oatb on Koran that the Guru disguised as the Pir·j ·Ve;a, waS certainly not Guru ' Gobind Singh. Even tbe ' A short Hi,tory Of the Sikhs' by Teja Singh and Ganda Singb (I, 74) naively swallows tbis story. Tbis testimony was absolutely conclusive and credible, both according to Islamic Law Of Evidence as well as when Viewed in the light of rules of evidentiary interpretation. The

. Islamic Law is called 'Shariah', wbicb lerm literally means "tbe pl.lh lead ing to watering place", in other words, ' tbe source of life', Tbis Shariah has four root., the Koran, Ihe Sunnah, the Qiyas (analogical reasoning) and the Jjma, the communal conscosus, that i. on what the generality of Muslims agree.

(viii)

These are the sources of the corpus of Islamic Law. In the matter of Proe, dure and Evidence, the Islamic Law requires two witnes$es to testify orally to their direct knowledie of tbe truth of their statemen~s. hut in exceptional cases, this testimony shahadab, could be of one person only in order to be conclusive , Al hough democratic equality of Islam is its mmt outstanding characferic:.tic. in the case of sayyids. there is a concession , The descendants of the Prophet and his relatives form a 'pecial cia .. , held in social reverenCe and high status carefully guarded and accepted . The Koran (4 ; 116, enjoins upon believers "to be witnesses for Allah even though it be against your~elves". and not ~ to conceal the truth or evade it". SaYYld Pir Mohammad of Salah gave such a test'mony, by placing his bands solemnly on the holy Koran and he also bad been a tutor of Pasi.n of Guru Gobind .)ingh and thus could speak conclusively in the matter "f identification of tbe Guru, Thus il waS that lhe person styled as tbe Pir·j-Uee. was proved as not Guru Gobind Singh in person.

14. In lhe Islamic Penal Code, for six specific crimes the punishment is fixed. hadd, , and punishment for apostasy, .... hich on the b!Sis of qiyyas, includes false oath on the Koran by a sayyid, is death In this thero i" no discretion, Again to abet, concealment and .scape of a rebel against the State, who had deci"red war on the Is'amic au,hority of tbe D,lhi Mugbal throne, mara juz b shamshir ksre. na maad, was and is an act of high treason for which the punishment is Jealh, without dis­cretion , Sayyid Pir Mohammad by doing what he did, accord­ing to Sikh chronUes, had earn~d instant dealb at tbe hands of tbe Mughal authorities, in the year 170;, and yet, by all accounts, he survived without harm or molestalion and enjoyed a natural span of life. The two Pathans, Nabi Kban "nd Ghani Khan, likewise did not attract the attention of the State aurhorities th0ugh they were clearly guilty of high treason on account of luvinl! aided the escape of a dangerous and power­ful enemy of the Stale. ThaI the Mughal and Muslim populace

rose in wild anJ angry insurgency against all tbose suspected of

(ix)

being sympatbisers of the Guru, at tbis time, is recorded in con­

temporary records; tbe entire family of Sled Pir Badruddin of Sadhaura was killed and his family properties destroyed.

15. It is obvious to tbe critical understanding tbat the Mugbal authorities as well as tbe politically semilive Muslim populace were well aware lhat in the Pir-i-UeeR episoQe, Syed Pir Mohammad had truly testified that lhere was no such occurance as Guru Gobind Singh's escape in disguise and the two Pathans were not iustrunlenlal in aiding tbe Guru to escape in disguise.

16. Tbus it becomes evident that it was the messenger of the Guru, Bha; Dya Singb, who assumed the disgui5e of a holy man and who was helped to escape local miliiary vigilance in a manner, normal and honourable in such a situation, and that Syed Pir Mohammad had rendered lrue testimony as enjoined by the Koran, when he wlemoly teslified that Bhai Daya Singh was not Guru Gobind Singh.

17. Guru Gobind Singh's own testimony on the point also is clear and conclusive. In hi. second letter to Aurangzib the Guru tells tbe Emperor tbat during his progress from Chamkaur (Dec., 1704) to Bhatinda desert (May, 1705), he "met with no impediment or harm whatsoever", n3 pfcideb moe na uujldeb tan. This sixtb and the last reasoning c1incbes tbe issue in the matter of this Pir-I-Ueea episode showing that although tbe Sikh chroniclers are correct in givi ng almost all the material details they have given, tbey have erred in equating the Plr-; Ueca person with the Guru.

1~. The crux of the objectivity in history is that the Facts of history ('annot be purely objective. since they become facts of history only in virtue of the significance attached to tbem by tbe historians. Objectivity in history cannot be objectivity of fact, il is not simply getting one's facts rigbt but an objectivity of relation between fact and inter;>retation, between past, present and future. Tbe absolute in history is Dot something in tbe past from wbich we start; it is not something in tbe present, since a\1 present thinking is necessarily relative. It is something

(x)

still incomplete and in the process of becoming somelhing in future towards whicb we move, wbich begins to take 'hape only as we move towards it and in the light of wbich we move forward , and as we thus move, we gradually shape our interpretation of tbe past. Tbe bistorian of the past can make an approach towards objectivity only as be approaches towards

tbe understanding of tb. future. Our chroniclers and our modern Sikh historians said wbat they saw or heard, but they lacked Ihe skill of critical appraisal, the art of interpreting through relating the past, througb .he Present with the future. and the result has beeo sorry confus ion in and serious damage to the o~jectivity and quality of Sikh history. To restore the Sikh history 10 its vue peJestal and stadium is the real task before Sikh hi.toria!! tod~y.

707/XI.Chandigarh

13tilAPRlL, 1980.

Kapur Singh

Nalional Professor of Sikhism

PREFACE

For a long time last and more particularly in recent years, tbe relevance and the validity of all moral and ethical values is being challenged. Tbeir contents and tbeir scope ba ve been cbanging like clouds before the wind. Hooe.ty and inte~rity,

, chaStity and mode~ty. gallantry and chivalry have fallen into low ' repute aDd, to-day. vice is masquerading as virtue, perfidy as probity and trickery as trmh. In tbis coDtext George Barnard Sbaw's observation that 'Good has become evil in our eyes aDd is being undone in the Dame of progress', appears to be more valid to· day tban ever before. There is now a growing acceptance of Nietzscbe's assertion tbat 'It is a mistake to regard it as Ii duty to aim at the victory of good and the annihilation of evil' .

Wbile the changing pattern of tbe social, economic and , international relations. as a consequence of the Industr,al Revolution and the rise and growtb of National States, have caused a shift in these values, the failure of tbe Custod!a~s of tbe socia-spiritual etbics to guard tbe treasures of humanity, , '

scrupulously. bas also led to their defacement and defilement. Macbi~vellism aDd Marxism have contributed further to detbrone tbem by eulogizing the virtues of Materialism as against tbe morality 9f meaDS. Man is, to-day. involved in a mad race for m~~aiDs. the unlimited prospects of which have been

."'!:'s~~ wit bin his easY ,reacb through pheDomenal progress in ~~~'Jle)d of science. However, the growing degeneration on tbe

_<, ', etbieo-moral plane has made it increasingly difficult for tbe -"--modem Man to enjoy tbe fruits of his own material achievements.

(xii)

More than ever before, he is lying in constant fear of total annibilation, alongwith all li ving species and all that be has been able to creale througb bis efforts extending t vor tbousands of years. The majesty of materialism has. grown al the expense of the sanctity and stability of the Soul and bence the present predicament of the modern Man. Common irreligion. to· day, therefore, threatens to destroy Man and bis civilization and a common religion only can save them.

To escape from this predicament. Man is, to·day, groping for a workable and viable International socia-politicalOrder, based upon a minimum of mutuallY agreed principles. Some International agencies, for such a purpose, have taken shape, hul, as yet, they are 100 precariously perched to be able [0 hold out aoy real hope to Man. The all too conspicuous emphasis on the parochial and sectarian interests as against, and not IInof[en, even at the expense of universally valid moral values has not, so far, allowed these bodies to make mucb of an impact On the course of tbe ultimate destiny of man. The prospects for his safe and secure future continue to be as bleak as ever before, if not actually more. Unless and until the need and validity of some universal code of etb ics, governing the relations between man and man as also the man and the state is not recognized, tbe threat of tOlal destruction would continue to hang over bis bead liKe tbe proverbial sword.

Realizing tbe need of combating the dangers of such crises in tbe affairs of man, Guru Gohind Singh, about three bundred years before, laid particular stre~s on tbe importance of persuing ethical activity, notwitbstanding any compUlsions or contingencics which, according to him, is closely [elated to tbe rise and fan of the people and civilisations. It is in this context Ihat in tbe daily Congregational Prayer, formulated by Guru Gobind Singb himself, the Sikhs inVOke tbe blessings of tbe lord thus: 'May tbe disposlIions of tbe Sikhs remain under the control of the etbical [eason, and the etbical reason, under tbe guidance of God, for ever and for ever, Amen'. Tbe Guru himself ever prayed to God

(xiii)

Almighty to 'Grant me the stregtb to persue etllical cooduct. ..... aod, if the need arises, to lay dowo my very life in defeoce of such a course ~ In his famous Persian compositions-Fatehnama and Zafarnama-the then reigning monarch, Auraogzeb, has beeo strongly denouoced for destroyiog the social aod state bealth through his immoral and unethical means to secure material advantages. Throughout his life, the Great Prophet of the people, had been struggling, at immense personal sufferings and sacrifices, to save humanity from the jaws of such immoral and invidious forces.

For ob"iou5 reasons the need to reiterate dedication to the Ideals eoshrined in these sacred texIS cannot be over emphasised. Unfortunately, under the impact of the for<es of neonationalism in India, the Persian language has been deliberately edged out of its borders and as such the new generations are unahle to profit by the rich treasures belonging to the domains of the language whicb, for centuries, bad been the principle vehicle of tbougbt and expression in tbis Land. Fatebnama and Zafaroama have been translated into Engli.h verse to opon up tbe treasures oftbeir philosophy to those who do not hold tbe key to the language of the original texts and also to reiterale ils continuing validity 10 the current problem. of mankind . Every attempt has been made in these translations, to capture the tenor aod temper of tbe original texts. However, tbe author is fully aware that his Persian Carpet cannot be 80 magic as to waft him anywhere near the plane of the Holy Author of these compositions. Neverlheless, it is sincerely hoped tbal his bum»le effort would be well received and prove rewarding. In part I of the book a modestly detailed account of the life and work of Guru Gobind Singh has been provid<d to help the readers for a fuller appreciation of his Persian compositions aod the eteroal message ensbrined tberein. It may also enable them to rediscover the invincible spirit of the Propbet and Ihe abiding truth tbat tbe cause of social aod tbe spiritual honour is intrinsically linked witb willingness on our part to upbold Good and to combat Evil.

(xiv)

The author is highly obliged to Bhai :>abib Sirdar Kapur Singb, National Professer of Sikbism, who, at bis request, very kindly agreed 10 write lbe Introduction and thus condescended to lend tbe luster of his name to tbis humble effort. Tbe intro<luction, in itself, i. a detailed and penetratiug thesis on tbe Pi, i Ucce episode connected with the life of Guru Gobind Singh. In his cbaracteristically bold and brilliant manner the renowned scholar has endeavoured to remove the age·old cobwebs of incorrect history covering lhe march of the Xth Master from Machhiwara to the waste land of Bbatinda. The traditional accounts of Sikh history are full of such inaccuracies and it is high time that tbe Sikh scholars with suitable mental stature and access to source material, sbould realize tbe need of taking up the challange to restore the Sikh history to 'its true pedestal and stadium'.

lullundur.

194, Udham Singh Nagar.

Devinder Singh Duggal

M.A.

· .. . .. . . . . .-PART I

L IF E OF

GURU GOBINO SINGH

••••••••••••••••••••••••

CHAPTER t

FROM PATNA TO PAONTA

On December nnd, in the year of grace 1666,1 Syed Bhikban Shab, a Muslim divine of Kuhram, wbile offering his prayers, bowed reverently towards tbe east instead of westwards as is customary witb tbe Muslims. Wben questioned about tbis apparent act of apostacy on bis part, by his bewildered disciples, he is reported to have told them that he had bad a vision about tbe birth of a new Prophet in the east, at Patna, to whom be was offering his obeisance. Having vowed to deny himself food or rcst till he bad found out tbe new Prophet, tbe Syed sct -out for Patna where be intuitively walked straigbt to tbe house he was seeking. When conducted into tbe presence of the new born child, tbe Muslim Saint placed before bim two pots, one -of milk and tbe other of water. The Cbild, Gobind Rai, as be waS tben named, playfully placed each of his tiny bands on the two vessels. Syed Bbikhan Sbab felt elated and explained that lhe cbild Prophet, by bis gesture, has assured him that he would bear an equal amount of love for the Hindus and the Muslims both, as indeed for all mankind. Thereafter till his death, the Syed remained an ardent follower of the Xth Nanak-Guru <3obind Singh, as this Propbet was later known.'

At tbe time of the birth of his son, Gobind Rai, Guru Tegh Babadur, during tbe course of bis Eastern tour, was camping at Dacca' wbere he rcceived tbe happy news througb special "missaries, Bhai Mehar Chand and Bbai Kalyan Chand. He -offered prayers of thanks giving to God and blessed the Child

4

and the 'Sang at' of Patna, where he had stationed his family while himself proceeding further east from Punjab on Oct., :rd 1665. He did not, however, cut short his tour as he was engaged in reviving the rdigious centres established earlier by Guru Nanak in those areas, and, thus, ministering to the spiritual needs of the people. His efforts were further directed towards restoring peace and tranquility in that region, tben tom by strife and mutual warfare.

The ascendancy of Aurangzeb to the Imperial throne in 1659 A. D., marked the complete reversal ' of the policy of conciliation and comparative toleration, initiated and persued by Akbar, towards his non-muslim subjects. Although during the reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan the Muslim rehctionaries and revivalists, spearheaded by Sheikh Faizi Sirhindi, 'Mujaddad-i­Alf Sani', according to whom even a slight concession to the non-Muslims was an act of hostility to Islam,' had succeeded in bringing about a sbift 'in the altitude of tbe State towards the non-Muslim subjects, but it was only under Aurangzeb that tbe wheel could take a complete turn. In Aurangzeb they had found a monarch matching their mission and the non-Muslim SUbjects were now feeling their weight ;n full measure . In I (170 A.D. the Emperor issued an edict prohibiting the construction of any new temple and ordering the demolition of the old ' Also, through measures highly prejudicial to their interests, the non-Muslim subjects were being coerced to abjure their Faith and accept the folds of Islam. According to Khafi Khan, the King also ordered the Sikh Gurudwaras to be destroyed and the Guru's agents prevented from collecting the voluntary offerings of the devotees·. Such Imperial orders, in the hands of the over-zealous and unscrupulous provincial governors, ' assumed awesome dimensions and the non-Muslim populace had to labour under a sense of growing insecurity and fear.

Under such circumstances Guru Tegh Bahadur could not afford to be away from Punjab wbich was tbe cradle of the Faith of which he was the Head_ He, tberefore, decided to reacn .Punjab post baste. En route, he had a brief halt at Patna where,

for the first time, he saw his child, Gobind Rai, who had grown to be about three years of age. Blessing his son, he left for Punjab lenving instructions with his faroily to follow him tbere at tbe earliest. Accordingly very soon, thereafter, the whole family was united at Anandpur where suitable arrangemenls fN the education and upbringing of Gobind Rai were promptly made' with remarkable response from the promising Child.

The marked shift in the slance of Ihe State towards its non­Muslim subjects led to wide-spread panic among them. They were feeling helpless and lost with no body around to take up their cause and lend them courage. Back in Punjab, Guru Tegh Bahadur felt their agony and was deeply touched by it. He decided to stand by them in their hour of need and for tbis purpose, undertook extensive lour, especially of the Malwa tracl, to lend Ihem heart and hope. He assured Ihem of his unflinching support and asked Ibem to escbew fear . 'Fear not and Frighlen' not', he exhorted them. In him Ihe people saw a saviour and began to galher around him wilh faith and hope. The mission of the Guru and his growing influence among the peo?le caught the eye of the officials and Ihey promptly brought ir to the notice of the King who summoned him to Delhi where he and his close associ ales were confronled with a choice between death and Islam. When the Guru refused to submit to the brutal will of the ill-advised King, he was pubJically executed in Chandani Cb.owk, on 11th Novemher, 1675. Bhai Dayal Das, Bhai Sati Das and Bnai Mati Das, his closest disciples, were boiled, burnt and sawn alive to death respectively.'

Referr ing to the supreme sacrifice of Guru Tegh Bahadur, Guru Gobind Singb his son and successor says in his autobiography, Yachittar Natak:1O

"To prolecltheir right to wear their frontal mark and tire sacred thread,

Did he, in the Dark age, perform the supreme sacrifice ; To protect tire linod he spared no pains Gave his head but never cried in pain For the protection of the righteousness Ire did the lIoble

He gave his head but not his Ideal." deed,

6

Before bis deatb, Guru Tegb Babadur bad appointed bis son, Gobind Rai, then aged just about nine years, as .bis successor. Tbe martyrdom of bis boly father and bis closest associates in a brutal manner was indicative of the temper of the State towards the Sikbs. The internal dissensions among tbem, as a result of mis-placed ambitions and family rivalries,u were equally discon­cening. The bostility of the Hindu bill chieftains towards the House of Guru Nanak for its insistence to cut across all distinctions of caste and creed added fUlther to the difficulties of the young Guru. Such a formidable array of inimical forces would bave overwhelmed any lesser soul, but Guru Gobind Singh was cast in a different mould. He was born witb a divine mission,

"To spread religion And to uproot eVIl seekers.""

The young Guru firmly made it known that he must accomplisb his Divine Mission and that the threats of fear or force cannot deter him from 'speaking the Trutb.' '' 1'Ie took up the cballenge in right earnest and began to prepare himself and bis people for the great task abead. Purging all corrupt elements from among his ranks, he took up firm stand against all imposters who staked claims to tbe Spiritual throne of Guru Nanak. In h is 'Hukamnamas' to tbe Sikbs, he asked tbem to come to his presence fully armed and made known his preference for arms as against other things as offerings from his disciples. Eversince the times of Guru Hargobind, a small body of armed persons always stood by the Guru. The ranks of this small army nOw began to swell and its effectiveness was sought to be perfected through hard discipline and train 'ng. Himself, tbe Guru acquired outstand ing skill in the use of arms and the various arts of war. Side by side, he excelled in literary persuits and Spiritual domains. The Guru's court at Anandpur became the centre c,f people, deeply religious, but now becoming increasingly determined to take up the challenge of the evil and aggressive forces, if and when called upon to do so.

7

The seat of the Guru, Anandpur, was situated in the state of Kahlur, tben enjoying very limited internal autonomy, alongwith other similar hiJI principalities, wbich, otherwise, were part of tbe Mugbal empire. These bill .tates were obliged to pay tributes to the Mughal overlords. The state of Kahlur was then being administered by Raja Bbim Chand from whose fatber, Dip Chand, Guru Tegb Bahadur bad bougbt the site of Anandpur, tben known as Makbowal, wbere be establisbed anotber Sikh centre, besides tbe ooe already at Kiratpur, situated ID the State of Hindur, with which Kahlur was not on good terms. Guru Tegh Babadur had stayed at Makhowal for sometime before he left for the eastern tour. U

Bhim Chand did not look with equanimity the growing influence of tbe Sikhs under Guru Gobind Singh because of tbeir continued good relations witb tbe State of Hindur and abo because of their emphasis on tbe establisbment of a casteless and classless society, wbicb was at complete variance with the basic beliefs of the Hindu orthodoxy, owing inalienable allegiance to the precepts of 'Varanasbarro Dbarma'. Bhim Chand was, tberefore, preparing to oust tbe Guru from his domains, on some pretext," witb or without the help of the otber orthodox Hindu hill· chieftains. Guru Gobind Singb saw through these designs and made known, in no uncertain terms, his firm resolve to resist and frustrate auy such attempt wbicb be regarded as an outrage on the integrity of bis Faitb .

In tbe middle of 1685 A. D., Raja Medani Parkash of Nahan, whose relations with Raja Fateh Shab of Srinagar (Garbwal) were strained, invited Guru Gobind Singb to his State with the view that the presence of tbe Sikhs in his domains may deter his adversary, Fateh Sbah, to embark upon any aggressive aUempts against the integrity of bis State." Guru Gobind Singh thought it expedient to accept the invitation in the hope that his absence might help restore normalcy in bis relations with the State of Kablur. Therefore, deputing suitable guards for tbe defence of Anandpur, he set out for Naban accompanied by his minister, Nand Chand, his relatives and five hundred Udasi

8

Sikhs. Deeply irr.pressed by its landscape and its enchanting surroundings, the Guru set up his camp on the banks of river Yammuna. near Paonta. Raja Medni Parkash urged Gnru Gobind Singh to stay there for a longer period and extended him all help, with men and material, for tbe construction of a fort for housing him and his men, which, now, included five hundred Pat hans, employed at the request of Pir Budhu Shah of Sadbaura, who was an ardent devotee of the Guru.

Deeply impressed by the Guru's repute, Raja Fateh Shah paid him a visit at Paonta. Guru Gobind Singh availed of the opportunity to bring about reapproacbment between him and the Raja of Nahan, both of whom promised to live in peace and mutual goodwill.

The presence of Guru Gobind Singh at Paonta also enabled Ram Rai, then staying at Dehra Dun in the State of Pateh Shah, to patch up his differences with the Guru by recognising him the undisputed and rightful head of the House of Guru Nanak.17

During his protracted stay at Paonta, lasting for abont three years," a large number of poets and literati gathered in his court which became the centre of highly creative literary activities. The Guru himself also wrote extensively at this place. Many of his well known compositions lIke Chandi di Var, Shastar Nam Mala, Chaupais and dohas and Krishan Avlar are the products of this place. In the last verse of Ihe Krishan Avtar, Guru Gobind Singh says that 'Ihe translation of Bhagvat has been undertaken with no other purpose than Ibat of war for the sake of Dharma.'"

The mood of the Guru is quite apparent. He "auld not countenance any threat to the treasures of his Fai.h.

BAPTISM IN WARFARE

Raja Fateh Shah of Srinagar, for reasons not quite clear, decided to repudiate his agreemont with the State of Nahan and recover all the dispute;! areas from it. He could not do so with­out coming into conflict wiLh the Guru's men who were camping at Paonta situated almost on the frontier of the two states. Meanwhile the marriage of Bhim Chand', son was solemni?:ed with the daughter of Raja Fateh Shab who, notwithstanding bis cordial relations with Guru Gobind Singh, refused to accept the rich presents of the Guru sent on the occasion, possibly on the insistence of Bh'm Chand. Tbe Guru also received intelli­gence that all the bill Chiefs gathered on the occasion of the marriage had resolved, at the bebest of Bhim Chand, to launch a eombined attack on him.

To meet this wanton and unprovoked threat of aggression. the Guru decided to deploy his men, si~ miles to the north-east, at a place known as Bhangani. On the eve of the crucial armed conflict, the body of the Pathans Laken into service at tbe behest of Pir Budhll Shah, deserted en·block, including their leaders, Hayat Khan and Najabat Khan, and joined the enemy ranks. The Udasi group, too, lost heart and left the Gucu's camp, ex;ept tbeir leader, Kirpal. Undeterred, Guru Gobind Singh took up the challenge with the help of the hardcore of his followers who had come with him from Anandpur and inflicted a convinc­ing defeat on the enemy who fled from the field , leaving behind

9

10

dead, a number of its more prominent and boastful leaders like Raja Hari Cband, Hayat Kban and Najabat Khan.' During tbe tbicK of war a sizeable contingent of men, including his sons, were sent by Pir Budhu Sbah to reinforce the ranks of Guru Gobind Singh. They played a Hry use ful role in tbe war which

earned for tbe Saint suitable honours at the hands of tbe Guru. Tn his autobiograpby-Vachittar Natak-Guru Gobind Singll

gives a very vivid and graphic account of tb is battle . Tbe

resounding victory over the combined forces of the hill Chiefs belped the Sikhs to rediscover themselves and be enthused with a renewed sense of courage and confidence to face the future challenges.

Guru Gobind Singh now decided to leave the State of Nahan for, alT,ong other reasons, he was disillusioned with the attitude of its chief-Medni Parkash. He not only kept himse lf away from the armed conflict at Bhangani , cut also seemed to be reluclant to see Ihe Guru even after the event-perhaps for rear or antagon izing Raj a Fateh Shah.

Guru Gobind Singb was loack at Anandpur' late in 16~8 A.D. Meanwhile, Bh im Cband was advised by bis co un sailors to seek rapproachment with the Guru . He saw througb the advi .. bitity of sucb a course and after broaching the matler through his envoy, personally came to An.ndpur to pay homage to tbe Guru and seek settlement witb bim. He was received cordially by the Guru wbo bestowed on bim a robe of honour. An understand ing seems to bave been reached between the two.' The amicability reacbed wilh Bbim Chand enabled tbe Guru to fortify tbe arrangemenls for tbe defence of Anandpur. A chain of forts were built around it and they were stocked with arms and amm unitions.'

For many a year last , Aur.ngzeb had been busy in the wars of D eccan and his continued ah sence in the South, away from his Capital, encouraged tbe hill Chiefs to withhold payments of tributes which they were obliged to pay to the Mugha\ Emperor' As tbe arrears mounted, the I'mperor directed the Governor of Jammu, M ian Khan, to take appropriate measures to reCover them. The Governor despatched a strong force under Alif Khan

It

for the purpose. Alif Khan started with an expedition against. the Kangra Chief who capitulated and joined his ranks along with Dyal , the chief of BIJHAWAR.

To meet the impending attack on them, the other hill Rajas. rallied behind Shim Chand who sol icited the help of Guru Gobind Singh, also, which was granted'. Tbe two sides clasbed near NADAUN, twenty miles to the south east of Kangra. Shim Cband apoeared to be in great difficulty against tbe relentless pressure of tbe enemy. When he wa' losing ground in the thick of war, Guru Gobind Singh turned the tables by killing Dyal­the Raja of Bijhawar. Alif Khan now had no choice but to· make a hasty retreat under cover of darkness .

Guru Gobind Singb returned to Anandpur where he learnt to his great dismay that Bhim Chand had concluded peace witll Alif Khan' by agreeing to pay the arrears o! tribute and. recognizing the Mugbal Over:ordship. Jf anything, it very clearly showed that the hill chieftains could nol be relied upon. The Guru decided to tru st only bis own arms.

The growing influence of Guru Gobind Singh was brought to tbe notice of Aurangzeb by the elements inimically disposed to the House of Guru N anak, in a manner wbich prompted him, to issue instructions to his Faujdars, in 1693 A.D., to prevent Gobind from assembling his Sikhs.' Dilawar Khan, tile Faujdar· of Kangra, sent an 11 ,000 strong expedition against the Guru under the command of his son. The advance of the Mughal. force un-nerved many a r,erson and they preferred to leave Anandpur. However, the bulk of the Sikhs Challenged the Mugbals on the banks of river Sutlej and according to the Guru 'the bloody Khan fled with his weapons unused. Through the Grace of God tbe wretched fool did not even touch me'. '

The infuriated Dilawar Khan sent another expedition now under the command of Hussain Khan, the ablest commander ' with Kan gra Faujdar. To meet the demands of this expedition , Dilawar Khan seems to have asked Hussain Khan to collect soroe sort of war levy, on his way to Anandpur, from tbe Rajas of the hill states. That probably explains why Hussain Khan.

12

got involved in wars with the hill chiefs while proceeding on an expedition against the Guru.1O Hussain Khan plundered village after village and after subduing the state ofKangra, he advanced towards Kehlur. Bbim Chand lost heart and agreed to meet all the demands of the Mughal general. Most of the otber Rajput princes also thought it prudent to follow suit. However, tbe Rajas of GuIer and Jaswan, because of tbe excessive burden of demands on them, were forced into a fight with the Mughal forces." The Guru, at their request, lent his support to the rebel princes. In the ensuing battle, Hussain Khan and the Kangra cbief fell in the field, while Bhim Chand had to ftee for his life. Bbai Sangtia and his associates were also killed in the blottle, but 'The clouds of battle did not burst over Anandpur.'''

Exasperated at the repeated reverses, Dilawar Kban tried to retrieve bis position by sending yet another expedition against the state of Jaswan, wh ich, however, ended as ignominiously as tbe previous attempts. Its commanders were killed while retreating.

The repeated set backs suffered by the Mugbal forces in the hills seems to have disturbed Aurangzeb, who, in order to rehabilitate the itnperial sway over these territories, commisioned his son, prince Muazz.In, for the purpose." The prince reached L.hore in August 1696 A.D. and therefrom launched the compaign against recllcitrant states of the hills." According to 'GUR BILAS' he gave specific orders to his general, Mirza Beg, to avoid conftict with Guru Gobind Singh, perhaps due to the intercession of Bhai Nand Lal , a devoted disl:iple of the Guru, who had been once in the employment of the ... rince.'"

Afler the departure of the Prince from Lahore in 1697 A.D., comparatlve peace prevailed in the Shiva1ik hills for a little over t.",o years. During this period, free from the shadows of waf, Guru Gobind Singh engaged himself :n literary act:vity, besides his missionary duties as the leader of a socio·religious fraternity . No body, however, could have guessed that while writing Bachitlar Natak and Rom Avlar, in this period, the

mind of the Gnru was actually sel on giving the final sbape to

13

the Order of which the foundation was laid by Guru Nanak. On 30th March 1699 A.D ., when, on the Baisakhi eve, the Xth Nanak, <luru Gobind Singh, instituted the Order ofKbalsa, after testing the mettle of tbe 'Followers of tbe Faith' through au awe-insriring call for a walk through the valley of death, the Faitb of Guru Nanak bad come of age.

CHAPTER III

THE CROWNING ACHIEVEMENT

Guru Nanak and his succeSsors had made sufficiently clear the type of Man and the nature of the social order they were aiming at and working for. Arter about two hundred years of ground work, the time had now come when the followers of the Faith had to assume the responsibility for which they were being groomed1 and also to accept tbe norms and discipline within which they would have to work. The fear of God, purity of thought and deeds and an irrevocable and an all-time commitment to uphold social Justice and combat evil and aggression had to be the destiny of tllese sovereign people. They had to pledge their life and their soul to these Ideals at the time of their initiation iDlO tbe fraternilY of the Khalsa­the Saint Soldiers, a new and a unique conception of truly religious and socially awakened pers?ns.

The Hindu orthoJoxy, as represented by the petty princes of the hills, notwithstanding its humiliating pli. ht, for centuries, at the hands of an alien socio-political order, continued to be adamant in its refusal to break the shell of its so-called divinely ordained superiority and adroit within its ranks the forces of progress and enlightenment, resulting in an hopelessly static and inert social order, spiritually starved and morally sick. The Muslim reactionaries and the revivalists, on the other hand, under Aurangzeb, had succeeded in changing the complexion of the State which had been turned into a ruthless

14

· 15

engine of aggressi.on for obliterating .verything that did not fit­into its design of a Uni· central socio-religious cum political order.'

These forces of orthodoxy and reaction were bound to come into conflict with tlle Sikh Ideals of Spiritual sovereignty and Social Justice. Such · a conllict was at the root of the circumstances tbat Jed to the mar:tyrdon;ls of· Guru Arjan Dey (J606 A D.) and Guru Tegh Babadur (1615 A.D.). The same forces were once again bent upon precipitating t\le same sort of confronlation whicb, now was going to be total and decisive. During the lasl few years Ihe Sikhs had unambiguously demonstrated their firm resolve to resisl all those elements whicb sought to impinge upon tbe integrity of their Faitb.

By Ibe end of tbe seventeenth century, Guru Gobind Singb bad come to tbe conclusion tbat tbe stage for a final call for 'DHARAMYUD', the struggle for rigbteousness, bas been reached. After purging his ranks of all the corrupt elements, he summoned his followers for a grand gathering at Anandpur on 30lb Marcb 1699 A.D., the Baisakhi eve. On that historic day , Guru Gobind Singh, dressed in full armour and with a naked sword in his band, stepped Onto the rostrum and addressing an eigbty tbousand slrong congregation said in a voice charged with rare ,motions, " All of you profess de<p love for your Faith and hi~hcst regards for )our Guru . Breatbes tbere a soul, amongst you, wbo is willing to offerlbis head for tbe sake of bis Dbarama 7 My sword is tbirsting for il." The whole assembly was stunned and stupified al Ibis strange and unheard-of call. There was a rather protracted pause and the Guru repeated the call. Dya Ram of Lahore, a KbRtri by caste, now advanced towards the rostrum and WIth

folded hands bowing before the Guru said, " My bead, my Master, is at thy feet; I shall be blessed if it is accepted as a humble offering to my Guru." The Guru led him into a tent pitcbed at a distance, and a sbortwhile thereafter, came bacle to the assembly with the sword now dripping blood, at the sight of wbich, may amongst the gathering preferred to slip away. The Guru repeated the call for another head. Now

,, 16

Dharam Das;' a ]at froni Delhi, answered the call arid he ioo 'was led to the sarlie tent. When the Guru came out, his mood and his sword were all the more awe inspiring. Thrice more he repeated the same ' call which, in turn,' was answered by Mukhan Chand' a 'washetman' from Dwarka, Sahib Chand, a barbar of Bidai- and Himat Cband, a water·carrier of Jagan Nath: Tliey also 'were, in tum, led into the aforesaid enclosure. The people leri in the congregation were almost holding tbeir breath in anticipation of what may follow next.

'When tbey saw tbe Guru waiking out of the tent followed by the five individuals wbo bad offered their lives at bis call, they were wonderstruck. Guru Gobind Singh, pointing out to tbose brave souls described them as bis 'BELOVED FIVE'­'PANJ PJARAS', wbo would form tbe nucleus of a new Order, the Order of the Khalsa. Standing close behind, five Beloved Ones immaculately attired in blue and saffron, with angelic transparence on their faces, left no doubt in the mind of the people tbat they had atlained the higbest spiritual elevance. The Guru was proud of them and baptised them with tbe double edge sword,' When , after the ceremony, Guru Gobind Singh requested them to baptise him likewise,' they, nay the wbole assembly, was taken aback. The Guru set tbeir doubts at rest by declaring that he had merged his very soul in them, the Khalsa, and tbat, benceforth, there would be no difference between bim and tbe Khalsa. "Khalsa Mero Roop Hai Kbas"-'tbe Khalsa represents my very special form, he said. The Guru was baptised and initiated into lhe order of lhe Khalsa at the hands of his disciples. Tbis is a unique example in the entire history of mankind, more especially in its spiritual annals, Bbai Nand Lal, a devotee, was so deeply touched by the Guru's seemingly strange and novel innovation that Ite could not contain his sentiments which he embodied in tbe song

Hail! Hail!! Guru Gobind Singh Who is a Guru and a diSciple al the same time.

It would be pertinent to make, here, a special menUon of the fact tbat three, out of the 'Beloved Five' belonged to the

17

so-called lower castes wtlOse shadows even were shunned by the higher caste Hindus. Before them, the Prophet of a Socia­spiritual order staaJ, with folded band, to be baptised by them, By owning them and elevating them, the Guru invested them with dignity which they could never even think of, as members of the Hindu social order. Those who now talk of ameleorating the lot of these people, euphemistically called Harijans, have much to learn from the precepts and preachings of Guru Gobind Singh.

After the baptismal ceremonies, Guru Gobind ' Singh, as recorded by an official news writer present there, addressed the congregation in these words;

"I wish you all to embrace one creed and follow one path, rising above all differences of the religion as now practi.ed. Let the four Hindu castes. who have different dharmas laid down for them in the Sastras, containing institntes of 'Varnashramdnarrna' abandon them al­together and adopting the way of mutual help and co-operation, mix freely with one another. Do not follow old Scriptures. Let none pay homage to the Ganges and, otber places of pilgrimage which are con­sidered holy in the Hindu religion. or worship tbe Hindu deities such as Rama, Krishna, Brahma and Durga etc; but aU should cherish faith in tne teachings of Guru Nanak and his successors. Let men of tne four castes receive my Baptism of the Double-edged sword, eat out of the same vessel, and feel no aloofness from, or contempt for one another."6

The news writer further says that about twen,ty thousand persons affirmed their faith in the Guru and were baptised on

the first day, and in the next about two weeks the number rose to eighty thousands.'

The first ordinance which the Guru issued to the Sikh 'Sangats' throughout India, after the establishment of Khalsa, said inter alia:

"In future the Sikhs should come into my presence

18

wearing long hair. Once a Sikb is baptised, he sbould oever shave. He should not use tobacco and other intoxicants and the Sikhs should beneefort" receive the baptism of the Double-edged Sword.'"

tn order to ensure tbat the Kbalsa Brotherhood did not degenerate into a sect of savage warriors, Guru Gobind Singh enjoined a very strict code of moral conduct upon its members_ In the 'Teti Swayyas', he elucidates tbe concepticn of the eharacter of tbe Khalsa in tbese words :

Inspired by devotion And awake to the light, Singing perpetually The Name of the Lord, Having no faith in any. Except the One Lord, Absorbed in His splendour, Absorbed in his Love, Even amid error Never believing In fasts and tombs, Temples and idols, 0, in anything but Devotion to the One; Caring not even for Compassion or charity If God's life Be not in them; Not for penances, Not Jor bathings In the holy places. Not for the yogi's Self-MaceratiollS ; Such a child of Light, Such a paragon, Such a complete man, Fufly enlightened In heart and soul To be of the Khalsa Is worthy deemed !'

19

Tbe Order of tbe Khalsa is, therefore, a global fraternity ()f equal and God-fearing members who are morally awakened, socially committed and wedded to the Ideals of Freedom and Justice, which, at times, may have to be attained and defended by the use of force. According to Dr. E.A. Battoncourt " The Khalsa is a Superman saturated with the glories and powers of the infinite, yet exuberant with sweetness, innocence and brother­liness."

It needs to be emphasised here that tbe establisbment of tbe Order of Khalsa was not an abrupt development, under Guru Gobind Singh. I t was rather a logical culmination of the basic tenets of the Faith, as enunciated by its founder Guru Nanak and as endorsed and enlarged by his successors. 'By ·instituting the Khalsa, Guru Gobind Singh reaffirmed the Faith promulgated by Guru Nanak, consolidated the Sikh Panth to withstand the external interference, inspired· his Sikhs to defend the claims of conscience at the risk of their lives and enabled them to stand On their own feet as a corporate body. In this process he sharpened the distinct socio-religious character of the Sikh-Panth10

The institution of the Order of Khalsa is a landmark in the history of India with implications stret,bing far beyond its borders. It brougbt about a complete metamorphism iu tbe attitude of its disciples towards the forces of Establisbment. No longer were they inclined to attribute their socio-spiritual bandicaps and their plight, as a result thereof, to the \agaries <>f 'Fate' or the inexorable laws of 'Karma'. They had been <:nabled to formulate for the human beings an order of basic Tights which, under no circumstances, they would allow anyone to erode. The price involved in the efforts to defend these in­violable rights could not deter them, because, at the time of their initiation into the Order of the Khalsa, they had been Tequired to pledge their very lives for such a cause. Delineating the wider significance of the institution of Khalsa, Dr. Gupta is <>f the opinion ;

l. It created an inalienable spirit of brotherhood and comradship among the Sikhs.

20

2. Each .one of the Sikhs was ~qual in status and had the same rights and privileges. Thus 100 years before the. French Revolution, principles of Liberty, Frater­nity and Equality were enunciated and became the bedrock of the Khalsa life.

3. By his selection, on merit , of the five representative leaders, the Guru destroyed the theory of divine rights of kings and established the supermacy of tbe common mall.

4. The doctrine of collective responsibility was proclaim­ed. The five beloved ones-in the presence of the Holy Granth-were to be obeyed by the entire community."

CHAPTER IV

ESCALATION OF CONFLICT

" The added emphasis on the obliteration of all distinctions CIf!\lUlCs_and creeds, through the institution of Khalsa by Guru 90bind Singh, w~s looked upon, by the orthodox hill chiefs, as a challenge to their social and political status and a potential danger to their hegemony'. The increasing numher of Sikh im­migrants to Anandpur added further to their apprehensions. They now planned to wrought destruction on the Guru and all that he stood for, by all means at their disposal' .

One day, when the Guru was out hunting in the Ooon valley, two wily hill chiefs, Balia Chand and Alam Chand, tried '" ambush him. with the help of a large ~ etatchment of troops with them. The small band of the Sikhs with the Guru met tbe challenge in a brave and befitting manner and compelled the treacherous hill men to flee for their lives in complete disarray.

Finding themselves helple.. to face tbe Sikhs on their own, the Hindu Rajas sought the belp of the Mughals3 which was granted by Aurangzeb' who, too, was equally anxious to break the power of the Guru. However, he made it clear that the entire costs of the military expeditions would be borne by the bilHords, to which they readily agreed. Acoordingly two Mughal generals, Painde Kban and Dina Beg, were commission­ed for the purpose with a ten thousand stroog force at their disposal. They were joined at Ropar by the Hindu rulers with their contingents. When tbe Guru received intelligence of the

21

22

huge army advancing towards Anandpur, be decided to take tbe field personally alongwith his followers. In the thick of the battle, the Guru accepted tbe cballenge of Painde Khan to figbt . in a single combat and settle the issue. In the hand to hand fight, Painde Khan was killed and afterwards D ina Beg was also injured. The enemy forces took to flight persued by the Sikhs as far as R>par whence they were recalled by the Guru.

Totally blinded by their injured pride as a result of repeat­ed Te,'erses in the field and also by narrow caste prejudices, the haugbty hill cbieftains were unable to see the writin,s on tbe wall. They could not countenance the idea of accepting, 011 equal terms, tbe followers of Guru Gobind Singh, most of whom bad hitberto belonged to lower strata of society. They had hardly been able to lick tbeir wounds suffered in tbe last war, wben, once again, they were on tbe war patb. All Ihe twenty two bill states decided to wage anotber a!tack on Anandpur. They also mustered the support of the Gujjars and Ran gars under their leader, Jagat Ullah. The wbole effort resulted, once again, in the total defeat of tbe allies. J agat Ullah, Kesari Chand of Jaswal and Raja Ghumand Chand were among those who lay dead OD the field. Ajit Siogb, tbe Guru's sixteen year old soo, Bachittar Singb and Udai Singh earned laurels in the battle for their prodigious feats of valour.

Having got despaired of capturing Anandpur by force, the Hindu Rajas bit upon a treacberous strategy to bave the town of Anandpur evacuated. According to Saina Pat, tbey appealed to the Guru's sense of chivalry by requesting bim to leave Anandpur to them as the 'Gao·Bbat' i.e. tbe food for tbe sacred cow.' They solemnly prom;sed to let him live in peace, on bis return to the place, after sometimes. Even fully aware of tbe motives behind this move, tbe Guru, nonetheless, in order to expose tbem, decided to accept the request, anj came out of Anandpur to encamp at NIRMOH. In collaboration with Wazir Khan, the Faujdar of Sirhind, the hill chiefs, in utter disregard of their solemn words, attacked lbe Sikb camps. Not­withstanding tbe comparative strength of tbe enemy being,

23

according to Saina Pat, 'Like stars surrounding the Moon', the Sikhs, under their Guru , successfully fought througb the enemy ranks to enter the friendly state ofllasoli. The Kehlur troops sent in persui! met with such resistance at the bands of the Sikbs tbat they had to fiee from the field 'as the arrow from a stretcbed bow'.

Sometimes afterwards, wben the Ranghars of Kamlot assaulted the Sikh travellers, the Guru chastised them by capturing the fortress of Kamlot and all attempts on tbe part of tbe Ranghars to retrieve it ended in complete failure.

The fall of Kamlot and tbe return of the Guru to Anand­pur, tbereafter, impressed upon the cbief of Keblur tbe necessity of coming to an amicable settlement witb him. By tbe middle of 1702 A.D., some suoh understanding seems to bave bten relichee! between the two.

The Guru was now left in peace for sometimes which according to SaiDa Pat, lasted for about two years. During this period, Guru Gobind Singh strengthened the arrangements for tbe defence of Anandpur, bad increasing number of Sikhs trained in the use of arms and, above all, concentrated on disseminating the spiritual message of tbe House of Guru Nanak . The comparative peace also prompted increasing number of Sikhs to repair to Anandpur. tbe seat of their 'Sacha Padshah-tbe 'True King', in matters spiritual as well as temporal. Many of tbem opted to settle at Anandpur, nearer tbeir beloved Guru .

Tbe increasing influence of the Guru among the people, alarmed the hill chie,fs to form a coalition against him , Once again. Tbey sent him an ultimatum to leave tbe hills. On refusal of the Sikbs to entertain such a demand, the allied forces of tbe bill states decided to lay seige to tbe town of Anandpur. Tbe Khalsa borsemen coming out in sorties, inHicted sucb bloody loses upon tbe enemies tbat tbey were obliged to retreat. Yet another attelT'pt by tbe Raja of Keblur ended in greater fiasco.

Fully convinced that they were uDable to deal with the

24

Guru on their own, tbe Hindu Principalities, tbrough Bhim Chand, pleaded with Aurangzeb' to help them eliminate, accord­ing to them, a potenti~l danger to his empire. Aurangzeb who, for some times last, had been receiving exaggerated reports of the mounting power of the Guru, from a distance, was tinally prevailed upon to issue orders to the governors of Lahore and Sirhind to assist Ihe Hindu princes, with men and material, io their conflict with Guru Gobind Singb.' The crafty Hindu Princes thus succeeded io transforming a basically local conflict into a major war between tbe youog Kbalsa, wilb its very limited resources on the one side, and tbe Mugbal empire with its vast and uolimited resources, on the olber.

The raoks of this formidable combination of the allied troops were further augumented by the add ition of Gujjars, Ranghars and other sucb mercenaries. Tbe contemporary records place the total strength of tbe invading army at about a million, including contingents from Lahore, Sirhind, Qasur, Maler Kotla, Multan, Bijwara, and other dislricts. The Hill Chiefs, Zabardast Kban of Lahore and Wazir Khan of Sirhind, who led the allied troops, were in a very confident mood and boped that tbey would be able to vanquisb tbe Kbalsa rather easily on the strength of Ibeir rar superior numbers and better equipment, by storming Anandpur. However, tbey were completely dismayed, wben their tirst attempt proved abortive and very costly. At tbe end of tbe day, as many as nine hundreds of the enemy troops lay dead on the field and tbe Sikh snipers forced tbem to take refuge at a safe distance. Wazir Kban was in rage. Next morning he ordered anolher assault, but, by tbe nigbt fall, the Mugbols and tbe Rajputs were forced back to tbeir entrenchments, art~r conceding a heavier toll of tbeir ranks. Wazir Kban and his co-generals were forced to realize tbat the body of the devoted Khalsa, figbting for a just and honourable cause, was more tban a match to tbe hordes of mercenaries and casual troops come together for no other purpose than to feed themselves on the loot and plunder, in the event of a victory in tbe war. He now counselled a tight blocade of Anandpur, stopping all ingress

25

and egress, with a view to starve the Sikhs to submission. The Khalsa outwitted the enemy manoeuvers by plundering the enemy stores, under cover of darkness and returning to Anand­pur laden with booty. Wazir Khan moved the stores to safer places and placed them under a round-the-clock vigil.

Tbe seige dragged on for more tban six months and yet tbere waS no sign of captulation from Anandpur. However, with tbe passage of more time, and the tightening of blockade, the stock of food with the Sikhs got completely exbausted and they were forced to subsist On wild bushes and the leaves and the bark of the trees. Tbeir horses and live stock also starved ~o ,death. Obviously tbe 'Sikbs were being driven to desperate straits.· When, later on, the course of the stream wbicb supplied tbem water, was also diverted by tbe enemy, tbere were visible dents in their spirits. Extreme pri vat ions gave birtb to discontentment. Many of them DOW began to tbink in terms of tbe desirability of evacuating tbe place.

Discontentment, however, was also mounting in the enemy ranks as well. The onset of winter and the DOD-availability of supplies from the barren and inhospitable surrounding areas, led to eve~ increasing desertions, especially when there were little signs of an end to the bostilities in any near future. The leaders of the enemy troops now bit upon an underband stratagem to save their faces from an utter defeat. According to the unimpeacbable contemporary eVidence, tbe enemy held out solemn assurances to tbe Guru and bis {Khalsa tbat they ,,",ould be provided absolutely safe conduct if tbey, for the sake of peace, agreed to evacuate tbe town of Anandpur for some time. R~ferences in tbe Fatehnama and Zafarnama very clearly indicate that this move was approved and blessed by Aurangzeb bimself. Bhai Santokh Singh also supports this view in 'Gurpartap Suraj Grantb' .

'A letter from the Rajas of Kehlur and the otber states was received. Tbe Guru took that letter in band. Then be sent for Aurangzeb's letter. Having PUt botb of tbem carefully in bis pocket, be ordered

26

everyone to get ready and move out on the road'. Sarup Singh Kausbik also vouchsafes, in 'Guru K'an Sakhian' tbe receipt of solemn words on Quran from Aurangzeb, by the Guru, before be decided to evacuate Anandpur.9

Tbe possibility of the safe conduct furtber encouraged tbose who were inclined to desert tbe town. Tbe Guru bad no doubt tbat tbe offer of the enemy was a deatb trap, and be had also the tidings ahout tbe ever increasing discontentment in the enemy ranks. Under these circumstances, be advised bis followers to hold out for sometime more. But be told tbose who were still inclined to desert that they could do so at their own risk, after signing a renunciation deed . The extreme privations of labouring under conditions of hunger and starvation drove some of them to cboose this course. Wben sometimes later, still more clamoured to evacute tbe Town, Guru Gobind Singb, much against his own superior judgement, finally made up h 's mind to accept tbeir demand. On tbe fateful nigbt of December 21 st, 1704, tbe Guru ordered tbe evacuation of Anandpur, after paying homage to his father's shrine.

Besides tbe members of his family, about 1500 persons were accompanying tbe Guru wben be left Anandpur. The night boing cold , dark and rainy, belped the departing Sikhs to get safely out of tbe enemy cordon. However, as anticipated by tbe Guru, tbe moment tbe enemy learnt about the departure of tbe Sikbs, in total disregard of ils own solemn words and bence of any ethical standards , it set out in hot persuit immedi­ately. Tbe treacberous conduct of tbe enemy is referred to, by the Guru, In Zafarnama, wherein he says,

"Trampling over their own solemn words, Armed with Arrows, Spears and Swords, Thy men in blatant betrayal of trust, Made, on us, a sudden thrust."

Wazir Khan's men soon fell upon the Guru's rear guard. Udai Singh," togetber with a ,mall band of tbe Sikbs, decided to halt the progress of the fast closing in army, sO as to enable

27

tbe Guru's entourage to cross SIRSA, a rivulet, most unfortu­nately, tben in bigb spate, due to winter rains. Tbougb tbe Guru, tbe members of bis family and a small band of tbe Sikbs. were able to cross the tlooded river, yet tbey got scattered in tbe attempt, losing some of tbeir comrades in tbe midstream. Wbile tbe boly wives of the Guru were escorted to Delhi by some of the devoted Sikhs, the holy mother, Gujri, alongwitll her two younger grandsons, "as led to viIlage Saheri by one of her own bousehold employee-Gangoo Brahmin-who, bowever, soon after hetrayed them to tbe Nawab of Sirhind, the sworn enemy of the Sikhs. Amid protestations from some saner elements, like the Nawab of Malerkotla , Wazir Khan had the tender sons of the Guru, then aged only seven and nine years, bricked up alive, having been stung by the holdness. of tbeir manners and the courage of their convictions. Their aged grandmotber could not withstand tbe news of tbe bear~

rending tragedy and left for ber beavenly abode immediately tbereafter.

Guru Gobind Singh himself, alongwitb two ' of bis elder sons, Ajit Singb and Jujbar Singb, aged eigbteen and fourteen years respectively, and just forty of his brave devotees, being relentlessly persued by tbe enemy contingents, reinforced at Ropar, decided to ·take shelter in a mud-walled house at Cbamkaur, whicb was almost immediately thereafter besieged by tbe enemy numbering about a million. These facts have been borne out by tbe Guru himself in his Fatehnama, when addressing Aurangzeb, be says,

"When a million strong horde, All armed and blood thirsty, Falleth suddenly upon, A batch of mere forty, Hungry all and tired, Though brave and inspired, The odds are all too grave, For gods even to brave.

The enemy had boped to liquidate the all too small band' of the star'Jed: fatigued and the battle-worn Sikhs, Dot so welt

28

~ntrenched, rather easily and with that end in view, it launched a fierce attack on the improvised fortress at Chamkaur. How­ever, the rain of bullets and the arrows from within the ramparts was so furious and so effective that tbe invading bordes bad to fall reeling back and did not dare to venture near them . The determined f atch of tbe Sikhs, endowed with super human courage, remained firmly entrenched in their positions, to the great wonder even of the enemy. When the ammunition got exhausted, in order to keep the enemy at a bay, three to five Sikhs, armed with only a sword, a shield or a spear would emerge from within the fortress and with the war cry of 'Sat Sri Akal' on their lips would fall upon the enemy ranks. Death for them was all too certain, but their object was to keep the enemy engaged for as long as it was possible and in this aim they succeeded admirably. Two of the Guru's elder sons, Ajit Singh and Jujbar Singh, also fell in tbe field similarly but only after excelling their comrades-in-arms in every way. In the face of such feats of rare courage and unrivalled valour, tbe bravest among the enemy were feeling stunned and helpless and could not dare to venture near the mud fortress garrisoned by less tban two scores of ill-equipped and ill-fed persons. That such a small batch of the Sikhs, almost half starved, with only courage, born out of the presence of tbeir Guru amongst tbem, to sustain tbem, sbould have been able to withstand successfully the onslaugbts of a million strong bost of enemy, for the wbole length of the day, stands out, in Ibe entire history of mankind, as a unique and proud monument to the invincible spirit or Man devoted to the cause of Truth and Justice: "For sheer valour and endurance, the battle has scarcely any parallel" . says Dr. l. B. Banerjee."

When at the end of the day, besides himself, only five Sikhs were left with him, G JfU Gobind Singb ma~e known to them, his resolve to personally take tbe field next morning. The Sikhs earnestly pleaded with him to leave the place under cover of darkness, because, according to them, he alone would be abl e to give a new lease of life to the scattered ranks of the Kbalsa.

29

The Guru, bowever, was adamant and refused fo leave tbem ~Ione. Tbe Sikhs were determined to make a bid to save tbe life of the Guru, their 'Beau·Ideal.' Recalling tbat the Guru bad vested a unanimous decision of the five members of the Khalsa with the solemnity of an injunction binding on the GUTll as wEll, they formally resolved to as" the Guru to leave the piace. Guru Gobind Singb, now, was left witb no cboice and bowing before tbeir decision, left tbe place, witb tbree of bis. disciples, 'witbout even a bair of bis body being injured'. In tbis.

be saw the hand of God. "Chastiser of foes of evil designs, Who, in fully,/orget the Sublime; He led me safely off their cordon . Without a scratch on my person."

-Zafarnama Next morning, tbe enemy on taking control of tbe all but

abandoned fortress, was sorely disappointeJ to find tbat Guru Gobind Singb was not there." By tbat time, be and bis companions-Dya S41gh, Dharam Singh and Man Singh-bad been able to cover good distance, under cover of darkness. Armed units of the enemy troops were sent in search of him and with an eagle's eye they were trying to locate him.

Mean'while reaching Machhiwara, the Guru's party chanced to meet Nabi Khan and Ghani Khan," tbe Patban brothers who, as horse traders, bad met tbe Guru earlier at Anandpur and had developed a deep devotion for him, for his piety and lofty teacbings. They were determined to belp bim get out of the enemy trap to a place of comparative safety. They devised to disguise bim as a contemp'orary muslim saint of ~8.t venetation and seating bim on a palanquin lifted it on th~ sboulders . . The device belped tbe Guru and bis compani­ons,··to pass tbrougb Chulal, Lall Kalan, Kubba, Katana. RatDjmr, Kanecb, Sahnewal, Nandpur Tibba etc., rather unobtrusively, and reach Alamgir, wbere one of bis old devotees. met tbe Guru and presented him a borse . Accepting tbe borse, Guru Gobi~d Singh ~ow relieved the ?atban brotbers, tbanked

30

them hearlily and invested them with tokens of everlasting bonds between them and the Khalsa."

From Alamgir onwa rd tbe journey lay through the villages of JOOh-Rattan, Mohi, Heran, Rajoana, Kamalpur, Seeloani, and Rai Kot, Ibe headquarters of Rai Kalla," an old devotee of Guru Gobind Singb. A special messenger, Nura Mahi, sent to "Sirhid from this place, brougbt the heart rending news of tbe Martyrdom of tbe two younger princes and tbeir aged grand­motber. The Guru received the tragic news with amazing -courage and perfect equanimity. Pullinll out a wild sb rub with tbe tip of one of his arrows, the Guru is reported to have predicted, at this place, that such a tyrannous rule of the Mughals is bound to come to an end in the very near fulure."

After a brief stay at Rai Kot, Guru Gobind Singb -decided to proceed furtber, towards the waste lands of Bhatirda. Passing through Ihe villages of Manuke, Mehdiana, Chakkar, Takhtoopura, and Madeh, the Guru reached Dina wbere he was received by Cbaudharies Lakbmir and Shamir. the grandsons of Chaudhari Jodh , a spirited follower of Guru Har Gobind, tbe <lrandfather of Guru Gobind Singh.

The poop Ie of the surrounding areas, tbe Brars, were mostly committed to the cause of the Faitb and the Guru -decided to stay at Dina, in tbeir midst, for the time being. He moved about quite freely to preach his divine mission and as the information about his whereabouts reached the Sikhs, tbey started coming to Dina to pay bim their homage.

The comparative respite at Dina enabled Guru Gobind "Singh to compose 'Zafarnama', in reply to a communication from AUfangzeb, possibly received there through a special messenger from the King." In this composition, couched in ehaste and vigorous Persian verse, Aurangzeb has been severely indicted for his treacherous character, cowardly conduct, tyrannous rule and misconceived rel igious fanatc ism. He is warned that unless be made suitable amends a very sad eod awaited him in the worlds, here and hereafter. This 'Epistle of Victory' is a testimony to tbe invincible spirit of Guru Oobind

· 3)

Singb, who squarely reminds tbe King that notwitbstanding tbe loses inflicted upon him, through cunning and immoral means, bt and bis Khalsa remained unsubdued and were in a position to inflict suitable punishment upon him for his continued misdeeds. He is advised to abjure violence and tyranny or, if he had the beart, take the field personally and face his nemesis.

When Wazir Khan learnt about tbe presence of Guru Gobind Singh at Dina he asked Chaudharies Lakhmir and Shamir to hand over tbe Sikb Pontiff to him. The Brar brotbers firmly refused to oblige him and reiterRted their resolve to stand by the Guru tbrough thick and thin. There could now be no doubt tbat the Faujdar of Sirbind was looking forward to an· other e~peditioR against the Guru wbo, true to bis mission, was ltetermiried to resist any renewed aggression that threatened tbe 'integrity of hi. Faith. He, therefore, asked bis followers to 'gatber in strength, fully armed, and in full faitb. After a hurried survey of the area to find out the most suitable place where the enemy could be engaged, the Guru finally fixed his mind on Kot Kapura. The master of the place Chaudhari Kapura, who professed great admiration for the Guru, however, got alarmed at the prospects of possible reprisals at tbe hands of the Muguls and, therefore, politely declined to hand over his place to the Sikhs. Instead , be suggested Khidrana, a relatively iaac:cessibte place wbich housed a small water reservoir, tbe only onc ~ in the entire arid area around. The Guru proceeded thitber.

During tbe course of tbe journey from Dina, a sizable body of the Sikhs got gathered around tbe Guru whose immense personal sufferings and sacrifices had earned for him deeper devotion and dedication from his ranks. The Sikhs were now all the more determined to uphold the sanctity of their Faith and to sacrifice themselves for their GUru and all he uood for.

Some of the Sikhs of the Majba tract in Punjab, during the protracted seige of Anand pur, had deserted their Guru and their brother-in-arms, onder the acute pain of prolonged

32

sufferings and starvation. On reaching home, they were put to such a shame by their womenfolk for their cowardly and un-Sikh conduct that they were obliged to realize their mistake. They now resolved to wash off the stigma of apostasy from their faces, even with their lives, if need be.

Having learnt about the renewed danger to the security of their Guru and the integrity of the Khalsa, they decided to rejoin their brothers-in·Faith. By tbe time the Mughal army caught up with the rear guards of the Sikh contingents, near Khidrana, these brave and re pent ant Sikhs, under the command of a Lady of unusual courage and conviction, Mai Bhago, had also reached there. In the course of the bitter fight that enused, they feU to the last mar, but not before they had SD

completely routed the enemy tbat, thereafter, it did not dare to molest the Guru." The Guru was so much moved by their renewed devution and supreme ,acrifice that, forgiving their earlier desertion, he not only owned them all, completely and wholeheartedly, but als" blessed them as having been divinely redeemed. The holy shrine of 'Muktsar' commemorates the sacred memory of these brave souls.

The battle over, Guru Gobind Singh visited many places for missionary work. Passing through several villages, he finally reacbed the vicinity of Talwandi Sabo on 20th January, 1706, and, at the request of tbe village landlord, Chaudhari Dalla-one of his old followers, he decided to put up there for the time being. Talwandi Sabo, thereafter known as Damdama Sahib, very soon began to pulsate with the renewed socio-spiritual activities of the Khalsa under Guru Gobind Singb and became reminiscent of the glory of Anandpur. More and more devotees would now repair to tbis place to seek solace at the feet of the Guru who. for them, had courted tremendous personal suffefings and sacrifices. The Guru's wives also joined him there from Delhi. When tbe holy mothers burst into tears recalling Ihe cruel and unbearable deaths of the four young Princes, the Guru tried to console them. Pointing towards the Bikhs congregated around, he

33

said, "What does it matter if the four bave died? They died so tbat tbese thousands migbt live."

The period of Guru Gobind Singh's stay at Talwandi Saba, lasting for about nine months and nine days, is remark­able for two things in particular. The first is the marvellous impact of the Guru's charismatic personality and teacbings on the people. The Guru conducted occasional tours throughout length and breadth of the area to spread the Gospel of Sikhism . . As a result, a large number of people accepted the sacrament of the steel, the Amrit, and entered the folds of the Faith." Tal . andi Sabo attracted large orowds of devotees aod presented tbe spectacle of a new Aoandpur. More than ten times the number of people at Anandpur came to assemble here. According to Koer Singh :

"Every day the Guru distributed gold and silver coins, Countless soldiers were thus attracted to the place."

(Gurbilas Patshahi-lO) The preparation of the final recension of Ihe holy Adi

Granth is the second great achievement of Darnda rna Sahib. The final copy of the Holy Granth was prepared by . Bhai Maoi Singh under the guidance of the Guru himself. The same recension was later invested with Guruship at Naded (Deccan). on October 6, 1708 A.D.

Meanwhile, an Imperial envoy delivered another message from Aurangzeb to the Guru, expressing desire for a persona' meeting between the two. To facilitate such a meeting, the Emperor issued orders to Munim Khan of Lahore ' to conciliate Guru Gobind Singh and make satisfactory arrangements for his travel towards the south'."

According to the Sikh chronicles, the change of heart on the part of Aurangzeb was the result of the deep impact that the letters of the Guru-Fatehoama and Zafarnarna-bad on the mind of the aging King. His bloody and sinful acts, brought out to him in bold relief in these letters, appear to have driven the Emperor to a state of acute inner torment and a mood of repentance. It is apparently in such a mood

34

that he wrote a letter to one of his sons, saying, "1 know not who I am, where shall I go and what will happen to this sinner. My years have gone by profitleisly . God bas been in my heart but my darkened eyes have not recognized His light. There is no hope for me in the futur~ ..... .1 have greatly sinned and know not what torm •• nts await me.""

Against earnest entreaties from most of his followers, the Guru left Talwandi Saba, on 30tb October, 1706, for the Soutb, ostensibly to meet Aurangzeb to impress upon him the folly and futility of bis wrong and unethical approach towards his subjects, especially the non-muslims. He also looked forward to the opportunity to settle all the outstanding issues with him. peacefully, if possible. The question of eXposiDg the ~xcesses and misdeeds of his porteges like Wazir Khan must not also have been far from his mind."

Guru Gobind Singh, bowever, did not follow the arrange­ments and the route suggested by the King. Accompanied by a sizable conti gent of the devoted Khalsa, he entered Rajasthan via Sirsa. Near Eagbaur in Rajasthan, he learnt about the death of Aurangzeb on Feb. 20tb, [707 and, along­with the Sikhs accompanying him, he decided to proceed towards Delh i.

War of SucCCSSiOb

In the house of tbe Mughals, the law of prigmogeniture was never followed and, bence, every aspirant to the throne had to assert his claim through sword. The deatb of Aurangzeh was, therefore , a signal for the war of succession between his sons, Mohd. Muazzam and Azaro Shah, in which Mohd. M uazzam-later crowned as Bahadur Shah-came out success. ful. At the request of Bahadur Shah, on the eve of the crucial battle, Guru Gol>ind Singh had extended him moral and material support, although the historians differ with regard to the quantum and the impact of such an help. However, the cordiality with which Guru Gobind Singh was later received in the Imperial court at Agra by Babadur Shah, after wearing

3S

the Crown, and the honours tben conferred upon him-as vouchsafed by tbe Guru bimself in his 'Hukamnama'" is'ued after tbe event-do unmistakably indicate that the Mughal King must have been very much impressed liy the belp rendered to him by the Guru. An entry in tbe Akbbarat-i-Darbar·i­Maulla (Jaipur), dated 24th July, 1707, also speaks of the Guru h.ving been allowed to g~ fully armed in tbe Emperor's presence and the costly presents then bestowed upon him."

Tbe circumstances that brougbt Guru Gobind Singh and Babadur Shah closer together enabled the Guru to discuss with him all tbe issues wbich were the legacy of the reign of bis father, Aurangzcb. The object of Guru Gobind Singb's parleys witb Bah.dur Shah is indicated in a letter that he \\rote after their meeting at Agra. In this letter, tbe Guru asks the Khalsa to come to his presence fully armed, on his return to Kehlur. Obviously the Guru must bave been insisting upon the restoration of the Status que ante and the retributive actions against those who were guilty of prepetrating inhuman excesses on the innocent people, particularly the Sikhs."

It appears th.t Bahadur Sbah was finding it difficult to take any punitive action against persons like Wazir Khan or even the hill chiefs, at the initial stage of his career as a King, especially when, i" his court, tbere waS a slrong lohby of the orthodox Muslim revivalists, with their base at Sirbind, who looked upon tbe rise of Sikhism as a cballenge to tbe integrity of Islam" He, tberefore, asked Guru Gobind Singb to wait for sometime, till he consolidated his position. His gosture of goowill towards the Guru may have been, tberefore, a diplomatic move to ensure bis presence near the court to keep it informed of his mind and moves."

In November 1707, Bahadur Shah marched against the Kachwahya Rajputs in Rajasthan to quell their revolt. Guru Gobind Singh travelled with the· imperial camp but without partiCipating in any of the compaigns. On several occasions the Guru would le~ve the Mughal camp and go to various places to preach his Gospel in bill OWll way. II

36

The operations against the Rajputs had to be dropped abruptly when the Emperor's brother, Kam Bakasb, rose in revolt in Deccan. Babadur Sbah had to marcb down South . to subdue him. The Guru also moved with him in tbe hope that the King would Soon be free attend to his demands. as promised.

CHAPTER V

ENO OF THE JOURNEY

Marching througb RajputBna tbe Imperial army crossed river Tapti at Burhanpur. Captivated by tbe faemating landscape, 'the Guru decided to encamp on the banks of tbe river for a few days. He rejoined the imperial camp, towards the end of September 1708, at Nanded, a small town on the banks of river Godawari. Even during these travels, the Guru did not chan~e his daily routine. He was up well before sunrise, to say his morning prayers and to meditate. Prayer meetings were held later in the day, when he recited 'Gurbani' from the holy Grantb and expounded its text to the assemblage, after whicb ')Cirtan' was sung and 'Karab Parsad' ,listributed. Tbese meet­ings roused tbe interest of tbe local inbabitants wbo were welcome to attend tbem. Tbe author of the 'Tarikb-i Babadur Shabi' writes,

"Guru Gobind, one of tbe grandsons of Nanalc. bas come into tbese districts to travel and accompany tbe royal camp. He is in the habit of constantly add­ressing tbe assemblies of worldly people, religious fanatics and all sorts of people."

On reaching Nanded, Guru Gobind Singh met one Madho Dass, a Rajput ascetic, who lived on the bank of the river.' Born at Rajauci (Poonchh), in Kashmir, in 1670 A.D., he joined the order of 'Bairagis' and after spending many years in Hindu Monastries in south India, he set up bis own hermitage at Nanded

37

38

After meeting the Guru, Madho Dass attended Sikh prayer meetings and had long discussions with him. Finally he became the Guru's disciple and described himself as his 'Banda'-a slave. The Guru baptised him by administering him' Amrit' and accepting him in tbe order of the Khalsa, blessed bim as 'Banda Singb Bahadur. Tbere are some wbo say tbat be was renamed Gurbakasb Singb after tbe initiation. However, according to Khafi Khan, even before he met the Guru, Banda was a Sikb by persuation i.e. 'One of tbose attacbed to tbe tenets of Guru Gobind, and wbo from tbeir birth or from tbe moment of tbeir admission, never cut or shave either beard or whiskers or any bair wbatever of tbe body: Tbat Banda Bahadur should bave been cbosen as tbe leader of tbe expedition to Punjab, in pre­ference to tbe otber battle worn Sikhs of proven abilities, lends some credibility to the tbeory of Khafi Kban.'

By now Guru Gobind Singh seems to have realized that Bahadur Shah was either not inclined to render justice or was not in a position to take any punitive action against tbe fanatical satraps like Wazir Khan, wbo were guilly of beinous crimes against tbe people. No redress would come by request, he was convinced. He, tberefore, parted company ",ilb Bahadur Sbab and stayed on at Nanded. Banda Bahadur was cbarged witb tbe task of proceeding to Punjab with the definitive purpose of cbastising Wazir Khan, hill cbiefs and all tbose who were tyrannizing over the innocent people. Binod Singh, Kahan Singb and Baaz Singh were among those who were deputed witb Banda Babadur. Dr. G.C. Narang puts tbis figure at twenty five.' Adequate reinforcements from Punjab were assured. Punisbments matching tbeir crimes were soon inflicted upon Wazir Kban, bill cbiefs and indeed all those wbo had the blood of tbe innocent people on tbeir hands, by the Sikbs under Banda Bahadur. Althougb Guru Gobind Singb had by now foreRaken his ~ortal frame, yet witbin tbree years of his deatb the wbole of the central and soutb-eastern Punjab lay prostrate at tbe feet of the Sikbs wbo were now threatening Delhi as well. One can therefore very well imagine how far tbe Guru bad

39

'roused the dormant energies of a vanquished people and filled them with a lofty. though fitful ' longing for social freedom and national ascendency, the true adjuncts, of that purity of wor­ship whicb had been preached by Nanak."

After tbe departure of Banda Bahadur, the Guru stayed back at Nanded and continued preaching the message of the House of Guru Nanak. Increasing number of people 'would come daily to partake of tbis message. One evening two Pathans entered his camp and stayed on even after tbe conclus­ion of the prayer meeting. They had attended these meetings earlier as well and, as such, did not arouse any misgivings in tbe mind of any of the camp followers. As tbe Guru was retiring to his bed , one of these Patbans suddenly attacked the Guru with dagger causing grievous injury in his stomach. Before tbe assailant could escape the Guru struck him down. His acc"mplice, lurking around, was a Iso seized by the Sikhs and slain. Botb tbe Pathans having been killed on the spur of tbe moment tbeir identities and their motives have been sbrouded in mystery . However, in a vivid account of tbe tragic episode, Saina Pat says-and with very cogent reasons-that tbe Pathans were the hirelings of Wazir Khan who, because of his own dastardly deeds, was ever lying in fear of reprisals from the Guru whose apparently growing conciliation with the Em­peror was making the Sirhind Faujdar all the more apprehen­sive.5

The wound caused on the body of the Guru was imme­diately tended' and in a couple of days he resumed the task of addressing the religious assemblies. He appeared to be well on the way to compl<te recovery and there were great rejoicings among his followers .

However, after some days, when the Guru announced to his followers that be had been summoned to the divine pr~sence, they were sbocked and dismayed. There were many who cried and could not be consoled. Addressing them the Guru said, "The Khalsa must never lie in fear of death , It is inevitable and must be faced squarely and with grace, as the

40

will of God. We have accomplished our mission by awaken­ing in you the love of God and the will to resist evil." To those who were still finding it difficult to accept the inevitable he said , "Do not grieve for us. We shall ever be witb our Khalsa. Whenever and wherever five of its members, dedicated and pious, shall assemble, they sball feel our presence and who­ever will be inclined to seek our guidance, he sball find it in tbe 'Word' as enshrined in the holy 'Granth'."

The Guru now asked for the sacred volume of the Adi Granth and as per Bhat Vabi Bbadson Parganah Thanesar :

"Guru Gobind Singh, the Tenth Master, son of Guru Tegh Bahadur, grandson of Guru Hargobind, great­grandson of Guru Arjan, of tbe family of Guru Ram Das, of Surajbansi gosal clan, Sodhi Khatri, resident of Anandpur, in the area of Keblur, now at Nander, on the bank of Gudavari in Deccan, asked Bbai Dya Singh, on wednesday, Katik Cbaulb, Sbukla Pakkb , Samvat 1765 (Oct., 1708), to felch Sri Grantb Sahib. In compliance with orders, Dya Singb brougbt Sri Grantb Sahib. The Guru placed before it five pice and a coconut and Iben bowed his bead before it . He told Ibe Sangat, ,'1 command that Sri Grantbji should be acknowledged by all in my place. He wbo so acknowledges it will receive Ihe divine grace. The Guru will come 10 his rescue , Accept Ibis as tbe Truth."

Tile institution of tbe personal Guru was tbus ended and DOW tbe divine 'Word', ensbrined in tbe holy Adi Granth by Ibe Gurus themselves, was installed as the Guru in perpetuity.' The abolition of tbe personal Guruship was a very significant <levelopment in tbe history of th. Sikhs Through such a step, Guru Gobind Singb bad reposed an abiding confidence in lbe collective leadership of the Community, committed, in perpe­tuity, under tbe guidance of tbe holy Word. That the Sikhs proved tbemselves worthy of sucb a confidence is fully borne out by the manner in which they conducted themselves as and when tbere was a danger to the integrity of their Faith.

41

It was now past midnight. Guru Gobind Singh attired bimself in the usual royal fashion, with the jewelled aigrette and bis arms donning bis person and the white bawk percbed on bis left band. He caUed for hi' dark blue steed, bid a spirited fare well to bis disciples with tbe salutation, 'Wabeguru ji Ka Khalsa, Waheguru ji ki Fateb'

'Tbe Kbalsa belongs to God Victory be to God!

and rode into tbe elTClosure conta 'ning his cremation pyre. A watch before sunrise on October , tb, 1708 he gave up his spirit at th~ yOUDg age of just forty two years. An age had come to an end.

"That man who is from God seot fortb Doth yet again to God return .!"

- Wordswortb.

CHAPTER vi

EPILOGUE

A fuller appreciation of the life and the work of Guru Gobind Singh is possible only in the context of the wider Sikh Ideals, as enunciated in the holy Granths and the other texts by the Sikh Pontiffs and the Sikh Saints, as also by taking into account tbe times in wbicb tbese Ideals were concieved and brougbt borne to tbe people. Tbe scope of tbe present volume is too limited to be able to dilate upon the subject at any length and in any depth. And yet it is imperative for our purpose to make more than a passing reference to tbese issues.

The age in wbich Guru Nanak (and His successors) bappened to live has been described by Guru Nanak himself as 'An age like a knife ...... held at tbe throat of tbe people ... ... by tbe King and tbe Clergy, the butchers ofbumanity." The people owed their very lives and tbe pettiest of their liberties to the absolute mercy and the idiosyncracies of those wbo bappened to rule over tbem. Even in their wildest dreams, tbe poor people did not bave any idea of any right being funaamental to their existence-including the right to life, and hence inviolable. For centuries on end, tbey were living in abject terror of tbe rulers and tbose who were supposed to lend them courage and hope by ministering to tbeir Spiritual needs had allowed tbem­selves to become tools in the hands of tbe State sans any heart or any soul. Religion had been turned into an engine for social fraud and exploitation by bending the individual's volition to

42

43

the moral. and political ccxcombries·of the perfi~ious priest.' It was in an age of such ignorance and such injustice tbat

Guru NaDak, the Founder of Sikh Failb, under the Divine­'commandment' and with a Divine mission, appeared on the ,cene 'to extricate the suffering humanity form the fires' (of ignorance and oppression) in wbich it was heing consumed. "He­peeled veil after veil of tbe masks tbat the 'butchers of bumanity', the king and clergy, bad put on their faces and ex­posed them, to the public gaze, in their true colours. He tolcl, the people that tbese butcher~ off humanity, oy shedding their human qualilies and by behaving like 'tigers' and 'dogs' have forfeited all claims to tbeir allegiance and as sucb the people· bave tbe right to repudiate these authorities wbich, according to· Guru Nana.k, had no divine sanction whatsoever.' Tbe claims of both the secular as well as spiritual authorities to their allegiance, tbe Guru told the people, rests proportionately on. their committment to tbe ideals of Justice and Eqllality. Tbe ulti­mate sovereignty vests witb th' people, who must exercise tbeir' judgement with care and " .ith a sense of discrimination ' He· alone is entitled to sit on the tbrone who is fit to rule" and 'deeds and not creed would determine tbe social and spiritual status of an individual',' declared the Guru . Tbe poor and tbe innoeentpeople wbo, for centuries, bad been nurtured in the belief that their social and political plight bad been predestined,. were amazed to hear such sermons from the moutb of a Messiah wbo was so different, so unortbodox, so unassuming and so full of bope and aspirations for them. Tbrough the mist of miseries tbey could now see a brigbt light' tbat illumined their souls. Slowly, tbougb surely, tbey began to be attracted towards it. Guru Nanak was aware of the fact tbat tbose wbo had been enjoying the fruits of their iII-gotlen privileges would figbt to tbe bitter end to retain tbeir bold on tbem. As such, be warned tbose wbo were inclined ' to follow hiS Patb to come witb their heads on their palms.' Only the courageous could step onto his Path .

To instill courage and Faith in tbe minds of tbe people

44

they ha'i to he spiritually elevated and morally awaleened, by communicating with them in the language they understood and by holding aloft before them the virtues of courage and sacrifice for the cause of Faith, through unimpeachable and unrivalled personal precepts. The undaunted courage of the Sikh Pontiffs, as embodied in the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev (1606 A.D,) , Guru Tegb Bahadur (1075 A,D.) and the assumption of armed postures against the tyrants by Guru Hargobind and later by Gnru Gobind Singb, involving unparalled personal sufferings and sacrifices, gave the people the direction they could long be looking for,

Increasing number of people were attracted to the Faith, assiduously nurtured by tbe Sikh Propbets. A new generation of courage and conviction had begun to rise, embracing both Hindus and the Muslims alike. Tbe expanding borizons of the Ideals of 'freedom of Faith' and Fraternity could not have failed to incur the wratb of a State committed to tbe obliteration of aU autonomous sections of society. In his memo, the Mugbal Emperor, Jahangir (1605-1627 A.D.) makes an explicit reference to this effect:

"At Goindwal wbich is situated on the bank of tbe River Biab (Bias), there lived a Hindu named Arjan. He was in the guise of a Pir or a Sheikh. Accordingly baving captured by his manners and etiquette many of the simple minded Hindus and even of the ignorant and lowly Muslims, had bealen aloud the drum of his divinity and spiritual leadersbip, People called bim Guru. From all sides fools and worshippers of fools in Jarge number came to him. This shop had been active for three or fouc generations. For a verp long time I bad been pondering tbat eitber this false shop should be exterminated or be (Guru Arjan) should be brought into the folds of Islam ... •

The things lbal stand Ollt in bold relief in tbe aforesaid reference are:

I. By tbe time of Guru Arjan Dev, a fairly large numher

4S

people, including tbe Muslims, bad eutered the House of Guru Nanak.

2. The increasing popularity of the Faith was looked upon with complete disfavour by the Muslim monarch . who was bent upon forcing the Guru to renounce hi~ Faith in favour of Islam or exterminating him physi, cally in the event of refusal on his part.

This is then the genesis of the causes leading to the mar­tyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev in 1606 A.D. and the similar fate of Guru Tegh Bahadur later in l675A.D. is also attributable to an identical stance of the State, towards Sikhism. Thus by the time of the assumption of ecclesiastical as well as temporal res­ponsibilities of the House of Guru Nanak by Guru Gobind Singh, notwithstanding the fact that, by then, the Faith of the Sikhs had taken quite deep [oots, the complexion of the State had undergone a very perceptible cbange for the worse. The bigtory of the Muslim revivalists and the Hindu orthodoxy were at loggerheads for a long time and yet the two had connived with one another to keep the poor people in a state of perpetual bondage and ignorauce, through vehement resistence to all forces of progress and change. In Sikhism they saw a common danger to tbeir hegemony and, as sucb, not unoften , tbcy would forge a combined front against the progressive Faith of the Sikhs in order to crush it. The powerful State, now completely under the itUiuence, of the Muslim revivalists . was openly working for the establisbment of a uni-central social order with no quarters _ for tbe non-confirmists. Besides, political sujugalion, religious persecuitons, economic exploitation and corruption at all levels still besmeared tbe face of the society.

In 1675 A.D., tberefore, wben at tbe age of just about nine years, Guru Gobind Singh was invested with tbe responsi­bilities of leading the socio-religious order against wbich the wrath of the Powerful State bad only recently manifested itself by killing its head, Guru Tegb Babadur, tbe age, obviously, was still like a drawn knife. Its edge was rather sharper than ever ­before and it bnng more menacingly over tbe beads of those who dared to differ with the persons who wielded it. Rival :

46

-claims to tbe Spiritual Sea! staked by the splinter groups, rep­'reseoted by Minas, Dhirmalias and the Ramrayas added further to the difficulties of tbe Young Guru by accontuating internal -dissensions on the one hand and by encouraging the none-too­friendly State to interfere in the domestic affairs of tbe Com­,munity on tbe otber. Tbe integrity of tbe Faitb was furtber ,tbreatened by the corrupt practices tbat, over the years, bad .,rept into tbe ranks of some of its institutions like that of Masands. Undaunted by tbe formidable nature of tbese diffi­.,ulties, bis own tender age , the paucity of resources at his command and against tbe advice of tbe sceptics and tbe weak­Jeneed among his own ranks, tbe Guru wbo, in bis own words, had been divinely ordained

'To uphold Righteousness And to uproot EviP

-decided to face the chaUenge posed by these inimical forces. It was a question of life and death struggle for tbe Young Com­munity and tne Guru had no doubt that it could be ignored -only at its own peril. His grasp of the situation was remark­.able and tbe manner in wbich be was able to reorganize and ,rejuvenate bis people so as to enable them to face tbe grim .,balleoge tben facing them and to endow tbem witb a definite mission for tbe future is amazing. Seen in tbe socio-political context of tbe seventeentb century sucb a transformation .brougbt about by one single individual was nothing short of ·miracle. Only a genius witb a propbetic vision could bave brought about so complete a transformation in the psyche of ·tbe people. 'Tbe Guru's teachings bad the magical effect of .changing a pariah or outcast through an interminable line of heredity into a brave and staunch sOldier .. .... This metamor­,phosis had been accomplished in defiance of Ihe bide-bound ,prejUdices and conservatism of the old Hindu religious systems • . Prior to the times of tbe Sikb Gurus DO general ever conceived ·the idea of raising an army from men who were believed to be unclean from tbeir birth; but the stimulating precepts of tbe ttenth Guru altered who had hitherto been deemed to be the .

47

dregs of humanity into warriors whose prowess and loyalty never failed their leaders."· What is important to remember here is that these brave soldiers were essentially a God-fearing and God-loving community dedicated to the establisbment of 'a plural, free, open and progressive human society, God-orient­ed, non-aggressive, but firm and ever ready to combat tbe rise and growth of evil, through organised resistance and forward looking yet non-ambitious',ll as against the closed, tyrannical, inequitable and an aggressive social order then prevailing. Thus the object that Guru Gobind Singh aimed at was 'great and laudable. It was the emancipation of the people from oppression and persecution; and the means which he adopted were such as a comprehensive mind could alone have suggested' . 'To an atmosphere of gloom and degredation he brought a message of hope and deliverance and a will to do or to die .... .. He bore no enmity to anyone but was the eternal enemy of tyranny and oppression whatever might be their brand or form. He had declared on them a never-ending war and created the Khalsa to carry it on.'12

The creation of tbe Khalsa is tbe crowning achievemfnt of Guru Gobind Singh's life. After about two hundred years of teachings, during which period the Vth and the IXth Sikh PO!1ti/fs had to lay down their lives to bring home to the people the rt al import of their divine message, the time had now come to ask them whether they were willing to pass through the ordeal of fire and follow the path of Guru Nanak with 'their heads on their palms.' And when they affirmed their allegiance to the Ideals of Sikhism even &t the cost of their heads, Guru Gobind Singh had no doubt that they had come of age. He felt so elated that in his immortal songs he expressed his complete identification with them.

'The Khalsa is flesh of my flesh, and bone of my bone, In a drop of water, Behold thou the sea itself.'

No Prophet in the world has ever awoed so complete an

48

identification witb tbe people. NotWitbstanding their pro­fessions of love and concern for tbe people, they bave always stood at a higher-and unattainable-pedestal from tbem. It is the unique distinction of Sikbism alone that while proclaiming equality between man and man, it also endows the people witb a status not only equal to their Guru but even a little higher at times." Having created the Khalsa in bis own image, 'under the direct command of Akal (God)', Guru Gobind Singb invested it with abiding authority of the Guru. "As Guru Nanak seated Guru Angad on tbe throne, so have we made Khalsa the Guru.", said Guru Gobind Singh.

The historians who are ignorant of the basic doctrines of Sikhism are beguiled by some extefDal developments under Guru Gobind Singh, like the institution of Khalsa, to infer from them, that, under the tenth Master 'Sikbism underwent a complete transformation or trans·valuation.''' Nothing, how­ever, can be farther from the truth. Those "'ho may be inclined to follow closely the de,·elopment of Sikhism from the times of Guru Nanak onward cannot fail to notice the basic unity of purpose running through tbe lives and the works of all the succeedi,'g Gurus, including Guru Gobind Singh. The firm social committments of the Faith, with categorical emphaSiS by its Founder and his successors, on combating the forces of evil and aggression with manly courage rather than runoing away from them could only culminate in tb e inst itution of tbeKhalsa. Tbe emphasis on action as against passivity in circumsta~ees

involving flagrant violation of the basic human values has been recognized in Sikhism as the consummation of the religious life and as such the taking up of arms, uoder Guru Gobind Singh,

is absolutely in harmony with the basic Sikh tenets . Guru N anak himself prophesied oe;nesis on tyrants and visioned God as the Defender of Right and Chastiser of Evi\. In a telliog phrase, he refers to God as ASUR SAN GHAR-Destroyer of Demon." There is a refereoce in 'Gurbilas' of Bhai Sukha Singh about Kalesi, the warrior, being addressed by Guru Arjan Dev on the excellence of tbe v:rtue of fighting for righteousness'"

49

SUCh a person, he ' says, attains salvatidn . after his death: The establishment of the Order of the Khalsa, therefore, was, 'a logiclri development and 'entelachy of the teachings of .Guru Nanak, revealedin :ce~tain SUTRAS or JAPU itself and fighting the Mughal ascerioe-ncy was an acCident and not a cause.''' Bbai Jodh Singh goes further and says tbat from the very beginning the Gurus had witb tbem a complete idea all about the details of the form which Sikhism was to be given in terms of Khalsa.l

'

Therefore tbe recourse . to arms, under Guru Gobind Singh, by the Sikhs, in the circumstances then obtaining, was absolutely in keeping witb tbe basic postulates of the Faith and the creation of the Khalsa marks the culmination of the Sikh traditions. The Kbalsa, tbougb armed, is essentially an order of the persons deeply religious, socially enligbtened, morally awakened and wedded to tbe Ideals of peace. 11 is, unfortun­ately, not quite often remembered tbat, under Sikhism, the use of arms has been sanctioned, for an unimpeachable good cause, only as tbe last resort, after all peaceful efforts have proved of no avail.

"When Ihe affairs are pasl redemption, By all 01 her means of good inlention, it is just to assert thy righl

Through thy s>vord and a righleous fight." -ZaJarnama

And tbe Kbalsa is irrevocably committed to upbold Justice which, for tbem, is not tbe privilege or the advantage of the stronger, as Thresymacbus, the sophist lawyer in Plato's Republic bappens to believe," but is excellence of the sou!.,.

Notwithstanding the tempeslations of war, bowever, Guru Gobind Singh did not allow the Mission of Guru Nanak to run adrift. Even when engaged in war for the sake of 'Dharma', righteousness, tbe Sikbs were strictly enjoined to adhere to a strict code of moral conduct. Whatever tbe persecutions and provocations, tbe Guru did not allow his followers to stoop to tbe level of tbei, adversaries. Q.zi Nur Mohd. who accompanied

50

Ahmad Sbah AbdaH dnring tbe later's seventh invasion of India {1764-65) bad the opportunity to watcb the Sikh cbaracter from a very close quarter. Writing about them in his book, lANG NAMA, the Qazi, a Sworn enemy of tbe Sikhs says,

"Truely they (the Sikbs) are like lions in battle and they surpass.'Hatim (in gererosity} in times of peace. Leaving aside their mode of fighting, hear ye another point in whicb tbey excel all otber figbting people ...... In no case would they slay a coward Dar would tbey put obstacles in tbe way of a fugitive. Tbey do not plunder tbe wealtb or ornaments of a woman, be sbe a well-to·do lady or an bumble servant ...... Tbere is no adultery among tbese 'dogs' (out of hatred he refers to the Sikhs as dogs) nor are tbese 'mischieveous' people given 10 thieving.. .. .. There is DO tbief at a\l among tbese 'dogs', nor is there any bouse breaker born amongst these miscreants.'. They do not make friends with adulterers or house­breakers ... , .. ";;1

Similar and more eloquent tributes have also been paid to lhe Sikhs by other Done-too-friendly persons who were so much impressed by their conspicuou,ly bigh mOlal character that they

could DOt restrain their ndmiration for them. "When in 1807 A.D .. during the couroe of a battle with the Sikhs, near Sialkol, Ihe Afghan general, Jahan Khan, fled, leaving behiod a number of muslim women, they fell ioto the hands of Ihe Sikhs. Ali-ud­din, the Muslim historian extols the moral excellence of the Sikb soldiers wbo, according to him, escorted them safely to Jammu."

And Lapel Griffin writing about them says, "There were few stories in Sikb bistory of outrage to women and tortures to men."

Few people in the annals of history can boast of such self­speaking and telling tributes, from their sworn enemies. They sbould leave no doubt in the mind. of even their worst detractors

51

that even when called upon to resort to the use of sword, the Sikhs always bandied it with conspicuous restraint and compass­ion. During the worst of conflicts, when .they were struggling for their very survival, the Majesty of Iheir soul remained unbruised and whole, thanks 10 the genius of Guru Gobind Singh, who did not allow nny trans-valuation in the Mission of Guru Nanak. .

Lastly it is reitvant to ask those who are scared of the use of force that but for the Order of the Khalsa who would have resisled the evil and aggressive designs of the Durranies against India? The Marhattas, the Rajputs and even the Mughals had tasted their sword and were lying in terror and submission. It were the Sikhs alone who were able to frustrate their designs. Prof. Ranerji has no hesitation in recognizing that 'Tbe Khalsas' greatest contribution to tbe cause of India was the wresting of the Punjab and the adjoining lands upto tbe frontier from tbe clutches of tbe Afgbans. If they had not done so, some of these tracts might bave been lost even geographically to India.""

The elemental and the profound personality of Guru Gobind Singh bas few parallels in the entire history of Mankind. Gifted witb a handsome bearing, phenominal courage, and an iavincible spirit. he had an unbounded love for the poor, the down trodden and the dispossessed, for whose sake he sacrificed his holy parents, his four sons, his closest associates and finally himself as well. And yet, deSCribing himself as Iheir humble servant, he tbanks the people for all that he could achieve. Paying rare tributes to them, he says:

.. All the battles I have won, against tyranny I have fought with the devoted backing of these people; Through them only have I been able to bestow gifts, Through their help I have escuped from harm; The love and the generosity of these Sikhs Have enriched my heart and my home. Through their grace 1 have attained all learning ; Through their help, in battles, J have slain all enemies

I was born to serve them, through them J reached em/lienee.

52 :

·What would I ha.e been without their kind and ready 'help? .. There are millions of insignificant people like me.

True service is the service of these people: I am not inclined to set'e (Jihers of higher caste; Charity wiil bear fruit ; in this and the next world; If given to such worthy people"as Ihese, All other sacrifices and charities are profilless From top to toe, whatever I call my own, AU J posses or carry, I dedicate to these people." "

How could such a love fail to find an ecbo in tbe hearts of the people 7 In .the Guru they saw their Saviour, their SAJJAN (Friend), their benefactor and their beau ideal, whom, out of their unbounded love for him, they affectionately addressed as their 'Rider of t!le blue steed', 'Lord of the wbite ·bawk', and 'Wearer of the plumes' . Even when tbe hostile State, with its tremendous resources decreed death on all those who professed faith in Guru Nanak, Guru Gobind Singh, they preferred to be dismembered alive, skinned alive, scalped alive, sawed alive, boiled alive and broken on the wheels ratber than countenance the demand of the State to renounce their love for the Guru and their faith in bis teachings. Echoes of tbese abiding bonds of love and faith are still being beard in the very popular song, especially in the country side :

"Let the entire world b ' estranged from me, But not my 'Lord of the plumes'.""

In order to accomplish the divine mission of combating the forces of evil and aggression and upholding righteousness , Guru Gobind Singb acquired rares kills in tbe nse of arms. A superb swordsman, an ace archer, a lion bearted lancer, be was a general par excellence. During tbe armed conflicts, forced upon bim and bis followers by an enemy enjoying tremendous superiority in men and material, the laurels were always WOn by bis camp. The contemporary evidence, including his own autobiography, provide graphic accounts of many incidents when, during ·many a battle, he was pitted against some of the most renowned generals, both Hindus and

5}

Muslims; however, there is not .a single occasion when he allowed any of them to score over him. On the contrary, ;limoS! invariably, even the best among them were worsted .by him in a manner which' reduced them to nonentities. Many a, time in tlie' midst of raining" death, be entered tbe field personally to retrieve seemingly hapless positions an~ led his men to ultimate victories. "Tbe defence that he extemporised at Chamkaur, where the Guru with only forty choosen companions kept at bay for several hours, a whole bost of the oppo~~ troops, has hardly a parallel.. .and leaves us in no doubt about his tactical gellius,"'·

If one is 'amazed ~t ' the dexterity and the cosummate skill with which the Guru could use bis arms, one simply marvels at ~he felicity witb which he wielded his pen. His preference f()r the poetic compositions must have been due to its peuetrating appeal. He seemed to blive a natural genius for this mode of writing. One is wader-struck at tbe wealth of the literature pioduced by him in the midst of all tbose dangers and difliculiies that almost ever continued to clist their tbreatening shadows over bim, lbroughout his life. And when tbe richness of the contents and tbe range of his poetic expressions are taken into accounts, the impact of his achieve­ments in this field" is immeasurably enhanced, ' Rarely has poetry, in any language, recaptured the transcendent vision · in such personal and realistic terms or inspired such a spirit of courage and heroism' , In whichever language he wrote, be it Brij, Hindi, Sanskrit, Persian or Punjabi, his command over it is complete. Scores of new words were coined by him and many new meters in the annals of poetry were introduced. "In Hindi, he developed a style, which for martial cadence, variety of form, and richness of imagination has remained ur,surpassed since his times. In lines ranging from mODO­syllabic verse to long and multiplied Swayyas and Kabits, we seem to hear the torrential flow of hill streams or the galloping sweep of cavalry on the march. The intellect quivers in emotion and breaks out against superstition and hypocracy

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into humour, irony and lianter. His emotion is raised to th~ highest pitch of ecstasy when he communes with God. "I. 10 all his compositions the imagery is grand, the diction cbaste. lyricism compelling and expression graphic.

Now whatever else Guru Gobind Singh might have been. he was first and foremost a great religious Propbet. 'None but a person of saintly dispositions, bighly spiritual and with a complete resignation to the will of God could bave bebaved as be did during the most acute crisis of his life. Leaving his­bome and everytbing in the hands of the enemy, he bids farewell to Anand pur and with his ranks depleted and hi!> family dispersed, bis wives going in one direction and his mother and two younger sons he knew not where, he arrived at Chamkaur and is at once surrounded by tbe Mugbals and the hill Chiefs. After a superhuman fight against the beaviest of odds in whicb be sees his two dearest sons and his cbosen companions fall one after another before his very eyes, he hal> to leave the place and for sometime is hunted like a wild animal, now escapin!! in one direction and now in auother. when newS arrives of tbe barberous and brutal murder of his two younger sons aqd tbe no less tragic death of his mother. He faces all tbis witb the most supreme composure ana. serenely goes on witb his work as if notbing has happened. He ~ompiles a new recension of the Granth Sabib, adds to it bis own compositions and busies bimself in laying strong the foundation of Sikhism in the Malwa tracl. Certainly no mere­politician or a soldier could bave done il.'" Immediately after losing his two elder sons and his closest diSCiples when be was unaware of tbe whereabouts and tbe fate of tbe younger son,. and otber members of his family, even as he lay, all by himself, being botly persued by a rutbless enemy, in the jungles of Macbhiwara, under a cruel winter sky , he, tbe son of God. reiterates bis faitb in the will of Ged, in a gloriour song of bope and affirmation.

"Go, tell the beloved Lord The condition of His yearlng disciple;

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Without Thee, rich coverings are an agony to us, And to live in the comforts of our households Is like living with snakes! Our water pots Hal'e become like pikes on which men are impaled. The cup we drink from has an edge like a dagger, Beloved, Thy turning away from us Is like what a beast endures from the slaughterer ! With the Beloved a matress of straw would please us, Wit hout Him, in rich houses we are burnt alive."

In the midst of such trials ,and tribulations, only a saint, at perfect peace with himself, could have sung such a song.

And those who, in ignorance of his d;vine mission, accuse him of bias against a particular community, tbe Muslims, must refer to his immortal song stressing the fundamental concepts of his gospel namely, the Fatherhood of God and the Brotber­hood of Men.

"He is in the temple, He is in the mosque He is in the Hindu worship as He is in the Muslim

prayer: Men are one though they appear different Gods and demons who guard the treasures Of the God oj riches, the musicians celestial The Hindus and the Muslims are 0/1 one, Have each the habits of different environments. But all men have the same eyes, the same body, The same form compounded of the same four elements. Earth, air,fire and water. Thus the Abhekh of Hiudus and the Allah of

Muslims are one.,. The Koran and the Puran praise the same Lord. They are 01/ of one form, The one Lord made them all .....

It is unthinkable that such a man of God could ever harbour feelings of animosity towards any person, much less a community or a class. Some of his most devoted disciples. were drawn from the Muslims who fought as resolutely on his

56:

side as the, Sikhs. His . ",as · a fight against the forces of injustice and oppression .. and not against any particular community or class. He ppposed the Hindu orthodoxy as vehemently as he did the Muslil)l tyranny. and embraced the Musl im piety as warmly as of any other class or individual.

Guru Gobind Singh was, therefore, a versatile genius the like of whom the world has not seen. 'A law giver in the pulpit, a champion in the ·field, a king on his masnad and a

_ Faqir in. lhe society of the Khalsa','o he was also a poet par excellence, a profound philosopher, an organizer of unusual will and vision and, above all, the Prophet of the people who, through his baptism, poured life into his Sikhs and invested them with the dignity and piety of bis own personality. 'There was about him a stern Olympian air which he imparted to his followers. His impress not only elevated and altered the ·constitution of their mind but, contrary to the experience of etbnological experls, it also .cperated materially and gave am plitude to Lheir physical frames.'''

At Ihe time of the assumption of the divine authority, at the tender age of just . nine years, when his own people, terror stricken by the martyrdom of tbeir Prophet and tbe lack of cohesion among their ranks, seemed to be utterly despaired and counselled concilliation rather than confrontation with the powers of the day, the Guru refused to be over­wbelmed. Instead, he proclaimed his firm resolve to accomplisb bis divine Mission undaUlited by tbe hazard. of such a course. 'He would not remain silent out of rear or the threat of force', be told the people., 'Rigbts and Justice are scarcely obtained through prayers and pleadings, but have to be won througb force and defended alike' . he further observed." Leading the people througb the valley of iiie aod death, be invested Ihem with a new courage, a new hope and a new . resolve to wrest, for tbemselves as well as their fellow human beings, a status in confirmity with tbelr sacred mission and their sovereign ' rigbts. Entllused by the lofty Ideals of tbeir Guru and inspired by bis unrivalled sufferings and sacrifices for tbeir

51

cause, the Sikhs now threw overbplUd all elements of despair: an" despondency and were determined to , carry forward \h(\ Message of the Guru, and hOllOur their pledge with destiny , Once the way for 'them was illumined , by the' 'Prophet of the, High Spirit', and they had a glimpse of their ultimate destiny, the Sikhs never, thereafter, looked back and even the meanest among them stood upto the migb.tiest for the cause of freedom and justice. Death henceforth was coveted like a crown. 'The Sikhs vied with eacb other for precedence in deatb', reads an early record of British India by J, T. Wheeler (London, 1878).

Tbanks to tbe Mission of Guru Gobind Singh a new race had now been born wbicb was the barbinger of the new Age, where juslice was not the privilege of the strong and liberty was not the preserve of tI' e feudal lords, Man bad now come of age, Guru Gobiod Singb had freed bis body and his soul and had established his supermacy both in tbe temporal as well as tbe eccelestial spheres. When Brahmin, the traditional Clergy was byepassed and 'he 'wept and bis heart began to burn like dry grass' , 33 the Guru advised him to see the writings on the wall and accept the inevitable, with grace, and wben Bbai Dya Singh walked into the court of Aurangzeb witb sovereign dignity without botherin~ about the outmoded and over·loaded court etiquettes and without caring for the elaborate ,obsequiousness and delivered him 'Zafarnama' , the Letter of Victory', laying bare his crimes and misdeeds and asking him to come for his chastisement, tbe traditional seat of the temporal power was divested of its self·styled divine attributes and in its place the sovereignty of tbe people was proclaimed. Long before the world had ever beard of Hobbes, Lock or Rousseau or the concepts of Liberty, Equality and Fralernity, tbe socio·spiritual order of Guru Gobind Singh bad fully imbibcd them and put them into practice. Eversince then no sacrifice bas been too great for the Sikhs to safeguard tbem. Such is tbe wonderful legacy of tbe Xtb Nanak, tbe great Gu ru Gobind Singh,

Wben one tries to take into account aU that Guru Gobind

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Singh was able to accomplish in a life span of hardly two scores and two years, in that dark age, in the face of those unrelenting hostilities and with those inSignificant resources at his command, one sometimes begins to wonder whether such a soul, in flesh and blood, ever walked on the face of this earth.

•••• , .................... a ••

PART II

FATEHNAMA AND ZAFARNAMA

•••••••••••••••••••••••••••

CHAPTER VI

FATEHNAMA AND ZAFARNAMA

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Fatehnama and Zafarnama are two composiiions of Guru Gobind Singh, in Persian verse, that he addressed to Aurangzeb; the then reigning monarch, after the fateful events that followed in the wake of the evacuation of Anandpur on the night of 21 st December 1704.' After repeated reverses at the hands of the Sikhs the un-redeemably reactionary Hindu hill chiefs and their fiercely fanatical Mughal Overlords decided to forge a joint front against the Sikh fraternity and with the malicious intent of destroying its Guru and its precious heritage mustered together a formidable allied force that descended ou the town of Anand­pur, the seat of the Sikh Pontiff, in the hope of wiping it out with a single powerful thrust. However when the initial boastful attempts of the enemies were completely frustrated an i the proudest among their ranks were humbled by the Sikhs nnder Guru Gobind Singh, they lost all courage and did not dare to­venture near the Sikh entrenchments. The only course left with them, to save their face and their reputation, was to lay a seige· to the town and with the help of far superior numbers and equipment, starve the Sikhs to submission by cutting off all possible sources of supplies and reinforcements. The seig~

continued for more than eight months and yet there was not the slightest sign of capitulation from the Sikhs. On the contrary, among their own ranks the discontentll!ent was ever mounting; in the face of the onslaught of winter and the ever receding

61

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'Sources of supplies. To avert the possibility of a complete and bumiliating defeat, tbe allied generais, with the explicit approval of Aurangzeb, decided to resort to a stratagem that, 'IlIlder similar circumstances, always formed a part of tbe under !hand armoury of Aurangzeb and his proteges.- To draw out tbe Sikbs from tbeir impregnable entrenchments, the leaders of tbe .. nemy camp requested them to evacuate the town for sometime, .in tbe larger interests of pe~ce ' and gOodWill and, throngh most solemn words pledged on tbeir Holy texts, the Quran and tbe -Gita, promised tbem, in tbe name of God, a safe conduct to any place to whicb tbe Sikhs may choose to retire. The Guru had .no doubt that it was a deatb trap: bowever, the brave but tbe Ibelieving Sikhs were completely duped and the Guru, much .against his will, bad to acquiesce. Tbe town, under such -conditions, was finally abandoned on tbe fateful night of December 21st, 1704 and tbe horrible events tbat followed in its wake, therearter, form tbe proudest part of the Story or the Sikhs. Drawn to the death trap of the treacherous enemy, in the name of God and peace, the small body of the Sikhs, famished and fatigued, with nothing else lO sustain them except

.8 firm faith in the justness of their cause, found tbemselves pittied against the heaviest of odds that posed a very potent threat not only to tbeir own existence but also to the esteemed petson of their Holy Guru, tbe embodiment of their sacred heritage. The gallant and the glorious manner in which tbese Sikhs, wbo could be counted on finger tip" under the inspiriilg leadership of their Guru, braved those seemingly impossible ,circumstances and ultimately succeeded in completely frustrating .all the evil designs of the enemy, stands out as the tallest monument ever to the invincible Spirit of Man committed to tbe ·cause of safeguarding the sanctity of the birth rig!:ts of all men, .in all climes and in all ages,

These 'Letters of admonition' or 'Epistles of Victory' as "tbey are better known, embody the indomitable spirit of Guru­'Gobind Singh and hi. Khalsa, and their refusal to bow to the 'brutal will of a tyrant. Notwithstanding the tremendous loses

in men and material. including his children. and the temporary set backs, as a consequence ~ of the amoral and treacherons tactics of the enemy. the Guru tells Aurangzeb that they should not lead him to ~ believe ·that he had won.' ';His Khalsa remains invinsible and is in a position to deliver death blows to all his evil and aggressive designs", the Guru reminds the King. The mood of the Guru is very ·much evident in verse no, 75 of Zafar­nama where, addressing the King, he says,

"Four tender lives that fhou didst claim Would n"ver, 0 King. our spirits maim; The coiled 'Cobra' of deadly Slings Is very much alive in the/arm of Sing/IS."

Of these two compositions, Fatehnama is comparatively lesser known, having come to light at a mucll later date. There are some who are inclined to believe that the twenty four stanzas are only a small portion of the wllole, the rest of which is still shrouded in mystry . There are others who tend to cast dou bt on its autllenticity and regard it as a later interpolation. Howevcr the internal evidence of the Composition, the language in whicb it is couched and ihe choice of the meter, when care­fully assessed leave no doubt about its authership. The stamp of the consumate skill of Guru Gobind Singb is unmistakably there. The cllronology and the contents of the historic events connected witb the life of the Great Master as contained in Fatehnama and later in Zafarnama, when taken together, read like a connected whole and provide conclusive evidence about the genuine character of Fatehnama.

Fatehnama appears to have been written almost immedia­tely after the battle of Chamk aur and at a time when Guru Gobind Singh was not, as yet, aware of the fate of his two younger sons. This is borne out by its verse No. 14 wherein the Guru refers to tbe martyrdom of his two elder SODS only. Says be,

"Like a cunning and crafty jackal, To treacherous tactics thou d1dst fall And, thus, killed two of my sons, But don't be deceived Ihou ha,e won"

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. ' , ' " " _, ' , ' , ' ,_ I'

The obvious reference is. to the '1l!d~.rbl\nd meal's employed by the enemy to draw out the ,~,halsa.,fr<!!D Ibe .f9rt of ADaodpur and the subsequent battl.~. at, ChamkaQr ;where the two elder 800S of the Guru b.ad to lay down their Ii,!es in dofence of tbe improvised fortress .

Very evidently tlie date of this earlier Composition pertain's to a period prior to the arrival 'of Guru Gobind Singh at Lamma Jatpura where. through a special messenger, he had come to know the grim tragedy enacted by Wazir Khan at Sirhind where, under orders of the Mugbal Faujdar, bis two younger sons had been bricked up ali ve and their grandmotber had faUen under the weight of the grief. In all probability, therefore, Fatehnama was c:omposed at Machhiwara wbere the Guru, after leaviog Chamkaur, had the opportunity to stay for two da) s with Nabi Khan and Ghani Khan-the Palhan brothers, According to Sirdar Kapur Singh Bhai Dya Singh was entrusted with the task of delivering the Leiter personally to Aurangzeb.

During his stay at Dina, Guru Gobind Singh appears to have received, from Aurangzeb, a r~ply to his earlier letter, Fatehnsma, This is abundantly clear from the repeated references in Zafarnama in which the receipt of such a communication from Aurangzeb, througb a special imperial messenger, is vouchsafed. For example in stanza No. 56 of Zafamama, addressed to Aurangzeb, the Guru says,

"If thou art hone5t in intention And are true to what thou melltion, We do welcome what thou sa)" Through thy Qazi who's come to convey."

Zafarnama, tbo: better known Persian composition of Guru Gobind Singh, was written at Dina, sometimes in early 1705 A.D., evidently in reply to the aforesaid communication from the Mughal Monarch. The· available histcrical evidence suggest tbat it was a muoh longer composition but, unfortu­nately, only about a bundred ' and eleven' of its verses have S(}

far been traced .

6S

Za:farnama, tile Fat_hoama, is in chaste Pcrsi'an verse and bOtb tbe compositions are unique examples of epistolary poetry; In them tbe masnavi meter of F.rdausi and Nizami h~s been employed and tbe choice of words is impeccable. Appropriate similie, and metapbers have been used with tolling effects. For example:

"Witll limbs and skulls of warriors killed The field wos eminently jil/,d. Like so many bats anJ balls to pia)"

Tn the field, in heap, they /oy." -Zqfarnamo

Besides being a tritlute to the Iite~ry excellence 9f Gwr~ Gobind Singh, these compositions are of immense histolieal value. As ao 'lutbentic contemporary evidence, they provide an. insight into the causes that bedevilled tbe relation,s between the, Sikhs on one side and the Hindu bill chiefs and their Mughal suzerains on the other. They also help to trace the course of events connecte'd witb the most important pbases of the bistoric' conflict arising out of the d~termlDed stand talen by the Kbalsa. against the evil and aggressive designs of tbe Hindu orthodoxy and the Muslim bigotry, to safeguard the solemnity of human dignity to which their Faith is firmly committed. They also give, us a glimpse of the heavy odds against whicb the Sikhs were then struggling. In verse No. 19 of Zafarnama, the Guru refers [0 the unequal figbt at Chamkaur where just forty ofbis. famished Sikhs were attacked by an enemy e~timated to be about a million strong;

"When a million strong horde, All armed and blood thirsty. Falletll suddenly upon, A balch of mere forty, Hungry all and tired, Though brave and inspired The odds are all too grave For gods even to brave."

While chiding the enemy for precipitating such an unequali

fight and mocking at any claim of victory on it. part, herein are'

enshrined the riche.st . tributes to tbe in"incible spirit of tbe """ .

Khalsa for wbom the cost is of little consequ~nce if tbe cause ·is valid.

"To make an uprigbt and true declaration before a tyrant :<lnd perverted Sultan is an act of great religious merit", .according to Hadees. Guru Gobind Singh peets skin after ·skin off the personality of Aurangzeb and lays bare, before bim, 'his real self. He is severely indicted for bis beinous acts of 'Patricide, fratricide and homicide. 'Your hands are soiled with 'tbe blood of your father, brotbers and thousands of innocent 'persons', the Guru reminds tbe King and warns him 'to be 'prepared for retributive justice on the' Day of Judgement for all the atrocious acts committed by you. Your professions of adherence to the 'tenets of your Faith is a mere fraud, because. without the least qualms you haye broken the most solemn words pledged by you on Quran.· and 'on the one band you "laim to be an Idol-breaker while on the other you aid and abet the idolaters.' :

"Thy rosary 0 King is but a snare, To entrap the people unawar~ ; 'When thou make pretend to pray, Wistfully thou watch thy prey."

'This is your real self, 0 Aurangzeb', tbe Guru tells him. There is, thus, an emphatic repudiation of tbe wide spread

and commonly aCCj:pted view tbat 'in war, as in love, every thing is fair." As against Ka'ltaliyas code of tbe Hindus, tbe Macbiavellian code of tbe West and tbe Muslim polity tben in ;practice in India, Sikhism enjoins strict adherence to a certain basic code of etbical conduct even when engaged in a life and ,death struggle witb an adversary. Denouncing the immoral , -conduct of tbe King and his men for wanton repudiation of tbeir own solemn words pledged by tbem yoluntarily, on their holy texts, tbe Guru says tbat if he bad ever held out such 'solemn promises he would bave upbeld their sanctity even at tbe .::ost of his life.

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"Nothing could ever hal'e led us astray, From our self chosen path away Had we sworn by the Words we believe Falter? Never, our life be relieve (d) ."

-ZaJarnama Particular emphasis is, therefore, laid in tbese compositions

on the need for aD uprigbt and ethical conduct, on tbe part of an individual, embracing the entire gamut of bis life. Tbe deceit sbould not form tbe basi' of tbe statecraft, acconiing to Guru Gobind Singh. According to him, 'He who sa). one thing and intends another is not a wortby human I;eing: Any cred ibility gap between the tbought.. words and deeds of human beings tends to vitiate tbe entire so~ial structure, giving rise to mutual mistrusl whicb, sooner or later, is bound to culminate in bitter conJlicts. "It was a passionate conviction of Guru Gobind Singb tbat unless this principle of optn diplomacy is accepted and implemented in both the spheres. Ihat is, in the sphere of relations between the rulers and the ruled and in tbe spbere of the,relations between tbe states on the international level, tbe emergence of. Universal Culture as the basis for a global fraternity, is not possible. Tbat tbe buman mind bas recently awakened to tbe urgency of tbis trutb, is no mean

·tribute to tbe prescience and genius of Guru Gobind Singb ," In order to imbibe tbe real import of tbe main tbeme of

tbese compositions, it is imp .. ative to remember Ibat moral action occupies a pre· eminent position in Ibe pbilosophy of' Guru Gobind Singb. In 'Cbandi Chariltar', the Guru invokes tbe blessings of God for 'granting him the strengtb to persue etbical conduct, come "'hat way.' This is tbe keynote of his teacbings and exhortations. According to tbe Hindu scbools of tbought 'Karma' is envisaged as ritualistic aCI' or an act performed in tbe context of the caste dnties, which may not be necessarily moral." Budbhis rn and lainism also deny tbe virtue of any altruistic activity and tbe observations of Rousseau about medieval Christanity similarly bigblight its complete apathy to the social and political miseries of tbe people. "Tbe Christian's country', be says, 'is not ort bis world. Provided be bas

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bothing to reproach himself with, it matters little to him wbetber all goes well or ill bere below." Sikbism, in complete contra!t, is very much concerned with the complexion of the socio-spiritual cum political order and Its overall impacf on the individual; bence the repeated stress in its tenets for enlightened and determined action aimed at promoting social justice and spiritual awakening, which are essentially inter !telated." "The moral life, in its social aspect, is the spiritual 'life; it is spiritualiry in action," says Charles Moore, just as Guru Nanak had said, "Truth is higber but bigher still is trutbfulliving."· Tbe modern world is fortunately becoming unenchanted with the barren ethics of all those religious institutions that do not coocero themselves ,,:th lhe socio­,polltical fate of its adherents. The Fourtb Assembly of the world Council which met at Uppsala (1968) put on record that "the Church must act, lake a stand and march with tbose "in society who cannot alone win their battle for justice, freedom and equality,"

About three hundreds years before, precisely for tbese very reasons, the last Apostle of the Sikbs, Guru Gobind Singh, invoked tbe ble,sings of God to engage himself, heart and soul, to extricate the groaning bumanity from under tbe crusbing weight of tyranny and oppression, religious, ,ocia! and political. He impressed upon his foUowers, as part oi "tbeir religiOUS duties, never to hesitate to safeguard not only th~ir own hasic rights but those of their reUow' human beings as well, and never ever" to forget God, whili: thus engaged.

. "Glory to the noble souls .

Who on their earthly way Carry upon their lips The name 0/ t he Lord, And eoer contemplate Deep withill their hearts The goodjight's spirit.""

Sikhs are, therefore, enjoined to cultivate and to ever strive to estahlish a quality of life wbich is in harmony with

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the cannons of Truth and socio-political justice. The enormity 'of difficulties should not deter tbe devotees to take up a just caus. and wbatever the risks the struggle must not be allowed to run adrift into unetbic~1 and immoral conduct, ,botb in peace and in war. In Fatehnama and Zafarnama, the honesty of means is a3 mucb emphasized as the loftiness and the justness of the cause. Aurangzeb is strongly denounced not only, for his ,dastardly designs but also for the dishonest, unethical and immoral means that he invariably employed to wrest some advantage over his advarseries . "Th"t sho"s," the Guru tells him," you are not sincere in your affirmations to the tenets of your Faith. A man wbo is not true to his words stands con­

{\emned and is rejected as a counterfeit coin by man and God "oth.', Guru Gobind Singh, th,e •• fore, 'raises ethical .conduct to a sovereign slatus lnd makes it 8S the lIue expression of the harmony of numan personality w.ith the will of God. . Lastly, the sanction for the use of arms. in the oft quoted

stanza of Zafaroama namely,

"When the nffairs are pasl redemption, By all other means of peaceful inlention, [t ;$ just to assert thy right, Through thy sword and a righteous fight."

is, unfortunately, not invariably, understo04 io its proper per­wec!ive. The message of tbe stanza is tvoo-pronged ; bloodshed 'Should be avoided as for as possible bllt at the same time the ~ause should not be abandoned merely because, as a last resort, it warrants the use of force. The use of arms is aUowed, for a luminously good cause, of universal validity, after all ,other peacefnl means for resolving the crisis bave been comp­letely exhausted A very clear implication that, in such circum­'Stances, the use of force, as an unavoidable ultimate necessity, 'must be limited to the bare minimum prominently pops out of tbese popular lines for all sensitive minds to take note or.

Peace with honour is, therefore. the primary passion with Guru Gobind Sing. who invites the Mughal king to settle all the outstanding issues peacefully, tbrough mutual talks, so that

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there is no unnecessary bloodshed." Notwithstanding the treac­herous conduct of the enemy and its dastardly deeds, the Gurn , without any feelings of animosity, expressed his preference for an amicable settlement through mutual negotiations. As an alternative, the Guru suggests to Aurangzeb the course of a personal duel so that large scale bloodshed of innocent people could be avoided." Such were the committments of the last Prophet of the Sikhs to the cause of peace that guarantied the. honour and the dignity of the common man.

Bhai Daya Singh and Bhai Dharam Singh who were· entrusted with the task of delivering -.the 'Letter' personally to Aurangzeb at Ahmednagar, ultimately succeeded in their· mission, albeit after some initial difficulties" Guru Gobind Singh's Letter to Aurangzeb appears to have produced the­desired effect. The manner in which he was overwhelmed by the­contents of 'Zafaroama' is indicatcd by the highly repentant and remorsefnl mood of the King in his last letters 10 his sonsl "

This is further endorsed hy the fact tbat after tbe receipt of the­Letter from Guru Gobind Singh, the King sent imperial messangers to Talwandi Sabo inviting the Guru for a persona~

meeting in tbe South. To fa;;iIitate sucb a meetiug, Munim­Khan at Labore was instructed ' to conciliate' Guru Gobind: Singh and also to makc satisfactory arrangements for his travel towards the Soutb." It was apparently in response to such. invitation tbat the Guru travelled towards Deccan from Talwandi Saho hy the end of 1706 A.D., although at Bagbaur in­Rajasthan, he got tbe news of Aurangzeb's death and then hee decided to proceed towards Delhi,

.FATEHNAMA

( ' .J

Bows lind Arrows; Swords and Sp~ars .

. Thallhe. brav~ in ·baltles wear .

. In Ih~ir holy name we sweal. To lell the Trulh sans any fear ..

( 2 )

In Ihe holy name of the ·brave, Who take up alms in dangels grave. And also bY.lhe sleeds they dde,

Of fleelit:lg feel and gal/oping sllide. ,

73

( 3 )

)I~ Ut~'i /) f u~ •

) I~ "" ~ u.'!/ ":JJ) v.

Sy whose grace art thou a king.

And thy writ sweepeth everything

His very grace didst us endow.

To shield the faithful and the fow

( .. )

When loot and plundel is thy aim.

To cheat and fraud is in thy vein.

We art there to savlI and shield.

7Iuth and Faith art arms we wield.

74

( 5 )

Resorting ever to hoax .. nd frsud. Thou betr .. y the trust of God;

Yet thou claimeth to be a king.

Do thou rsally deserve such a thing J

( 6 )

Thy rosary. O' king. IS but a snare.

To entrap the people, unaware.

When thou makelh pretend /0 pray.

Wistful/y. thou watch thy prey.

75

(7)

The mal-treatment of thy father,

And the blood of tfry blathers,

Besmear, 0 ' king,-all thy face,

A slur, thou art. on tfry race .

( 8 )

l;,..: ""'/((; ~L; (JU, I.) V;}-..::.,JJ) jJ LI/.

On the blood and bones of thy own .

The sort·of Kingdom thou have grown, Grand though it may be in looks,

A './se structure, il really is.

76

( 9 )

Through His grace, of such 8 grlJin,

~e hlJVe showered now 8 rain,

With the water of the Steel, And His help who is 'All· Steer.

( 10 )

These holy showers, from the face.

Of any accursed lJnd·evil place.

Wash away the filth of oppression.

Injustice, ty;anny and coersion.

77

( 11 I

Thy southern compaigns and their devlls/ation. Thy Mewar efforts and their frustration.

Art but only straws in the wind,

A warning to thee. '0' king, to mend.

( 12 )

)J)

)1.)

Tho.u. now, dareth to cast thy gazt1' Towsrds' Punisb and its fair 'ace. With covetous and avaricious eyes,

Thy thirst for blood seems to rise .

78

113 )

Punjab, for thH, 'Id btl msdtl so hot.

And all thy efforts brought to nlWght,

A drop of ~lIttlr. II moment of rest, In vain, for them, 'Id thou mIIke a quest.

( 14 )

Like a cunning and crsfty jackal, To treacherous tactics' thou didst fall,

And thus killed two of my. sons, But, don't be deceived thou have waif.

19

( 15 )

Like a lion, bold and breve, We yet live and ever crave, To it to see that thou must pay,

For what thou did in a heinous way"

( 16 I

On thy '/iRs. and the name of God! For much "top long thou played this fraud.

Well do we know designs it conceal.

The 'god' thou 'serve '. thy IIctions reveal

80

( 17 )

No more, in us, thy words inspire,

The sort of faith thou doth desire,

We '/I hence in arms correspond,

The like of the"e. to them, respond .

..I,.A.. •

Thou, like a wily woll, may be,

In couray'e lacking. irr cunning aglee.

My men arl more than a match lor thee ,

Like lions art {/ley bold and free .

81

( 19)

If thou, in reason, thy faith repose ,

We '/I suggest the way to compose, .

Our disputes through mutual trust and talk, A worthy way, for thee, to walk.

(20&21)

But, if thou choose the path of fray,

Let facing a-distance our forces array.

Standing each two furlong a-spaced. In such an order, the fiefd be pfaced.

82

(22)

Amidst such an arrangement of the field.

Both of us. our armS shall wield.

We '11 then challenge thee in thy den.

Riding to rhee with two of my men.

(23 )

Thou have so lar enjoyed the fruits.

Of labours rendered by rhy recruits . Dare thee come unto our sight.

We '/1 reach rhfte how to fight .

83

(24 )

Armed with sword and the shield.

Thou must pefSonlllly talre the field.

II is cowllrdly 10 fite humllnily,

For Ihy eililllims and vanity.

84

ZAFARNAMA

( 1 )

(.-/ f l;:...1 ~~ if Jif P J J"~ JJ (.; J Y. L;.;

The Lord of wonders is Etem.l. Full of mercy .nd e.re P.tem.l.

Whose bounty doth us sustain.

Whose benignity doth us m.int.in.

( 2 )

?; ~ '''~J Jt'U~t ..c~ J? J "-! ";J.I J J$:t;,;

Dispenser of Justice. P •• ce lind Generosity.

He is the only refuge in .dVffsity:

Through His bounty He sust.ins us. Through His mercy He forgives us.

87

( 3 )

Like a true King He doth guide us. A bliss eternal He endows us;

He is sans any form or shade. The like of Him cannot be made.

(4 )

Power nor realm. pomp nor pelf.

Maketh one happy and II contented self. Through His grace doth He bestow.

Joys of heaven and the earth below.

Jl8

( 5 )

)PAIJ; J-:"'·{I/..1£~~ ~;:P?" ~~.J~lbY

Hallowed is the eerth by Spirit Divine.

Which.like Eternal Light doth shine.

Blessed ere !"ose who through His. grsc ••

Behold His image in every face .

( 6 )

';(;)JJ., Jl" ,,1 y;~ " •

~L.!A,'·Hf)J)' ~Ip

The Holy Lord doth us mllintain. In His mercy He us sustain.

Ha is the eternsl source of bliss.

For every soul in the universe. , 89

( 7 )

Hit is th~ Lord of all dom.ins.

And of all they doth cont.in.

Full of mercy lind benign. He is R.diant lind Sublime.

( 8)

)W.7.~~J;P~I.-P)' ;tJ1 ~~ '."f~"~j

He is the Lord of counsels wise. The humble through His grace doth rise.

He is the refuge of lost and low.

And is v8nquish~r of the foe.

90

( 9 r

The ScriptuTes end the Truth in thll,,!, Art the gifts of God to men,

HII is the sourclI of all"the l.wI, Yet HII .bidllth by the laws.

( 10 I ·

He is the Father of .11 the Wit, And the shinning source of Iruth: On WhO"T doth He showeT His gfBCtI,

Beholdeth His image in ellery '.ce.

91

( 11 )

He alone doth know th~ mystry,

O( thti Nature lind its sophistry, .~ He IIlone cen solve th~ riddle,

O( the wordly woes and troubles.

( 12 )

He doth shllpe the Laws'S/tpreme, Of Nllture and tha ellrlhly scene: HII elone doth hold the seeret,

O( Lllws Eternal lind their merits.

92

(13 )

~. ~u..t~ ~-A·~ J y ~~I){.J~I ttl/~-{.I /

In the holy name of God,

Who, of all us. is the Lord, "In His holy name we say,

We believe not what thou say.

( 14 )

L, •• ~.~J/. ~)~J I/~; · ~!~;(~Ult~J?J'

T.lw ·words can never, in us, inspire. The sort of trust thou may desi,e.

Thy men-Dewans, 8akshis and all. Lis,s are they, alike they all.

93

.'

( 16 )

)~J ~ J!j J,j L )/}J) IJ /) /1';J.J u~

-'

Thy words on· Qu!an srt but s snsre. To entrap the people un/lW/lre. Who'er in them doth put his belief.

Re~nt he must and come to grief.

/

( 18 j

-<.J :' ~r d~ LI.JL4 ;dJ~1J ,; ))IJ ~J J/.

Sh/ldows of Phoenix on whom doth fsll. 81/1ss/ld ;s he snd luckiest of sl/. Beyond the resch of Crow is he. Matters not how brsve it be.

94

( 17 I

Anyone under the protective hold,

Of a lion, b"ve and bold, M.y rest in peace lind need none feBr,

A goat or sheep or Bny deer.

(18 )

Nothing 'Id ever have led us astray,

From our self sought pith aw"y, Holt! we sworn by wh.t we believe,

. F"lt.r 1 Never, our life be relieve (d) .

95·

(19 )

When a million strong horde,

All armed and blood thirsty,

Fal/8th suddenly upon, A batch of mere forty,

Hungry all and tired, Though brave, and inspired,

The odds Bre all too grave,

For gods even to brave.

,96

'.

(20 )

Trampling upon their own solemn words,

Armed with Brrows, spears and swords,

Thy men in utter betrayal of trust, Mounted, on us, a sudden thrust.

( 21 )

When the treachery of the foes,

Made a mockery of their vows, Armed with Brrows and the bows, We took the field to send them blows.

97

(22 )

b"'~';~ ~ ;1)(",,;; ~~'=.J.J.~jJ~

When the IIflairs are past redllmption. By elf other me~ns iJI peBceful intention. It is iust to assert thy right. Through thy sword and a righteous fight.

(23 )

Who on eluth 'Id ever believe. Words on Quran, When thus deceived?

But for the treachery of thy force. How e'/d we ever choose this eourse 1

- - 98

Cunning, thy men are like a fox, Treacherous. on us, they played a hoax, Had we eirlier known their way, Scarce could we choose this way.

(25 )

Who on words of Quren doth sweer, He, in mind, must eve' be.r, To ,espect the senctity of thll vow,

Not to asseult who trust the vow.

, 99

(28 )

In the menner of e swarm of bee,

Surging forth liM a stormy sea,

Thy men IBunched a furious attBck" Shreiking, shouting, attired in black.

(27 )

The moment afwone left his defence,

In an attempt to make Bn offence.

A single arrow from our bow. In a pool of blood, laid him low

100

(28 )

But whosoever dared not leave. The safety wall that him conceal. He could manage to escape, Our deadly arrows, and was safe.

(29 )

The moment didst we Nahar behold.

Taking the field in a manner bold,

A single arrow from our bow.

And was he there lying low.

101

(30 )

Losing he.rt .t the horrible sight. Many, Afghan didst take to flight. FiII.d with terror and the fellr. None didst ever there boast hea,.

( 31 -)

Advancing like a furious flood, Bursting with anger, thirsting fa, blocH/. Another Afghan didst take to field. Guns Imd ."ows he didst Wield.

102

(32 )

Mllfl'( II timtl didst he cr • .,., To .ttllC/r our lines in manner br.ve, Often"!" wi th fits of linger,

But SOmtft1mes in a perfect mIInnf/f •

. (33)

Many a attack didst he mak~.

Suffered many wounds m their wake .

Two men, of course. ijidst he claim.

But in the attempt htl W. S slain . . (

103

(34 )

)1') IyJ ~)Jy ~Iy ~(j )!J;!v--:, ,""I~~ ""(,;

Hiding cowardly behind his men,

And taking shelter in his den,

The accursed Khawaia betrayed his profession,

By fighting not in a manly fashion

(35 )

If only, in field, we could see him, And hence could take an aim at him,

A single arrow from our bow, Must have squarely laid him low,

104

(36 )

'Havoc ~rought ·by arrows·6nd giln.

TO()/r..6 he'8VY., tol/.of men.' .Mi/ny. go/ woun<!ed ,on t!6ch side, rh~re were many'that h6d ,died,

{37)

;.... •• ' I , .J ~ J ~J~)~ I.t~~

~ /'.',. .. / . V.~ •

J;)JJ J .6 6 .. "~ v:J " . /-! ••

Bows and arrows, guns arid spears.

Drenehed the ellfth in blood arrd tears. , Such was (he amount oi blood that bled .. The field was like a tulip red,

105

( 38 )

With limbs and skulls of warriors killed

The field was eminently filled.

Like so many bats and balls to play.

In the field. in heap. they lay

( 39 )

The angry arrows on facat flight .

From bows with strings deadly tight .

Raised. in action, such angUished 'cries.

That engulfed the ear/hand skies

106

(40 )

The ang'y archers shreiking drives.

The wounded warriors ' anguished cries.

Raised up such a hue and cry.

Bravesl 01 brave. in lerror. didsllie .

( 41 )

To hurle a horde 01 countless members.

Ag"inst a batch of forty in numbers.

Is " mockery of thy bravery.

And" slu! on thy chivalry ..

107

( 42 )

Wlltm. on the face al sun. /I veil.

O~ dllrkness didst. at 'list .. prevllil.

-The lovely moon 01 golden face. Rose in sky with all its grace.

143 )

Ta God'swillwho. doth (esign.

And put their fllith: in wOlds divine. _ The clucial hours !Jf dangels grllve.

They Ille led by tlie LOld tobrllve.

108

( 44 )

Chastiser of foes of evil designs, Who, in (ol/oj, forget the Sublime,

He led me stlfely of their , cordon, Without 8 sc'rtltch on my person,

( 45)

We knew not that thou break, O'king. Thy own solemn w()rd~ fOf anything.

Thou. O·king. art just a pretender.

Pelf not Truth art thou 8 Contenf/er.

, 109

( 48 I

Thy (lctions. O·king. scarce vindicat(l.

Thy claims af love for thy creed's dietat • •

InfirmlY in Faith. on thy part. indicate.

Lack of trust in the Lord's mandate.

Those. in Faith. arllrue and firm,

To God's vilill they must confirm. A pl(ld(i(l they do not lightly make.

Om:. committed. t~y n#l.wfr brelJk.

(48&49)

~.-:!f ;~PJ I.; y. (./.1 cr* ~~UI)::'~I( ~!).~

)l .. :J Jff ~ ? VJ}1i )l •• 41'1 J)I ~l" ~ Y

Such 8 soul we'ld never believe,

His own solemn word who doth deceive,

Words on Quran though hundreds of time,

If thou pledge, we'll still decline.

( 50 )

II , •• , {. f, ~~ I .J~~ 1./ ~.I1 . / ., _~1 I ~fo' .. _ .,/ t'

)~.:~ ./'

If thou art faithful to thy creed,

Thou art honour bound to proceed,

To redeem the sanctity of Ihy vow,

And make it not a piece of show

111

By virtue of Ihy words 10 me.

Thou arl morally bound 10 see:

ThaI thy solemn words art honoured. Or. thou. for ever. stand dishonoured.

( 62 )

If thou could only find a way. To personally kno,w the cause of fray.

Sincerely we old tell aright.

The reasons of this furious fight.

112

( 63 & 54)

Thy orlll words ,and written note, We have received with the hope,

That thou '/I stand by what thou say, By acting in a peacefui way ,

( 65 )

FOI a man to be a Man, He must sltive as best he can,

T ~ plove his walth in such a way, .

He Ihiilketh IIlike what he doth sol.Y. . "

113

( 56 i

If Ihou 8rl honesl in inlention. And arl Irue 10 whal Ihou mention.

We do weltjome whal Ihou say.

Through /ily Oazi Who's Come 10 convey

( 57 )

Thy words on Ouran pledged 10 us.

We have slil/ iniaci wilh us.

They all hereby senllO thee.

Un ·holy fraud. on us. 10 see

T14

(58 )

To 'KBngar thou may please repair, A worthy welcome awaits thee there.

Mutually, there, on all affairs, We'll talle in a manner fair,

( 59)

In "vent of thy visit here. Slightlls" danger is not there, To us. SrBr 's devoted10yalty.

'Is sure gUBrBnt" of thy safety.

115

( SO)

Ifthou ever choose to come,

We 'If be ple~sed to thee welcome,

Amidst us, liS lin honoured guest,­

And for peace, we 'll make II qUest.

'( 8})

)j;1 ~;J~ -=r' 4-)1, '-I.J/ ~ ~ ()j:. t .. ~

As a, mark of love lind goodwill,

A wortfiy horse of a thousand skill,

Thou 'II receive 'rom our hand, On thy visit to this Land

(82 \

" thy faith in God Is f irm,

r 0 righteous path thou must confirm,

Thou must promptly.do thy best,

To act in If manner, we suggest. ·

(63 )

Thou. O'king, must bear in mind,

The will of God, .Generous and kind,

To harm a person on iusl hearsay.

Isn '; iusrice nor a 'air play

117

(64 )

Thou, O'king, uJ ridiculed, For the manner thou hav, .ruled, Thy Bcts, O'king, Brt not religious,

Being false and non-;udicious.

(86 )

To, sP.e.BIt.;"ot truth and truth II/one,

Is sin against God not men alonB, We art amazed at thy indictment.

Which is nothing but thy figment.

118

(88 )

~jJ~ uf dF/. ~:cJ~ ~. ~ J,{..J "4 J? ;:./j

. Bewllre, O'king, of the wrllth Divine,

Which comes into play for justice Sublime.

Soil not thy hands with other's blood,

Lest thou pay with thy own blood.

(87 )

The God's grelltness and His fear,

Thou, in mind. must ever bear. He is llbovellny·pr.ise or hllil, Thy empty words would not IIvail.

;19

(68 )

e (; ~H~ ~V .L...JI / I •

•• "l,:':J.~ Ll? ULJ J ee;

Thou In mind must ever bear. The King of kings is sans any fear .

The Lord of earth and al/ the spheres.

Emperor true. He prevails everywhere.

(69 )

His existence to none He owes,

And to none He ever bows.

Lord of earth and spheres al/.

His domains extendeth over al/

120

( 70)

The mean ant and the mighty elephant.

Both art created by His consent.

Through His grace and will divine.

Mighty are humbled and mean ~ubl!me(d).

( 71 )

)I};;:lf ~/'(}~~Jlj JV.4-)I~/IJ'~A)1 ,(

•

Cherisher of humble and the M eek . He showers His grace on tho,se who seek .

He is beyond any praise or 'hail.

The empry words would r, ot avail .

121

(72) .

1'he LOld supltJme is incompalllble. Mightest 01 all. He is invincible. A T ellchel true and II ptufect Guide. In Him .'one our faith doth dbide.

( 73)

To redeem the sanctity of thy vow

Thou lilt honour bound to show

Abiding legard for what thou said

And actinq stdctfy as it l ead

122

(74 )

It re.'1y behoves thee to act With wisdom ripe end honest tact,

To deel cruelly with thy subject.

Is hlltefulllnd II shllmeful object.

( 75)

Four tender lives that thou didst claim. ' Would never. O'king, our spirits maim, The coiled Cobra of deadly stings, Is very much alive in the form of 'Singhs ' I

123

( 76 & 77 )

To fan the fire and still the embers,

Isn't bravery, thou must remember, Firdausi hath very aptly said,

They cometh to grief who evil spread.

(78 )

Thy court. if ever, we do repair.

To make thee. of the facts. aware, You '/I have to vouch for them,

On judgement day, for the truth in them.

'24

( 79 )

If, in thy pride, thou fail to heed, Our counsel wise and thus proceed. Then be it certain, Lord the t;ue. On judgement day, '11 forget thee too.

( 80)

If thou take to counsels wise, Follow the path that we advise, And proceed on it with hqnest face. The God, on thee, '11 shower His grace.

125

( an

This noble C"USII, if Ihou do serve, The grace of God Ihou shll/l deserve,

Of Will'S of God, if Ihou IIrl "WII'II,

For goodness silk .. , Ihou must dB' • .

(8Z )

Wilh alllhe dreadful deeds (rom Ihee,

. Thou cl"imelh B mlln of God 10 btl ?

Those who do cause harm 10 men • . God dOlh lurn His back on Ihem.

126

(83 )

f! U'-'/ .. 1 ! u;r#t;; ~ -:::)J~ i U:::~/J';;

Thy dllst'lfdly deeds lind sinful IIcts, God is IIWllre of 1111 the fllcts, He won't. for' certain, let thee retain, The treesures rich and vast domains . .

( 84 I

Words on Quran, though hundreds of time, If thou pledge, we'll still decline,

To repose our slightest f.ith in them.

AS well We know the worth of them.

( 85 to 90 )

.. . t: .. /.1):' 1 ~I~ ~;~ ~::f~~ ~ ~ ~.~/J;

,

Jlf.I~ )~~J))/' JL J J;"A~ ."y. ..()1.1;

"

128

Thou, O'king, may be taking pride,

On thy skills to rule and ride, On fair form, a mind awake wide,

On men and domains, far and wide, On sword sharp and wisdom ripe, On supplies stores of endless size.

On thrwill to make men abide, On bouteous nature, glory flung wide.

On Himalyan courage, in war, on thy side • . But. withal. Aurangzeb, O'king of kings.

Thou art despised for many things,

To man nor God art thou true.

Faith and justice art far from you.

129

(91 )

The crllfty chieftains of the hill.

Many of them we had to kill. For. at our being iconoclllst.

These idolaters raised a holocaust.

130

( 92 I

Bew.,. of the t,..chery of the ege. Of endlv, huell end f.ithleo phise. Where ene"';';' doth .,iae (It the beck. To IIt.b. like cow.,da. in the b.ck.

(93 )

Behold the wondel of The Divine will. Such heart it. in OUI men. instil~ One could fece • legion of fame. Though million strong. he put to sherne.

131

(94 )

What harm can ever an enemy do.

When God the great be kind to you.

His grace is ever so sublime.

To be full of bounty and benign.

( 95 )

A Saviour true and a pe,rfect guide.

r 0 us. in grace. He doth provide.

A gifted tongue and a soul liberated.

To sing His praises and all He created.

132

( 96 )

In moments grave, when He is kind, The enemy is so rendered blind,

That humble ones art then rescued, Through His grace. unhurt. unviewed.

( 97 )

To whom the cause of Truth is dear ,

And leadelll their life in God's fear,

On them the grace of Lord is there,

Through thick and {/:lin art they secure .

133

( 98 )

Him who se,ve with hu,t lind soul.

And thlli, faith in thtJ Lord is who!tJ.

Blessed art they with a Illsting pellce

The gface of God doth thtJm fe/eBstJ

( 99 )

Wh"n they art victim of .ggftJssion.

By an "nemy of tJvil intttntion.

The LOfd tJx(tJnd.th thtJm pfottlCtion.

Through His gface and hofy action.

134

( 100 )

If ever one of them didst face,

A legion of hundred thousands face,

Th~ 'Lord '/I save him in some way, ",And keep the enemy at a bay. '

(101 Et 102)

If thy pride is power and pell.

And, on them, thou leanth thyself.

We , on Him, do pin Our hope,

Our only refuge and the only hope.

135

( 103 )

Thou, 0' king, must bealJll mind, The wotld is just of a mortal kind.

Everyone be he high or low.

Depart he must and then lie low.

136

(104 to 107)

On the earth and its fair face ,

Of Humayun and Akbar Where's the trace?

Kai Khusro. Fridoon and Yar islander,

Sher Sh3h, Dara and Alexendar,

Timur and Oabur consigned are all,

To eternal obvilion, forgotten all,

137

( 108 j

Behold the faithlessness of the age,

Of lIeeting nature and passing phase,

Men and mansions art sure to fall,

As and when they geth the Call.

( 109 )

If people poor do thou torment, Through arrogance and thy false ferment,

Thy 'oaths to ridicule thou hold, And chop them off fold by fold.

1J8

, ("0)

All the schemes o( the evil enemy, Let they be o( facets many, They, (or sure, would never avail, When God is there, to thee, not (ail.

( ", )

If thousands evil do conspire, , And they, an enemy, do inspire,

When God's grace be with (hee , Not a single hair be harmed o( thee .

139

NOTES _ND REFERENCES PART I

Life .1 G ......... S .... CHAPTlII I

FROM PAllIA TO PAOITA 1 .. n... ......... eat abo\lt the elate .... eYell the,.., ill

ftWt o-a CJolIiM Ii'" •• born. Wbile -.dia. 10 .......... 0.. _ bora ill 1660 A.D.. CIInni...... 1&,. it

, __ !k, tr 1"1 A.D ..... Bille S ... b pi .... it iLl tbe yea.

'-A.D. a-e_. we ....... accepted 7Pob Sudi Sambat In), "Ii." in an old IMllyina in the Ourudwa .. Patna Saltib ... Ibe date of birtb or the Ouru. Oar bil.. and SUlllj Parkash alsO endorse thil date.

2. Syad Bbikhu Shah w.. borLl in • .,... family iLl villaio Sl'.LI&, T.-;I It'-illlal. Dill. KIU'Ll&I. He wal a dilciple of AIHd ...... Ii Shab of ...... bebta. Disl. Sabaranpur. He spent .011 of hil life in Thub. Disl. Karnal. (Kaha. Siagh, MahaD Kosll. p. Ul) He had very cordial relationl witll Ouru Te,b BaluI4!ur wl!om ha held in very hi8h e.teem. Accordin, to Macauli.e, the Syad hailed from Tb.uka, Dill. Kamal.

3. Eversioce tlac visit of Guru N.nak. a larae number or. Sikb centres: flourished in these areas. Dacca was tb. • Ha.~uri SaRB.t' or the most important Sikh cenlre In these parll and controUed many centres~ ' of smaller size. The (juru seems to have apent about two years in Assam. For delaUs Till. Sinsh Ganda Singh : short hi,tory of lhe Sikhs P. 55.

... Dr. Fauja Singh: Development 0/ Sikhism under Ihe Gurus, P.12.

S. Sarkar, l.N., History ,of Auranp.eb III, p. 265: Banerjee, LB., . EV.olulion of the Khalsa, II, p. 53 . .

6. Khafi Khan: II. 65l. 7. Guru Gobind Singh, Bachiltar Nnlak. vii, 3.

141

142

•• Ouru T .... Bahadar. Skalot. 16. 9. Oardwar .. Si. Ouj. Cbaodal .Cbow~ Delbi co~memorat ..

tbe martyrdom of 0_ Telh Babadlll;)a4 _raised in 1790 A.D. by S. Balbel Sinlh Karoninshili. '

10. Oaru OobiDd SinBh : iIadIillar Natlt,. 19S4. p. 51. II. The splinter aroup. Mina., D birmal;a -aDd . Ramrayu IIad lOt

up _,arudo .. , of their OMI ~ad eo •• hbe patro ..... of Ib~ State.

12. Ouru Gobind Siaab : Bachittar Na .. t. vi. 29. 42, 43. 13. Ibid. viii. 31. 14. , 1.S. Gre .... 1 .t. 8.S. Bal : Ou .. Oobind SiDlh. Appe..aia B.

IS. As put of th. Selle .. e Bhim CbIII4 dcmandool tribllt ... 'Ponadi Elepb.nl· .ad lome other ,illl that wore ,..-cd to Guru Oobind Si",11 by the Raj. of A...... Ita .... . ltai. who. &CO!>rdinS '0 Sikb tndition.. came to Mat ..... 1 ill 1680 A.D.

16. 1.S. Orewal I: S.s, "I. OIlt'Il 'Gob" ...... p. 65. 17. Dllrin ... ia llay.t hat. 'ov. OoIIIMSiIo,. .. ·bm Itai

. met twice. 0DCe .t ,_ ... tItce at 00_ Deoa. . Yacaulilre M.A. V. l?~ 20 to 13. . ;-.

II. SirmDr Gazetteer. p. 51 1I,.lhat the aura llayed at PaOlI" for S yean.

JIa~je •• I.B. EYOItItioll of Ibe KII ..... II. 69. " 19 . . For ~illlilar editori.1 COIIIIIlCQta ... Cllaubi. AYlOr. '.21 a-

AYlar. 863-164. Krilhm A ...... 2491.

CHAPTlflII

BAPTISM IN WARFAftf.

I. 8acbittat Nala" ,ives a very Ifaphie acco~nl o(lhis ,baltlc, ' Sukha SinBh's Outbila, gi"e. 1689 aS1be year of Ibo battle, which, bow."et, .0.Il0l be ·correct. P,ioce AJit Sinp" d8to 0( bittb is ftrmly established as Nov. 9, 1686; bonce tbe .. attle could bavo bo .. foupt ill Fob., 1686·.

2. lief ..... bis. mum to AD&DcIput, the Ouru went 10 Slclbaun, Laharper, Toka, Tabra, .-.1 tbo State of Raipur. M_alill'o, M.A. V. p .• 7. Kart.r SiDlb, Lire or Ouru Oobi.d Siolb, p. 89.

3. 'A"""rdiol toBbai Vir SiOlh Ihe a,roemelll wa. reached at PaOlll1 wbich, bow .. or, iI hiably improbable.

•. Four rort. ...moly AUDCI,arll, Keoprb, Fale"llrb a-.l Lobprb were built.

5. Baacrjec, 1.B. : Evolulioa 0( lbe Kbaloa, D, p. 78, 19 • ....... liIr. M,A. : Tbe Sikb Rolilioe, V, p. 51. Oar bilas VII, 31·31.

6. In ' .. daittar Natak,lX, I, Oaru Gobi-.l Sla,b "y., 'Tbe ~ ~_cd me 10 _ill "im io tbe lltUu1e and J jolnecl .. II aide.'

7. laeIIilW Nltak, IX, 23. •. Tela Si;'", Gancla Sinab A ,bort hiltory or Ibe Sik ....

p. 65. Alao f. n. 2. 9. "c"illl, Natat. X, 6.

10. Ibid, XI, , Gurbilas makes I definite 1II0DliOll thaI the object w •• AnlDdput.

II. Banerjee I. B. : Evolutioll or Ibe KbilI .. , 1/ p. 81. 11. Sachiltar NI.a" : XI, 69. 13: Ibid XIII, I.

10

144

14. AccorcIiDJ to O . C. NarMc. ",",,"fotlllllaoa of Sikh;..· ... 156. 'TIle raj •• were IaIJ&bt "·IOft'" 1-. by Nina ...... Imperial leacraJ. Ho ...... llpoll tb. defeat.""" del .... live up the _try titplackr, let .... to .i1\ae11. toot buD4redl or priIotiers .... OllIer to ~b. 1_ to dIcII. Md tIMaI _¥Cd'" ~.ir fee .. bI",l*oed .... ted. I!Ica 011

doebJl .... ..... .. ulllbitioo fit $am tbroulhoat the ~ ...... ;~

IS. OurbU .. XVI. 111. 172.

CI4AI'TM HI

.. CROWJlIlG ACHlMMnT

1. Nuanl G. C .: Traa,r" .. atioa or Sikllism. p. 25. Toja Sia,h a.da Siap : A ,hort bittory of the Siklla, p. ". Sllda. K.pur ilia", : Bailakbl or Ouru 00bIsNI Sio,lI. p. U. aai JoA Sinp : o.m.t NirHi. ~Natak:V;" '

2. ' ...., Ita,. S'-po : 'IaI Satbi·. 1972. p. 22. 2). 3. .. ..... .i. WibIIIoa Of 'Wao"" ao oae oft __

Iso, I P... _ Of 0_ O!'biad SiqJl II 111_ I ... _1ccIer .. ·Aklt ...... ·i·D •• bu·j.Muall. V.ipur)'. lit 0 ........ II to 21. 24, 27. 21. Ilef..- 10 the comopl practi_ o( tIte 'Maaaw' It aIIO ( .... 1Id ill Thirty TIuee SaWWli1M or OUrI Gob_ SiDp'" .. _ Of Itit Ihka_L'

4. hr ... "" ..... lII8IcerelllODY Ke ·a.iakbi oro_ CWlIad .... by SInIe, Kapur Sia,b, AJIIICIIdIK I, ...... ;. How. Iltb i. b1.1ded • Siqb. p. 53 10 13 • .u. 'lit ..... • '" Prof. Toja staab. p. U 3·111.

,. ~ ..... Quda S ..... ; A obort bill";' or Ibe Sikhs p. 69 • ......... 407.481 •

.... ...... : 'nIwarltlt.i.PIIIIjab. 1141.405.406. M_Me. M.A •• The Sikb RcIi,iOII. p. 93. 94. T. Sialalt Galicia SiiIP : A 1b0ll biltorJ or , tIte SikbJ,

'p. ".". ' 'I. T" S .... OMM· ..... : p. 69. •• ~ Plirt ... iil-21.

Sri 0un0bI0a, V , Toj. Siap CJaIlda Si .... : A ~ Itil&clrty of Ibe Sikbl. p. '9 f ... , •.

,. Tr .......... IIcmI w~p of tIte SiUI, UNESCO p. 273. 10. I . S. OnwaJ ., S. s..... Otn 00lIiDd SiDp. p. 126. 11. Df. Oupta. H. R. A ""'" of Ibe Sikh Gams. p. 193·".

145

CM/l.PTIII IV

ESCAlATION Or.CONFLICT .::

I. Banerjee I; a ., B.ol~lioA of Ihe KIIIl ••• II, p, 116, 126, SoIIln Lal. Umdatul TWlrikh, 1&8S, 1,62,

.2, To ... ert his O.erlord,hip, , ... chi,f of K.ahlur I,ked the . Guru to vacate An&ildpur or Blree to tne payment of tribute

whicb Ibe Guru NI.sed OR the plea that the ,ile had been bought.by bls father, GU.N Tegh aahadur,

J. """ordin,. to Gurbil .. tbe petilion said, 'Bcina tbe successor of the holy Guru Nanak , we allowo4 bim (Guru Gobinll Singh) 10 «.ide among u,. On bis . • UaiDina power, when we tried to' rcs~T.in him. he forllled .. alliuc. witb' the Rlja of Sirmur ,nd ",en! 10) Naha.. There b. quarrelled with the Raja fatcb Shah of Sri.l.ar whicb 104 10 tb. bailie of Bhang.ni ,esuhin, in greal de,trtlc:tilill of lif., The Guru, then, relurned 10 Anandpur and establi'lied • A.W &.:t. dilferent from HinduI.and Mob.Rlmad_, known as lbe Khal.... Many followers from all the four cute. bl.e gathered Iround. him and bis pow", is ever illCfC8.iag. U. declares himself., the enemy of the Emperor and says that be will avenge the death of hi. ratber and that if we join 'bim we will gai n. empire in tbis world and ,."",atwa ill the DelL

He is dlopl .... d with us because we do act wlsb to oppose th. just Govt. H. i, preparing to allack us lad Ilia followers

'plunder and loot our villa.CI, . We pray for the prolcctiOD of-the Empir. and beg for ... itt.n« to expel tltt Ouru rrolD Anandpur, S.IIould the govt. delay to punloh hilll, he will nui attack the Capital of your empire,'

4. It i. not quite cl.ar to whom uactly the .ppeal ..... made; to Aurlnpeb in SCIIIth, the Faujdar of Sar""'d, tile MupII governor of DoIlII or 10 Prince Mua .. am in Kabul. Sain. Pat _Itbe term 'Tork' and the 'Sultan',

146

'47

The exact ...... ology of ... battleS II a110 DOt 1'8rtaUa. According lei:. Saina Pat', oar SObb;'" tbio Rajputl lint att .. ked AII;~r 0. their 0 .... aDd aner the defe.t· of their first .ttack tbe, .ought the belp of the MuJbalI. ,

,. Our Sobha. 4 S. ' Banerjee. I.B .• Evolution of the Khal ... . II. p. 128.

6. Acoording 10 Twuikh Guru Khaloa (I. 171) by OiaD Singh the Raj. of Kahlur wu a110 accompanied by lOme either hill cbi.fsto the South and met the' Emperor personally. The view Ii ·llIpport.4 by Ahmad Sh.h (T.rikh-i-Hindl. Khushwaqt

. R.I (T.wan1tb-i-Sjkh.n). Mirza Mobd. Harisi (Ihratnama.) , Y. ' Mirza 'M0h4. Hlri,i (Thratnaml. ,66-67). Khusbwaqt Rai

'(t ..... ikb-i-Sikhan. 31). Ganesh Das (Tawarikh-i-Chahar Oulshan-i-'l'anjab. 54). Ahmad Sha~ (Tarikh-i-Hind. 383) .

•. All tho Sikh "hronicles. inclnding Gur Sobha coDtaiD flirly loftl accouats of thClc incidents, which have been drawn upoa. by tile lIter -writers of Sikh history like Macalllllfe and Banerjee.

9. Macaidilfe. M.A " The Sikb Religion. V, p •. 185, 202, 204. Our SObha. XIII, 33_ Blnerjee, I.B., Evolution of the Kbalsa. II, p. 133_ Ac<:er4ing to Ko~r Singb. • leUer bearing tbe seal of £aiperor' Aur.Dgub coataiDed Issur.nces for the •• fe pusage o(th. Sikh., It .. id,

' $JroJlliw lhifllc •• 11 of you Cd God Almlrhly puni.h us 41' I~' Quran k wll,,'" 10 Ihl •• $h",,/d 10u 1_ thl. place,jor one., A 8r~(Jf pktuurt would it be unto us.'

(Koer Sinrh) "-nli.l ·to Gi". Kiaa Slkhi.n by Sarap Siagb Kaashik.

'Guruji , bad beea 'Iw.iting I rePly to hi. letter to EmPcror Allrangzeb in the Dccc:an. Oa 5 Poh Samvat 1762, iIIe reply of tile I!mperor Auran!zeb writt .. on Ihe Ouler cover of Ibe Quaraa, w •• brou!bt by a Qazi from Decca. '10 Allaadpar-Guraji tben, in cOD"ullalions with promlnenl Sin.ha like Udai SiDgh, decided to quil Anand,arh.'

,. •

'0. Writiaa • ...,. I1Ie plla..., fill Bhi udf ...... KG. ·1iIIP "rs ift Gilt .... PaIOlllW I' t::~

'Ud.i ...,It w ...... eword for . . • "_ alii klW alarJC _bcrlllTwb .. doe . neD die reiDf _ _ •• mfted ..... _ '"*10 ' .

11. Buer;.e. 11., !!vollllin 111"" JCIIa ..... n, ... 13S. 12. ~iIIa \0 Ger au... 0JlC of ~ -sum .... SilLIII, SIft

$inaIo •• bo ranajlJed doe G_ ia .pp ....., _ ....... hoille 0 .... •• clotll .. ud ~ .... dtl ... lert .1 ctrth .. 10 be,liU. the CD •• Y ....... I_ 0..... decided 10 lea~e IbM pIKe.

J.3. TIley -nre IIIe cousins or Niha., K.han. lb. 'a,han chief ., )(ot" Hilhaa, Khan. ""riet Ropar. who WAS 4uply 1InoUit loibc 0..... .

14. Aa:onIho. \0 lOme l<Mili..... ,11_ , ...... brochm depaJlt<l: from H.~., a " laoc rurtber .......

15; Ilai Kalla wu .110 a ct- "'Iati~e .r Nil-. x .... ud _ . aa 014 dnotee or ,he 0 ....

16. While l ... inl Rai !tot, G.r~ Gobi"" Sin.lt,.-eII. hft 10 Ilai Kalla (Rai Shahbtj KhaD) wilh ,b, il\itlacr" "'" ·It 1II000Id Dol be WClt!l or carried ~pc .. · .... le ... itl _ ,rea' emCflUCY. . " Parwardpr Tum ko ....... d ... kra_ bUte ....

riy ... 1 par makim farmave. Aou II lilla..... 11.0-mlllbarat _j tar haja 'or par _ ... ntllu."

IPb. 0cwL It ....... 22-9· 1154) . . Tbe lwon! was I ........ d willa nIiIJioaa -. wt~ .... liae of Itai II,.. K ..... 0 family oS ... . t N ..... IOeIt It wi,II __ "",,&Ii.... of 0 aporti.. .lICIIn;' -"UJ Ie ..,.. .. -.sIlCCS or Itis (ollowen. HIlIMn. lutppaill. 'e ltD .. i .. oilll. lie drew IIIe Sword \0 cal \be ..... , . Ieathcr .., whid, be "u eelaaaled. . The ICnaJJleI or IIIe .......

bowner. _rc .io .... aDd Ilia lUlu received ..... 'he drawa Sword a wound oa bi. "'i,b. Ih. ....morJllt.. ~o. .w.a .. liickly ...... d hiI ..... . ...... y Sikh clticf .. iooc,.. ~ a.jit Si ..... tried 10

pioclIrc Illia SwaNbal doe Kai )(ot fulily refused to put wilb the _red P' "";011. Oa I_ d .. '~ III" Jtaaee .... ~. lb. wiadow· or Jtai I.,.. KlutD ia A,.il Jl54. ...

1 •

...... ~~ IderW ........ 0, PI , 1J -...... ... 1110 hctd . Mr. "-7., I , till ... ~ C__ iau, r." I ;'1. .. till Ga_ aea-J. ', (IIaod apoa IIii bdUop 015. .... Si&Il,IIt,A.)

17.' lie [511ia'lo~I'cIIhi, early 1& 170SA.D~ QInlGollIM . SiIoP reccoi* .~Icr f,.,. AIIrIUIpIb .... iaI ... wid! UCIOR all8Ct wile filled to viliS lliaian.-. 'lit .... ......

'-non II oary _ .-.. .... )'OD .JfCC witll .. ill FIr .... _~ So come ber. 10 ... .... 1f)'Oll ....... _. 11rIIJ .. eel ,.,.. willllU1l), aad ,_

'Q IOU ..... a -.os_ wflloull'.r. You ... y Ii .. ill ., 'iI, •• • , ocher .. j .... and devotee. do. U

.... I Jll'ftabilil)' Ibis oommuIIK:alion was i. topl)' 10 I1Ic e .. ller lotter. Fale"aaSDI. _I b)' Ille Gara to lIIe Itinl ftom Maoblliwua.

II. Lalli, SJ" ...... "' ... d. Hillory of !lie ".i-II p. 266.

19. -rr..,. en. ; KTM Ollnl addc4 aboul 1,10,000 d~" 'hh!udl S ...... p. scil.

20. I. tlIe AIIo .. I-A .... lri !lie receipt of • letter ftom 0IIt1I 0eIIia0II Slap il .a-ledatd by lIIe Emperor ud Ilia ....... Ie M_hn JtIIan of L.hore '10 cODcillale' 0 .... 'Go1>i!MI Sin,II, .Dd .110 10 •• ke .ttI ..... " for his Inm I_adltlte IOWlh ... , .bo be _n 1a·11I. doc" .... ' . O.Dda Si ..... M.tlliz, 74.

21. SBIlIII. Vi",,,I. Hmory 01 ...... Oxford. 1910. p. 441.

22. l..s. 0 .... 1 A S.S. 101. Gara GobiDcl Sia,b. p. 1 ....

2), Tbe ·Jhh ... ISDI·. dated W Odo"'; 1707 A.D ••• doIatid,d to tile ...... 1 of 0110.1. rea4s.

''lha OIIru will proIeclllle K.IMIIM. Wilh.1I 1Io~ .e met tile Eatporor. A tolle of 1I0Dour .nd a jew.W ocatf _II sixly tMetand rupea were pr.scaled 10 ...

Willi God', .,..e •• oIber lIIi ••• • t. pro...... • .... ractorily. la. rew day .e lb." relum 10 Aaaadpoir: My. i.~iou to lb. eatire ItIIalsa SaDIII it 10 reiIW&

ISO ,

uitell. WbcG we .rrive . .i. Kulur ":,.,u lbo..ld come to 0IIr pr __ full, . ....... He..fP comeo ..... 1 be RWaldocl."

24. Gaada Sinah : ..... ~, p. 82. M_~lJfe. M.A., TIle .Slth Reli,ioa, V,i,. 232. Baaer:Jce. lll., l!Yolalicirl 01 the ~"';1(, p. 146.

25. ~ee. I.B., B ... lutioo of; the n .... : D, \>, 144.145.

26. Mattubat-l-Jm.m Rabbaai. Vol. I, Letten NOI. 47. ~. 16), 193.

27. 1.5. 0reyaJ I; S.S. Bal. Gura Oobind Sinsh. p. IS2.

28. Acconlla, to Tarith·j.Bahadur Shah!,

"Ollru Gobiud SiDgb. ODe of tbe .dese.Ddent of Nanat. had come into th~o districts to travel and :accom­puied tbe royal call1p. He Wat in the habit of CODltauUy addre .. ing a ... mblic. of worldy perioDI, ",!i,iou • . flUllllcs ",lid all $O,ts of people." Without any SOlid source to IUpporl tbeir conclusion, Forste" Cunningham ·and Elphi .. tollc aver that tbe Guru bad ."",pted a military command under ' the MllChal King. Tbis is evidently incorrect as illdicated in Tar,kh i : B~b.d.r Shlbi.. Also r.ret to Tej. Siugb Gauda 'Singh ; A shorl hi,lo'r of Ihe Sikhs, p.77. r.n. 2.

CHAI'TIR v

END.' OF THE JDURMEY

I. Ahmad Shih of Barala, in hi' 'Zikr-i·Guruan va Ib.tida.;' Singba VI Muhab·i-Esban' gives a v.ry ;nt.rcstilll accoQlll of tb. first m •• ting b.t ..... n Guru Gobind SiIl.h IDd Buda 8aIwIor. Accordin, ttl Ahmad Sllah, wb.n Baoda Slit ... the Guru, he pr",lrated . befoto him aod tbo' followiDa ·cU.lop. took pllce: )IIadho Des ; WhO ate you ? Gu", Gobind Sin,b : He whom you know. )IIadho 011: What cio I know? Guru Gobind Singh : Tbink it over in your mind. Madho DIS : So you ar. Guru GobiDd SiIl,b. Gun. Gobind Singh: Y ••. Madbo 0&. What bave you come fo.? Guru Gobiod Sinlh : To conv.rt you ioto a dilCiplc of mlDO.

Madbo Da,: I submit, my Lord. I am your BaOdL 2, Khosb",aot Singh: Homage to Guru Gobind Sinp, p. 82, .3. Narang, G.C., Tr.nsCormation of Sikhi,,,,.

Tej. Sin,b Gaadl Singb : A .hort bistory of tho Slkba, .p. ·80.

4. CUDni,blm, J.D., A Hi.lory of tho Slkht, p. 7S. S; Saina pat ; Gu. Sobba, .viii, 8,37.

. Teja SiD,h, 'Gancla SiDlb: A sbort Hiltory of ~. Sikba, p. 71. According.to lhe aulboll, Babador Sbab bad a\road, j,anted a 'Irman' in favour oflbe Gu"" Dpon Wazlt KlwI. ·fo. payment of Ill. 300 per day. Th. rlDjdar .AI·now Iyiol ill ·r .. r of hi' very lif. at tb. ,'6wiDl nipproachmcol betw.on tho Sikh PontiII' aDd Mu,ha! .EmporOl' aDd bcoce ·.,incercd tho plot 10 kill lb. Guna.

Accordina to Bathai Mal. KbaI .. ·oaml (19-22), ... • Irlier Ittemp( (O,n Ih. lif. of tbe Guru, IbroDlh • hicellna or W •• ir Kball, 'had Proved .• bortive.

. 151

152

aai Vir SiqII ill 'KaI."ldbar o. .. atla,' " of tile opiaioG tb.It Babadar S ... " wu penoeaUy ".olved ill tile lOIIIid drama or 1M death of Guru Gobiad Siap with "'-, ill hiI· hcarta of beart, lb. Kin, wu unhappy for bis .... iq Itat BaDIIa Babadar a .. lasl Wazir Kbaa ele. H."u lIa4iDt it dllIicah to accept or reject Ihe demand. of Ibe Gam aDd ". lII1io .. 10 ,.1 rid of hom. The fllCl .bal Ibe lOG of tho aaaa.llaal. J ........ d KhaD, w •• pres.DI.d, lIDder order or the Kia" a dress of lDOuflliDg leads credibllily 10 lb • • eraion. Dr. H.Il. Gapta iD hi' 'History of Ibe Sikh GttnII'· (P. 240) is of the aame opiDiOD:

6. BaUdur Sbab, OD bea.iD, Ibe "'''', _ an Ea.liall Sura ...... Cole by aame, 10 tre.1 lb. Guru.

7. Teja Si .. ,,, O ... d. Silll": A.bort U;,,~ry of theSi" .... p. 79.

C H ""Ttll VI

EPILOGUE

I. Var Majb, xvi·!, P .. 145. 2. ..... di Var, xvi·I, 2-3-. Bhai GUld .. Va, I, 23. 4. Ibid, Vat J, 24. 5. Or. Mallsukhalli, Gobiad S"UI,b: Gura N&II&k, AJlCllIICI or

1-ove, pp. 32, 49. 6. MaN, 1m, 992 (A kia, deserve. to _iD. 011 the tbrOGe bJ

virtlle of noble q ... lities, includinB reverence for aDd rear or tbe collective will or the people.)

7; Bbai Gurdu, Vat J·33. I. Tuzak·i.JabanJiri, p. 35. 9. Bachittar Nata\<, p. 7!.

10. Macaulif{e,.M.A., The Sikh Religion, pp.99, 100. Irvine, William, Later Mu,hals. I, pp. 9B, 99.

II . Sirdat Xapur Singh: ·Sikb. and Sikbism' (A .pe .. b delivered by the !earned scho!ar in tbe Tbompson School Auditorium at Vancouver, B.C .• On 7tb Oct; '74, under the auspice. of All Canada Slkb Federation.)

12. Banerjee, I.B., Evolution or Ibe Khalsa, II, p. 156. 13. The Guru's sovereignty is full of Iwenty measures" bUI that

of , Sang at' is of twenty one measures.

ilH! 11111 ftIFI~. RilI3 ff!iilR f.Ri I 14. Sarkar, J.N., History of Aurangzeb; 111, pp. 301·302.

Jobn, B. Noss. Man's Religion (1956), p. 282. \ TOYllDbee, Arnold; A Rudy of History, V, p. 537.

IS. Adi Granth : pp. 59,224. 16. Bhai Sukha Singh: Gurbila., 60·3.

Bhai Kahan Singh: Gu,matsudhakar, p. 554. 17. Sirdar Kapur Singb: Bai.a'hi of Guru Gobind Sin,h,

(preface, p. 12). 18. Jodh Singh : Gurmal Nirn,i, p. 281 .

153

· 154

19. Robert S. Brumblnsh : Pllto for the modern age, p. 86. la. Avlar Singh: Etbi<:o of the Sikh" p. 101. 21. Nllr Mobd. Qui : Jangnar"., (di, pp. 156·59), as quoted' io

'Brief ACCOIlot of tbe Sikh ~eople' by S. Gand. Siogh, p. 48. 22. Banerjee, LB., Evolution of th. Khalsa, II, p. 161 . 23. Guru Gobind Sin"' : Sabad Hazare.

24. jill' ils! 1'i' .,siII1",t ~'8' ;jar ;r '~ ~ ~I! wi! I

25. Banerjee, I.B., Evolution of tbe Khalsa, II, p. "9. 26. Teja Singh Gand. Singb : A ,bort History of Ihe Sikha, p. 48. 21. Banerjee, I.B., Evolution of tbe Kbalsa.II, p. 157· 158. 21. Guru Gobind Singh: Sabad H.zare. 29. GUIU Gobind Sinpb : Ahl USlat. 30. Latif, Syad Mohd. History of the Punjah, p. 270. 31. Teja Singh Ganda Singh : A sbort Hi"ory of the Sikb"

p.71. Cunningham, J.D., History of Ibe Sikhs, p. 84·. Elpbinslone, History of India, II, 564.

32. ~ Iinit i 6111 11' ~ 3 Iii" ~ fMlII8 R B ~ I 33. Guru Gobind Sin,b : Sabod HIWI ...

PARTU

Fatebnama and Zafarnama 1. Sird.t KapUt Siogb: Baisakbi of Ouru Gobind Singh. p. 38. 2. Bernier: H. (Aurangzeb) keep. his secrets closely guarded

and i •• past master in the art of deceit and treachery. "(Travels in tbe Mugul Empire. Urdu Translation. p. 17). Oolam H_in :. Syer.ul-Mulakhrin, p. 338.

(On the eve of the war of succession. Aurln&zeb won over Mnrad 8akb.b, bis brolber, to bit side through solemn .lSurnccs to biOI Ib.t, aner tb. defe.t of Ibeir common' eIlelDY, D ..... he iaccads to retire to Mecca aDd Madial, loavinl Ibe kiapom and tb. Crown to biOI. Murad, against earaeot eotreati.. of his friend.!, feU into tbe trap. After Ille dereat or Dar., Aurangzeb bId bim .rrested.Dd imprisoned ia the fort at Ow.lior, where he wu liter ezecuted.)

Manucci, Niceoloa, Storia do Mogor tTranslation William IrviDe: Vol. III, Part II, p. S, 316, 320).

tAur .. ,zeb bad tokl bi. men Ibat in else of all emerSeney tbey may bold out solemn ".uranco. on QuataD to aD .. emy . to sain an advantage. After going back OD

Ibese oltb .. all they bave to do i. to feed ten 'Flki,,' to rebabilltue themselves in Ibe eye. of Ood). Latif, Sysd Mobd. : History of Punjab. p. 172. Khushal KbaD Khatal<, • poet.warrior,of nortb.west. says. about AuraDgzeh,

til know well Aurangzeb's justice and equity, Hi. orthodoxy i. Ihe Failb, bis flsls aDd penances ; His own brothers, time after time, cruelly sJain by sword His fatber overcome in battle. and thrown in prison. Though a mao slrik. bi. head aD Ih. ground Ihousaud limes, Or by fasling briog bi ••• v.1 and .pi.e logetber,

1S5

156 UDIcu be desira ill lnlilo 10 a<I wilh .oodneu, Hil adorllion. Ire In raise aid a lie; 'Ill. way or billon,ue i, OD. aDd Ibal of bis heart A1Iotbor, Lei hi. very vitals b. 10m, CUI, aDd lacerated. Oulw¥rdly Ibe .erpenl i. baudlOmo, a.d woll informcc!, In Ibe iDwarcl parIS il il uocle .. , aoJllled wilb 'ODom ; Sioc. Kbulhal's arm. cannol ....... Ille l,roDI in Ih. world, May God ba ••• 0 mercy OD hi. CIa 1M day of doom." (Quoled ia Tirlocbao Sin,h'. 0- T.p "badur; Propbet aod Martyr, p 26H9)

3. Sirdar Kapur SiDIb : '8auh Vistar', p. 69. 4. Accordia. 10 'Baaaanwli N ..... 563, Gunobho. S60 aod Bula

Sh.b lTarikh.i·Puajab). Zoeatllama w.a. compusad aner ,ho baUle of Muk! .. r. Howe.cr, -Ibls does Dol .eem. to b. correct.

5. According to lOme Iradition,. Ihe Compolitioo .onsitted of 1400 .Ianza'. B •••• ",1i Nama (563), 5yod Mobel. Latif (Hislory of Pu.jab, p. 267), Raadhir Singb (Sabael Mural) Some of them. howe.er. include the 'Elo.e. Hak.yal.' in 'hil composition.

6. Sirdar Kapur Si.gh : 8ailakhi of Guru GObind Sinlh, p. 40. 7. According .to Bbatta 'the ,"crI8cill aclS Ibemsel ... constilute

Dharma'. Dr, A,'I., Singh : Guru Gobind Singh'. tbeory of

'Karma· (Journal or Religious studie,. Puojabi University. Vol. II, No. I, Aulumn 1970, p. 133).

8. Ibid , p. \3 . Gila, IS, 45. Donald K. Swearer : The TransformatioDal Ethicll PatterD of the Bba!\I.i Gita (Journal of R~ligiou. studies, Pua.j_b University, Vol. IV, No. I, SpriDg 1972. p. 138).

9. Adi Granth : Sri Rag. 10. Ghose Sisirkumar : The heart of so greal • mystery, (Ibe

journal or Religious Studies, Punjabi University, Vol. IV, No. I, 1972, p. 30).

II. Epilogue to Kri.ha. Avtor. 12. F3.tehnama, 19 Zafaroama, 58. 13. Fatehnama, 20-24. P : Bhai Dya Singh and Dharam Singh traveUed through Delhi,

Agro, Ujjain, Sher Garb. Buraha.pur, Aurangabad and reached Ahmadnagar, where they stayed with Bhai Jelha S1ngh who helped Ihem to fmd access to the Imperial court.

15. Smith , Vine,nt, Hi,tory of India, Oxford, 1920, p. 440. 16. Ganda Singh's 'Makhiz', 74.

INDEX

A Abdali Ahmad Shah 50,.]47 Abul Muali Shah 141 Adi Graorb :0,33,40,153,154

156 Agra 34,35,156 Abmad Sbah Batalvi 151 Abkam-i-Alamgiri 149 Abmad Nagar 70 156 Ajit Singh (Prince) 22,27,28.

143 Akbar 4,137 Akbbarat-i-Darbar-MuaUa (Jaipur) 32.35,145 Alam Chand 21 Alamgir 29,30 AIi-ud·din 50 Alif Kban 10,11 Anandpur 4 to 7, 9 to 11,21

to 23, 24 ,26,27,29, 31,32,33,40,54.61.t4 75,143,147,149, 155

Angad Dev (Guru) 48 Arjao Dev (Guru) 15,40,44,

. 45,48 Aurangzeb 10,11,12,14,21.24

25,26,30,34.35,57 .61 62,63,64, 66,69, 70, 129,146,147,149,1 5

Aurangabad 156 Avtar Singh 154,1~6

B Baaz Singh 38 Babar 137 Bachittar Natak 5,10,12,141,

142,143,145.153 Bacbittar Singh 22 Bagbel Singb KarorSinghia

Bagbaur Bahadur Shah Baisakbi Bakhat Mal

142 70

34,35.36,38 13,15

151

151

Bal. S.S. 142,145,149 Balia Chand 21 Bansanwalioama 156 Banerjee, LB. 28,51,141,142.

143,145,147,148,150, 153, 154

Batton Court, Dr, 19 Beroier 155 Bhatta 156 Bbago, Mai 31 Bhangani 9,10,146 Bbalinda 30 Bhikban Shab 1,141 Bhim Chand 7, 9 to 11,12,24 BiDod Singh 38 Budhu Shab , Pir . 8,9,10 Burhanpur 37,156 Bute Sbah 141,145,156

C Chamkaur 27,28.53,54,63.64,

65,148 Chandi-di-var 8 Chandi Charittar 67 Christianity 67 Cbarles Moore 58 Cole 152 Cunningham 141,1!O,151,154

D Dacca 3,141' DaUa 32 Da~al Dass, Bhai 5 Delbi 5.16.27.32.39,142. 156 Dbaram Singh (Beloved one)

16.29.70 Dbaramyud 15 Dbaul 149 Dilawar Khan II Dina 30,31.64 Dina Beg 21.22 Donald K. Swearer 156 Dya Singh, Bhai (Beloved one)

15,29,40,57,64,70,156 Dwarka 16

E EI ph ins tone Ernest Trump

150,154 149

F Fateh Shah Fauja Singh Firdausi

7,9,10,146 137

French Revolulio n Foroler Fridon

G

65,125 20

[50 137

Ganda SinghI41 ,143,145,149 I 50,152, [54,156

Gangoo Ghani Khan Ghumand Chand Ghulam Hussain Ghosh, Sisarkumar Gila

27 29,64

22 155 150

62, [56 Gobind Singh (Guru)

3,5,6,7,8,9, 10,11 , 12, 15, 16,17, I 8,19,20,2[ 22, 23 , 24, 26-42, 44 to 49, 51-54, 56,57, 61-64, 67-70, 141,143,145,146, 149, 151,152,154

Grewal, J .S. 142,145,149, 150 Gujri (Mata) 27 Gupta, H. R , 19 , 145, 152 Guru kian Sakhian 26,147 Gurmel Nirnai 145 Gur Sohha 145,147,151,156 Gurdas, Bhai 152 Gurbilas 12,48,141 ,144,

146,148

H Hamayun 137 Hari Chand 10 Hargobind (Guru) 6,30,40,44 Hayat Khan 9, I 0 Henry Bffreton 149 Heran 148 Himmat Chand(Belovcd one)

16 Hobbes 57 Hussain Khan 11 ,12

158

I Ibrat Nama 147 Iiias Khan, Rai 148 Irvine William 153 Isfand Yar 137 Islam 4,44

J Jahatigir Jahan Khan Jamshed Khan JalTg Nama Jetha Singh, Rhai Jobn B. Nos<

4,44 50

152 49,50,154

49,145,153 153

27,28 Jujh.r ,',ingh (Prince)

K Kahan singh 38, 141 ,153 Kahlur 7.10,22,23,25,35,40,

146, ISO Kai Khusro 137 Kalgidhar Chamatkar 152 Kalyan Chand, Bhai 3 Kambaksh 36 Kangar 115 Kapur Singh , Bhai Sahib

145,153,155,156 Kartar Singh 143 Kautaliya 66 Kesri Chlnd 22 Khafi Khan 4,38,141 Khalsa 13,14, 16-21 , 23,

24,25,28,29,30,39,40 41 ,47,48,49,51,56,62

64,65,66,146,149 Khal"nama 151 Khidrana 31 ,32 Khushwaqat R-ai 147 Khushwant Singh [51 Kiratpur 7 Kirpal 9 Koer Singh 33,147, 148 Khushal Khan Khltak 155

L Lapel Griffiin 50 Latif Mohd, 149.154, 155,156 Locke 57

M Macauliff. 141 ,142,1 3,145,

150,153

Machiavelli 66 Macllhiwara 29, 5<f,64, 149 Madin. 156 Makhowal 7,142 Maktubal-i-Imam Raban il50 MalerkotJa 24,27 Man Singh 29 Mani Singh (Bhai) 33 Manucci, Nicoloa 155 Masand 145 Mecca J 56 Mati Dass. (Bhai) 5 Medni Parkash 7,8, I 0 Mehar Chand, Bbai 3 Mian Khan 10 Mirza Mohd, '147 Mirza Beg 12. 144 Muazzam 12,34,1 46 Mubkam Chand (Beloved one) Munim Khan

N

16 33,70, 149

Nabi Khan 29,64 Nadaun 11 Nanded 33,37,38 .40 Naban 7,8,9,10,146 Nahar 101 Nahar Singh 149 Najabat Kban 9,10 Nanak, Guru 4,11 ,13,14,17,

19,23,39,41,42,43,45, 47,48 ,42,51 ,52,68,

N.nd Chand Nand Lal, Bhai Naraog , G,c' Nibang Khan Nirmob Nizami Nura Mahi Nur Mohd . Qazi

Painde Khan Pa Onia Sahib Patno PDoenix Plato

P

141,146,150 7

12 144,145,151

148 22 65 30

49, 154

21,22 8,9,141 , 142

3,4,141 94 49

159

Q Quran 6,62,66,94,98,110

111,115,128, 147,155

Rai Kalla Ram Avtar

R

Ram Dass. Guru Ram Rai Ralldhir Singh Ranjil Singh Maharaja Robert S. Brumbangb Rousseau

S

30,148 12,142

40 142 154 148 154

57,67

Saba~ Murat 156 Sadhaura 143 S"beri 27 Sahib Singb (Beloved one) 16 Sainapat 22,23,39,147,151 Sakbi Pothi 149 Sangti •. Rhai ]2 Sant Singh 148 Santokh Singb, Bhai 25 Sarkar, J,N. 141,153 Sarup Singh Kaushik 26,147 Sali Dass, Bbai 5 Shahjahan 4 Shastar Nama Mala 8 Sher Sbab 13 7 Sirhind 24,27,30,35,64,146 Sukha Singb, Bhai48,143, 153 Suraj Parkash 25, 141,145 Syec-ul-Mutakhrin 155

T Tabca 143 Talwandi Saba, (Dam Damma Sahib)31,33,34,70,149 Tacikb-i-Bahadur Shah-i

37,150 Tarikh-i-Hind Tar ikh-i-Punjab Tegb Bahaduc, Guru

147 156

3,4,5,6, 15,40,44,45.141

Tcja Singh

Tetti Swayya

142,146 141 ,143,145,

152,154 18,145

Thresymacbus Timur Taka

49 137 J43. 153 147 147

Toyanbee,Arnbld Twarikb-i-Guru Khalsa Twarikh-i-Sikhan .Twarikb-i·Cbabar Punjab

Gulshan·i-147

U Udai Singh 22,26,147 Umadut-Twarikb 146

V Varan Asbaram Dbaram 7 117 Vincet Smith 149 1'56 Vir Singb, Bbai 149: 156

160

W

Wazir Khan22,24,25,26,27,31, 34,38,39,64,152

Wheeler,I.T. 57 Wordsworth 88

Z

Zabardast Khan 24 Zafarnama 25,26,29.33, 33, 49.

57,61 ,63,64,65,67, 69,156

Zikf-i-Guruan va Ibiida~i-Singban va mazhab-i-Jsban 15!

.----

Born in 3 devout 'Our ikh' family, the aUlhor received hi. early schooling at Chak\,nl now in Paki. tan. After graduating from l\. ha b Co l1egt, Anlnbar, he obtained Ma'ter of Art degree in Economic:.!o. and Hi'ilory from (>unjab

UniversllY. For ometime he ha, been u lecturer 10 HI,tory at Guru

Kashi oilege, DamJama Sahib and laler al Ramgharia College,

Pbagwara, "here he has beeo

teachlflg Po,l-gTaduute classes.

Although bl\ literary InlereslS cover a wide range, yet he is chiefly

devoted to Ihe Slud) of history, phIlosophy & religlon,wilb purllcular reference to ikhisl11.

orne of his olher lilerary contributions

piritunlil} " are 'word and

'The Gramm"r of Martyrdom' and 'Social & Political

Concepts of Guru Nanak'.