Family Process Volume 32 issue 1 1993 [doi 10.1111%2Fj.1545-5300.1993.00087

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    Fam Proc 32:87-103, 1993

    The Transition to Young Adulthood: Generational Boundary

    Dissolution and Female Identity DevelopmentNELL FULLINWIDER-BUSH, B.A.a

    DEBORAH B. JACOBVITZ, Ph.D.a

    aNell Fullinwider-Bush is a doctoral student and Deborah Jacobvitz an Assistant Professor in the Department of Human Ecology, ChildDevelopment and Family Relationships, GEA 117, University of Texas at Austin, Austin TX 78712. Send reprint requests to Dr.Jacobvitz.

    This research explored links between differential qualities of family connectedness and young adult females'

    development of an independent identity. Identity development involves exploration of possible roles and choices in

    articular domains such as occupation, dating, and friendship, followed by commitment to a set of values and behaviors

    in one of these areas. In this study, women who reported that their parents encouraged autonomy while still maintaining

    closeness also reported more exploration in their friendship and dating relationships. In contrast, reports of

    arent-child boundary dissolution, characterized by role-reversal, enmeshment, and overinvolvement, were related toless exploration, particularly in dating relationships. Mother-daughter boundary dissolution, specifically, was linked to

    women'stendency to base their commitments to a career and relationships with others on parental values and

    expectations without ever exploring alternative choices. Father-daughter boundary dissolution was related to lower

    exploration as well as lower commitment to values and beliefs in any area. These findings lend support to theoretical

    and clinical impressions that inter-generational boundary violations hinder the development of an independent identity.

    Identity is the stable, consistent, and reliable sense of who one is and what one and reliable sense of who one is and what

    one stands for as a contributing member of society. Erikson (1968) argued that a sense of identity is the most important

    accomplishment of late adolescence in that the formation of identity prepares the adolescent for adulthood by organizing all

    past and present identifications, attributes, desires, and orientations into a coherent and unified representation of self. The

    positive resolution of this struggle for integration is a sense of identitya sense of continuity and consistency of self over

    time. The negative aspect or irresolution is a sense of confusion about one's identity or rolea lack of certainty about whoone is, or about the part one is playing in the scheme of life.

    Identity resolution involves two key processes: exploration and commitment. Identity exploration involves an active

    search for information about options in various domains such as occupation, politics, religion, dating, and friendships, as

    well as experimentation with the ways this information relates to one's self-concept. The process of commitment, on the

    other hand, involves choice, consolidation, and adherence to a particular set of values and behaviors. Optimally, people

    explore and reflect upon their beliefs and values in important areas of their lives, and then commit to them. In fact,

    exploring one's own attitudes and values in a specific area before committing to these beliefs is critical to forming a stable

    sense of self.Prematurecommitment, however, indicates adherence to a set of values usually dictated by parental or

    familial expectations prior to any exploration of personal alternatives.

    Researchers have long recognized that the process of exploring identity options and committing oneself to a sense of

    identity may be constrained or enhanced by motivational factors and developmental contexts, in particular, the family

    environment. Early theorists conceptualized the transition to adulthood as a period marked by conflict and strain, in which

    psychological independence was won by detachment and replacement of parents as important objects (Blos, 1979; Erikson,

    1968). More recent work, however, has shown that only a small proportion of familiesbetween 5% and 10%actuallyexperience a dramatic deterioration in the quality of parent-child relations during adolescence, suggesting that older

    adolescents do not abandon or disown their families as a necessary condition for growth (Steinberg, 1990). Rather, optimal

    social and emotional development is fostered within the context of a progressive and mutual redefinition of the parent-child

    relationship, one that maintains a sense of connectedness and an emotional bond (Gilligan, 1982, 1987; Steinberg, 1990;

    Youniss, 1983). Specifically, a sense of identity is best formulated within a family system that balances closeness with

    encouragement toward autonomy and individuation. Individuals from these families engage in more identity exploration and

    make more stable identity commitments (Campbell, Adams, & Dobson, 1984; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985; Josselson,

    1987). In contrast, the absence of closeness and connectedness between parents and their children has been associated

    repeatedly with difficulties in resolving the adolescent identity crisis (Adams & Jones, 1983; Campbell et al., 1984;

    Waterman, 1982). Few studies, however, have examined the relationship between an exaggerated sense of connectedness

    or overinvolvement within the family system and young adults' capacity to establish an independent identity. The present

    research explored identity development in young adults in three types of families: (1) balanced, (2) father-daughter

    boundary dissolution, and (3) mother-daughter boundary dissolution. "Balanced" families, characterized by both closeness

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    and encouragement toward separation, traditionally have been associated with adolescents' capacity to explore options in a

    given area and make a commitment to beliefs and values in that area. The other two family patterns, father-daughter and

    mother-daughter boundary dissolution, involve intrusive interactions between parent and child in which there is little

    respect for each others' distinct opinions and feelings. The primary aim of the present study was to examine the relationship

    between two relatively unexplored family patterns, father-daughter and mother-daughter boundary dissolution, and identity

    development.

    Generational Boundary DissolutionFamily systems theorists (Bowen, 1978; Minuchin, 1974) and clinicians alike (Walters, Carter, Papp, & Silverstein,

    1988; Williamson & Bray, 1988) have described the dynamics of an overinvolved family system in terms of "triangulation."

    These families are characterized by a power-struggle and/or emotional distance between mother and father, with

    expectations that a child mediate parental conflict or side with one parent against the other, that is, form "alliances." A

    central dynamic in these families is the dissolution of parent-child boundaries (Beavers, 1985). Boundary dissolution can

    take different forms. One kind of dissolution involves parent-child role-reversal whereby the parent expects the child to

    listen to his or her problems, empathize with his or her feelings, and provide him or her with encouragement and affection,

    without providing the child with needed parental guidance and support. Another kind of boundary dissolution involves

    parent-child enmeshment or fusion whereby the parent turns to the child, rather than to the spouse, for emotional

    fulfillment. In this case, the parent may expect the child to meet intimacy needs, providing the parent with affection,

    companionship, and becoming the parent's confidant on personal issues. In both forms of boundary dissolution, the child's

    own needs are compromised.

    Recent studies with both clinical and nonclinical populations provide construct validation for the triangulated family

    dynamic. In distressed families, defined as families in which at least one member presents clinical symptoms (for example,

    depressed parent, hyperactive child), spouses more often have conflicted marriages and strong parent-child alliances

    (Gilbert, Christensen, & Margolin, 1984; Lewis, Beavers, Gossett, & Phillips, 1976). Similarly, in a nonclinical sample,

    Fish, Belsky, and Youngblade (1991) found that husbands and wives who turned to their 4-year-olds to make parenting

    decisions, rather than to their spouse, were conflicted and less supportive in their relations with each other than were other

    husbands and wives. Children who experienced such parent-child boundary violations were more often insecurely attached

    to their mothers during infancy.

    The detrimental nature of generational boundary dissolution has been documented in other empirical studies with

    nonclinical samples. Sroufe and his colleagues (1985) identified a stable family pattern in which mothers engaged in

    provocative behaviors (for example, flirting, whispering, pleading voice) and role-reversed interactions with their youngsons. Compared to a matched control group, these boys were rated by their elementary school teachers as showing more

    symptoms of hyperactivity (Jacobvitz & Sroufe, 1987). In a sample of young adult females, Jacobvitz and Fullinwider (in

    press) found that parent-child boundary violations experienced during early childhood were related to lower levels of

    self-esteem and higher levels of depression.

    The negative effects of parent-child boundary dissolution on identity formation derive primarily from clinical impressions

    and empirical studies of female incest victims and adolescents with eating disorders. Studies of both of these clinical

    populations reveal a family dynamic in which the parent is overly involved and intrusive with the daughter, thereby

    inhibiting her autonomy. Incest families are usually characterized by father-daughter boundary dissolution (Cole

    & Woolger, 1989); similarly, families with an anorectic adolescent often are characterized by excessive closeness between

    the anorexic and mother (39%), anorexic and father (25%), or anorexic with both parents (13%) (Kalucy, Crisp,

    & Harding, 1977). Minuchin and his colleagues (1978) hypothesize that excessive closeness between daughters and their

    parents compromises the daughter's emerging identity. In fact, eating disorders in women have been related to their failure

    to individuate themselves from an overinvolved family (Minuchin, Rosman, & Baker, 1978). Similarly, the long-termeffects of incestuous relations during childhood include depression, low self-esteem, an inability to form close relationships

    with members of either gender, feelings of helplessness, lack of control over personal choices, and a poorly integrated sense

    of identity (Browne & Finkelhor, 1986; Herman, Russell, & Trocki, 1986; Justice & Justice, 1979).

    As these clinical cases and studies suggest, parent-child boundary dissolution hinders the child's emotional development,

    especially in the developmental task of separating or individuating from parents. The few empirical studies that have

    explored the relationship between an overinvolved family system and identity development in a nonclinical population

    report that families characterized by a high level of emotional affiliation and minimal independence encourage identity

    foreclosure (Campbell et al., 1984). Identity foreclosure involves a commitment to values and beliefs, particularly in areas

    such as occupation or friendship, based on family values rather than on personal exploration of available choices. This

    process is also referred to as "premature commitments." Similarly, Anderson and Fleming (1986) found excessive

    closeness in families and a lack of respect for individual independence to be related to lower levels of initiative in exploring

    issues of identity.

    Building on these two studies, the present study examined whether parent-child boundary dissolution experienced during

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    the transition to young adulthood is associated with young adults' levels of identity exploration and commitment.

    Traditionally, researchers have used Marcia's Identity Interview (1966) to assess distinct categoriesadolescent identity

    resolution, delineated by differing levels of exploration and commitment. More recent conceptualizations of the identity

    process, however, regard identity styles as ongoing problem-solving approaches that become characteristic of an individual

    throughout adulthood (Berzonsky, 1990; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985). Berzonsky (1986) developed an Identity Style

    Inventory to tap a person's generalized approach to exploring and structuring self-relevant information in social andpersonal domains, such as politics and occupational choices. This process-oriented measure extends the assessment of

    identity beyond the adolescent period and involves three distinct approaches to identity formation. An information-oriented

    approach implies a tendency to seek out, explore, and evaluate self-relevant information in the process of establishing a

    sense of identity. Individuals with a norm-orientedstyle of identity resolution make premature commitments, that is,

    commitments preceding any exploration of possible options or alternatives. These commitments are often based on

    expectations held for the adolescent by significant others, and they usually reflect family values. A diffuse orientationstyle

    is marked by an avoidance of self-relevant information and an indifference toward establishing any sense of identity, and is

    thus characterized by minimal exploration and commitment to any particular belief or value.

    In the present study, it was predicted that an overinvolved family system, marked by boundary dissolution with either

    parent, would compromise the development of individual autonomy, and would thereby be associated with lower levels of

    identity exploration (that is, a lower information orientation). We also predicted that boundary dissolution with mother,

    specifically, would be predictive of minimal exploration and premature identity commitments (that is, a norm orientation).

    This prediction was based on previous findings by Jacobvitz and Fullinwider (in press) that mother-daughter boundary

    dissolution, but not father-daughter boundary dissolution, tends to occur in families marked by high marital conflict. In

    these families, a daughter often mediates parental fights, and, in the process, establishes an alliance with her mother in

    which the mother seeks emotional support from her daughter while the daughter subjugates her own needs to those of her

    mother. It was predicted, in the present study, that young adult women who were excessively attuned to meeting their

    mothers' needs and keeping peace in their families would be more likely to commit prematurely to family ideals.

    Father-daughter boundary dissolution, however, was not predicted to relate to premature identity commitments (that is,

    the norm orientation) due to the family dynamics previously associated with the father-daughter pattern. When

    overinvolvement and entanglement between fathers and daughters are present in families, there is little conflict between the

    parents, and children do not mediate their parents' fights. Instead, there is a marked absence of emotional support between

    parents. The father seeks emotional support from his daughter rather than his wife, and thus the daughter assumes and

    fulfills a spousal role. Clinicians have noted that women in these families orient themselves to pleasing their fathers and

    learn "that women can't change things on their own, and that the way to get along is through compliance, dependency,

    pleasing and placating" (Walters et al., 1988, p. 113). These women have difficulties asserting themselves and exploring

    their own individuality. Consistent with this idea, Jacobvitz and Fullinwider (in press) found that women who reported

    alliances with their fathers during childhood were more depressed, anxious, and had lower self-esteem as young adults than

    women who reported alliances with their mothers. Hence, the authors predict that, in the present study, females' reports of

    boundary dissolution with their fathers will be associated with difficulties in exploring and committing to any set of values

    or beliefs about themselves; that is, these women are likely to have a diffuse identity orientation, which is marked by apathy,

    despair, and a wide range of psychopathology (Marcia, 1987).

    Female Identity DevelopmentThe sample in the present study focused on females for three specific reasons. First, Vuchinich, Emery, and Cassidy

    (1988) have found that, compared to fathers and sons, mothers and especially daughters are more likely to intervene in

    family disputes and take on caregiving roles. In other words, females are more likely to become caught up in overinvolved

    family relationships, such as parent-child boundary dissolution. Consistent with observations made by family therapists(Walters et al., 1988), these researchers attribute this finding to the "peacekeeping" function that continues to be associated

    with the female role in families.

    Second, Gilligan (1982) purports that family relationships are particularly important to adolescent females' development

    in that women are socialized and oriented toward emotional bonds, attachment, and "connectedness" in their families. In

    fact, females tend to perceive greater affection, emotionality, and cohesiveness in their families than males (Hampson

    & Beavers, 1987). Therefore, we speculated that family relationships of closeness and excessive closeness (boundary

    dissolution) would be particularly relevant to female identity development.

    Last, the present study sought to substantiate and expand the existing findings regarding the nature of female identity

    development. The development of an occupational identity has long been considered to be the central challenge for people

    in their late teens and early twenties (Erikson, 1968; Grotevant & Cooper, 1987). Yet, a growing body of research supports

    the idea that interpersonal areas of identity, such as dating and friendship, are more closely associated with identity

    formation for females than are the ideological domains of occupation, politics, or religion (Thorbecke & Grotevant, 1982).

    It is possible, however, that many young women have been socialized into a restricted set of choices, especially in the

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    career domain, thus reducing the relevance of exploration and commitment in this area (Grotevant & Cooper, 1987). Given

    that the potential to explore is related directly to the availability of choices, women in a college environment would have

    more opportunity for exploration in the area of occupation. It was predicted that the level of career exploration for female

    college students in the present study would be comparable to their levels of identity exploration in the interpersonal areas of

    dating and friendship. We anticipated that all three family patterns, Balanced, Father-Daughter Boundary Dissolution, and

    Mother-Daughter Boundary Dissolution would relate to exploration in the areas of friendship, dating, and occupation.

    Thus the present study explored the following predictions: (1) College females will engage in comparable levels of

    exploration and commitment in the three domains of occupation, dating, and friendship; (2) the three family relationship

    patterns, Balanced, Father-Daughter Boundary Dissolution, and Mother-Daughter Boundary Dissolution, will relate to

    identity exploration in all three domains of occupation, dating, and friendship; (3) young adults from "Balanced" families,

    characterized by both closeness and encouragement toward individuation, will engage in higher levels of identity

    exploration across various domains (have an information-orientation); (4) parent-child boundary dissolution experienced

    with either parent will be associated with lower levels of identity exploration (lower information-orientation); (5)

    Father-Daughter Boundary Dissolution, in particular, will be more predictive of lower identity exploration and commitment

    (lower information orientation and a higher diffuse orientation) than Mother-Daughter Boundary Dissolution; and (6)

    Mother-Daughter Boundary Dissolution will be more predictive of making identity commitments without any exploration of

    alternatives (norm-orientation).

    METHOD

    Subjects

    Forty-five undergraduate females were recruited from family relationships classes at the University of Texas at Austin.

    Participants ranged in age from 18 to 24 years (mean = 20). Most of the students were White (77%) and of

    middle-socioeconomic status (86%). All participants came from intact, two-parent families.

    Procedure

    Participants completed self-report pencil and paper questionnaires about their family relationships, identity

    problem-solving styles, and their level of identity exploration. The family measures and identity assessments were

    completed at two different times, one month apart, in order to minimize the likelihood that relationships found between

    family patterns (that is, the independent measure) and identity styles (the dependent measure) were biased by mood statesor response sets.

    Assessment Instruments

    Father-Daughter and Mother-Daughter Boundary Dissolutionwere measured using two subscales from the Family

    Relationships Questionnaire (Jacobvitz & Fullinwider, in press), a 56-item measure designed to assess young adults'

    reconstructions of childhood and current family patterns. Both the Father-Daughter Boundary Dissolution scale (FDBD)

    and the Mother-Daughter Boundary Dissolution scale (MDBD) assess parental dependence on the daughter for emotional

    support, that is, how often the daughter listens to the parent's problems, helps solve problems, or decides major family

    matters. For example, a high score on the FDBD indicates that the father goes to the daughter for support before seeking

    support from his wife, and, in fact, the father rarely seeks support from anyone other than the daughter. The daughter feels

    that no one else can help her father as she does. The daughter also reports that she knows her father better than her mother

    does. She often knows things about her father that her mother does not know, and that knowledge makes her feel ashamed

    or very uncomfortable. Sometimes she even feels that her mother thinks she is a little too close to her father. A low score onthis scale indicates that the father generally goes to his wife for support before going to his daughter, and, for the most part,

    that the mother knows him better than the daughter does. Specifically, father and daughter do not tend to share secrets, but

    the father is likely to be emotionally available to the daughter, listening to her feelings and helping her solve difficulties.

    Examples of subscale items include: "Some people feel they understand their dad better than their mom understands their

    dad. Is this true for you?" "Does your mom ever feel that sometimes you are a little too close to your dad?"

    Similarly, the MDBD scale measures the mother's emotional dependence on her daughter. The scale items and questions

    are identical to the FDBD scale except that the word "father" is replaced by "mother," and pronouns "he" and "she" are

    changed accordingly. Internal reliability for the MDBD and FDBD was .64 and .69, respectively. Test-retest reliability was

    assessed over a 2-week period with a separate sample of undergraduate students. Test-retest reliability using Pearson

    product-moment correlations was .73 and .77 for current MDBD and FDBD, respectively.

    Family Closeness Encouraging Individuationwas assessed by the Personal Authority in the Family System

    Questionnaire (PAFS; Bray, Williamson, & Malone, 1984), a 132-item multiple-choice measure of intergenerational

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    Intergenerational family relationships. Scores on the Intergenerational Intimacy and Intergenerational Subscales were

    combined to represent a family system characterized by both closeness and encouragement toward autonomy (Balanced).

    Subjects rated their responses on a 1-5 scale for Intimacy items such as: "I share my true feelings with my parents about the

    significant events in my life"; "I am fond of my parents"; and for Individuation items such as: "I thoughts and feelings

    seriously, but do not always agree or behave in the same way"; and "I am usually able to disagree with my parents without

    losing my temper."

    Both subscales have demonstrated internal reliability (Cronbach alpha) on repeated samples: .94 and .93 for

    Intergenerational Intimacy and .87 and .90 for Intergenerational Fusion/Individuation (Bray et al., 1984). Test-retest

    correlations for the subscales have been reported at .71 for Intimacy and .55 for Individuation. In the present study, there

    was a significant, positive correlation between the Intergenerational Intimacy and Individuation Sub-scales (r= .45,p