Faculty o Social Sciences - University of Nigeria
Transcript of Faculty o Social Sciences - University of Nigeria
Digitally Signed by: Content manager’s Name
DN : CN = Weabmaster’s name
O= University of Nigeria, Nsukka
OU = Innovation Centre
ORJI ANN N.
Faculty of Social Sciences
Department of Public Administration and
Local Government
Good Leadership and Governance in Nigeria: A Comparison
of Military Rule and Civil Rule (1985 – 2007)
Anazor, Emmanuel C.
PG/M.Sc/06/41998
2
GOOD LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A COMPARISON OF MILITARY RULE
AND CIVIL RULE (1985-2007)
BY
ANAZOR, EMMANUEL C. PG/M.Sc./06/41998
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT
UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA
SUPERVISOR: DR. B.A. AMUJIRI
4
GOOD LEADERSHIP AND EFFECTIVE GOVERNANCE IN
NIGERIA: A COMPARISON OF MILITARY RULE
AND CIVIL RULE (1985-2007)
BY
ANAZOR, EMMANUEL C.
PG/M.Sc./06/41998
A PROJECT SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTERS
OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND LOCAL
GOVERNMENT TO THE SCHOOL OF POST GRADUATE STUDIES,
UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA
MAY, 2011
i
TITLE PAGE
GOOD LEADERSHIP AND EFFECTIVE GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A COMPARISON
OF MILITARY RULE AND CIVIL RULE (1985-2007)
BY
ANAZOR, EMMANUEL C.
PG/M.Sc./06/41998
DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT
UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA
ii
CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that Anazor, Emmanuel C., a post graduate student of the Department
of Public Administration and Local Government, University of Nigeria, Nsukka and whose
Registration Number is PG/M.Sc./06/41998; has satisfactorily completed the requirements for
the award of Master of Science Degree (M.Sc.) in Public Administration (Human Resources
Management).
______________________ ____________________ Dr. B. A. Amujiri Prof. Fab. Onah Supervisor HOD, PALG
______________________ ____________________
Prof. E. O. Ezeani External Examiner
Dean of Faculty
iii
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to the blessed memory of my Beloved
Mother Mrs. Anazor, Paulina.
iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I am highly indebted to my Supervisor Dr. B.A. Amujiri, for his tireless efforts,
care, understanding, simplicity and humility in handling this herculean task of
supervising this work; kudos to you my dear able lecturer.
I must not fail to acknowledge the Head of the Department - Prof. Fab. Onah
and all the lecturers and staff of the Department of Public Administration and Local
Government, thank you all for your hardwork.
I wish also to appreciate all the staff of Nnamdi Azikiwe University Library for
their material support throughout course of this project work.
I must not fail to appreciate the love, care and encouragement of my Father -
Dr. Edwin L.O. Anazor, siblings, friends, and well-wishers, may God bless you all
abundantly.
v
ABSTRACT
Nigeria is one of the ‘Third World’ or underdeveloped countries that have made serious
development in the most recent past as developing; but she is perhaps one of the countries
especially in West Africa whose leadership and governance have been bedeviled with
tremendous political quagmire. Many African scholars believed and blamed the Whitemen for
African predicaments. In Nigeria, such conceptions as imperialism, colonialism and
neocolonialism have always been seen as some of the answers to the causes of African
underdevelopment; be it political, socio-cultural, economic, religious, scientific and
technological problems. The works of many African nationalists have given credence to these
burning issues like our own Zik of Africa, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of
Tanzania, Tom Mboya, Senghor, M. Okpala, and others. Example, Walter Rodney – “How
Europe Underdeveloped Africa” and Chinua Achebe – “The Trouble with Nigeria”. However
this study compared and contrasted as well as examined critically the military rule and civilian
rule in Nigeria government and politics and also suggested some solutions for effective
leadership and good governance in Nigeria. The researcher raised six questions backed up
with three formulated hypotheses: what are the problems of leadership and governance in
Nigeria? What are their causes? What are the negative contributions of imperialism,
colonialism, and neo-colonialism to leadership and governance in Nigeria? What are the
contributions of the military rule in Nigeria? What are the consequences of ineffective
leadership and bad governance? What are the panacea to these problems of leadership and
governance in Nigeria? The primary instrument of data collection was the interview method.
175 people were duly interviewed from the six geo-political zones of Nigeria including FCT
Abuja. The three hypothesis formulated serve as a guide to the work. They were accepted or
rejected base on the analysis of the data generated; using descriptive or content analysis.
Majority views and minority views were recorded and most times more than a single person
shared the same opinion in various issues. Some findings are made in this work they include:
that bad leadership and ineffective governance impede development; that the negative
influence of colonialism, imperialism, and neocolonialism militate against development in
Nigeria; the military rule militate against development in Nigeria. Some recommendations
made include: decolonization, transparency and accountability, radical but non-violent
revolution, and the pursuit of true freedom by dismantling of Whiteman’s throne through
consciencism and popular participation.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page - - - - - - - - - - i
Approval Page - - - - - - - - - ii
Dedication - - - - - - - - - - iii
Acknowledgement - - - - - - - - - iv
Abstract - - - - - - - - - - v
Table of Contents - - - - - - - - - vi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION - - - - - - 1
1.1 Background to the Problem - - - - - - 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem - - - - - - 7
1.3 Objective of the Study - - - - - - - 9
1.4 Significance of the Study - - - - - - - 10
1.5 Scope and Limitations of the Study - - - - - 12
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY - - 14
2.1 Literature Review - - - - - - - - 14
2.1.1 An Overview of the African Continent Particularly Nigeria - - 14
2.1.2 An Overview of Politics and Government in Africa Particularly Nigeria 22
2.1.3 An overview of the Emergence of Military Administration in Nigeria - 33
2.1.4 An Overview of the Civilian rule in Nigeria - - - - 39
2.1.5 An Overview of the Structure and Functions of the Nigerian Military
Government - - - - - - - - - 44
2.1.6 The Summary of Literature Review - - - - - 46
2.1.7 Gap in Literature Review - - - - - - - 52
2.2 Hypotheses - - - - - - - - - 54
2.3 Operationalization of Key Concepts in the Hypothesis - - - 54
2.4. Methodology - - - - - - - - - 58
2.4.1 Typology of Study - - - - - - - - 58
vii
2.4.2 Population of the Study - - - - - - - 61
2.4.3 Sample and Sampling Procedure - - - - - - 61
2.4.4 Method of Data Collection - - - - - - - 64
2.4.5 Reliability and Validity of Instruments of Data Collection - - 65
2.4.6 Method of Data Analysis - - - - - - - 67
2.5 Theoretical Framework - - - - - - - 68
CHAPTER THREE: BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON THE STUDY AREA 77
3.1 Introductory Background - - - - - - - 77
3.2 The Origin and Development of the Military In Nigeria - - 80
3.3 The Traditional Role of the Military in Nigeria - - - 81
3.4 The Historical Background of Civilian Government in Nigeria - 83
3.5 The Nature of Civilian Government in Nigeria - - - - 86
3.6 Historical Background of Military Government In Nigeria - - 89
3.7 The Nature of Military Government in Nigeria - - - - 93
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND FINDINGS 97
4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis - - - - - - 97
4.2 Findings and Discussions - - - - - - - 121
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS 127
5.1 Summary - - - - - - - - - 127
5.2 Conclusion - - - - - - - - - 130
5.3 Recommendations - - - - - - - - 131
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
According to Anazor (2003:1) the advanced countries of the world like Britain,
U.S.A., France, Germany, Japan, Italy, et cetera, have one prominent big advantage
over the developing countries or under developed world in that they operate a stable
system of government administration and development. And the reason is that they
have settled the problematic issues of leadership and governance for development.
In the developing countries like Africa for example Nigeria, all-round
development is very difficult because the government of Nigeria is created on a weak
and unstable political system. Even at 50 years of Independence; Nigeria needs to
tackle seriously and urgently too the problem of bad leadership and governance. The
above will ensure that development in all spheres of human endeavours can be
galvanished for justice, peace, unity, equity, love, progress and total change of
transformation from dictatorship of the military government to democratic government
of the civil rule.
Asogwa and Omemma (2001:335) defined political system as a system of
government and non-governmental institutions exercising definite political functions. It
embraces the state parties, trade unions, the church, and other bodies pursuing
political aims. For Chaturvedi (2006:243) political system broadly, is the political
arrangements of a society embracing all factors influencing collective decisions. The
political system thus includes processes of recruitment and socialization, parties,
voters and social movements which are not a formal part of government. According to
2
Chaturvedi (2006; 243) defined the political system a “that system of interactions in
any society through which binding or authoritative allocations are made and
implemented”. There are three essential parts of political system. These are (i)
allocation of values by means of policies, (ii) allocations of authoritative, and (iii)
authoritative allocations are binding on the society as a whole.
Undoubtedly, our country Nigeria is a land of rich and variegated cultural
heritage. Hence there are no less than 250 identifiable tribes or ethnic groups in
Nigeria with over 400 dialects, each with distinct traditions and culture, which they up-
hold in high esteem. These facts pose very serious challenges for the free and eay
access to every scheme of development affairs of the nation.
But people have witnessed many problems; ranging from the ethnicity or
tribalism, nepotism to sectionalism, favourtism, maladministration, foreign domination,
untrue patriotism, civil war, bribery and corruption, subjection and suppression,
human trafficking and child abuse, and political unrest in such places like Kotangora,
Tafawa Belewa in Bauchi, Kano, Kaduna, Maiduguri and recently in Jos Plateau State;
as well as the issues of kidnapping all over the country and militancy in the Niger
Delta. These have filtered into the entire social fabric and everything is turned upside
down into politics of poverty and poverty of politics in the midst of plenty in both
natural and material and human endowments.
Odimegwu et al. (2007:157-160) posited that, “in Nigeria democratic context,
serious efforts have not been paid to the development of moral dimension of citizens.
They described the activities of the Nigerian politicians in the new democratic process
simply as a ‘Game without Rules’. They made extensive observations concerning the
3
abuses of then rulers of the country and preferred to cal them rulers instead of leaders
just to show that they did not live up to the moral responsibility and trust reposed on
them by the people. They only qualify a rulers and not as leaders. Leadership is an
absence of moral characters in the said officials of the people, applying the concept of
leadership to them, is like putting a square peg in a round hole”.
The research for stable, lasting and efficient system of government for Nigeria
started long ago before Nigeria, attained independence from Britain. In fact,
experiment with different forms of internal, external political associations was an ever
present feature of Nigeria’s colonial history. The period of apparent inaction in this
direction corresponded with the time of the world wars and intervening period of the
great depression (1914-1945).
“…from 1900, there were two protectorates – the northern
and southern protectorates of Nigeria which was
amalgamated in 1914. At the end of the Second World War
in 1945, five rapidly succeeding approaches to government
came with Arthurs Richard’s Constitution (1946), McPharson’s
Constitution of (1951), Lyttilton or Federal Nigeria
COnstiuttion of (1954), and Independence Constiuttion of
(1960); (Duru, 1998).
Duru therefore observed that political changes is a healthy manifestation of
growth and in any case is not new in Nigeria. What has been new in Nigeria is post-
independence political change. There have been frequent interventions of the Armed
Forces in the form of coup d’etat. And as much as those might have been justified to
a large extent, they have actually tended to be disruptive of programmes of planning
and development.
4
These unfortunate situations have escalated beyond control or to the point of
no return. Our leaders (military or civil) are skeptical, careless, unconcern and have
given deaf ears to the plights of the poor masses. They are corrupt, insensitive,
selfish, ignorant and lack good philosophical orientation that will give them
enablement to marry principles with practice. Therefore, the researcher’s survey of
Nigeria’s democratic experiments on leadership and governance vis-à-vis the military
rule and civilian rule; are limited to the periods from her political independence till
date.
However, it is necessary to be aware of past mistakes, and the awareness of
past mistakes breed avoidance of incursions that may amount to the intensification of
magnitude of these mistakes. What are these mistakes, one may rightly be tempted to
ask? They are among others, multifarious forms of constant greediness, human
degradations earlier mention oppressions, suppressions, subjugation, fraud, bribery
and corruption the bane of good leadership and effective government in Nigeria.
We have to recall that the constitutional conference of 1958 was historically
significant because it sets the data for Nigeria’s independence on October 1, 1960.
Many decisions were ten on revenue allocation, creation of new regions and boundary
adjustments. Also lists of fundamental rights were enshrined in the constitution to
prevent arbitrary use of power by government or agents. And this constitution that
became operational in October 1, 1960, was abruptly suspended in 1966 following a
coup d’etat which terminated the First Republic or Civilian Rule.
In fact, the military incursion and cession of power is an aberration in the
government and political terrain of the country. The military is meant to protect life
5
and property and secure the territorial integrity of the state. But unfortunately instead,
there have been series of wars like Nigeria Biafra Civil War, coups and counter coups
with lost of many lives and properties. The examples of the Nigeria politic instability
include Aguyi Ironsi’s administration that came on board but was toppled by Gowon
who rules from 1966 to 1975. Gowon’s administration was toppled by the leadership
of Murtala Mohammed who sent up a constitution drafting committee in 1975.
This committee planned the 1979 constitution that ushered in the Second
Republic, giving Nigeria an Executive Presidential System of government based on
liberal democracy. Its principle and practice were enshrined in the construction. The
second republic was sacked in 1983 by the General Muhammed Buhari and Idiagbon
coup d’etat of December 30, 1983. General Buhari emerged as the new Head of State
in January, 1984. He was soon overthrown by General Ibrahim Babangida in August,
1985.
Anoje-Eke (2006: 8-10) stated that “Babangida called himself military president
during his 8 years tenure. He made several promises to hand over power but did not
fulfill any of them. During his rule, the nation was virtually ruined in terms of
widespread graft and corruption a well as economic down-turn never before
experienced. The Naira was 20 times less than its original value, effectively destroyed
and reduced to mere pieces of paper ironically called bank notes. He was however
forced to “step aide” in august, 1993; following his surprise annulment of June 12
elections, adjudged both nationally and internationally, as the most credible in Nigeria
Political history. A puppet government known a Interior National Government (ING)
was put in place in August that year with Ernest Shonekan as the Head of State….
6
This lame-duck government was soon shoved away by Gen. Abacha in November
1993…. Abacha would have succeeded in making himself life President. But for the
widely acclaimed divine intervention which abruptly terminated his life in June, 1998;
under mysterious circumstances”.
Subsequently, according to Anoje-Eke (2007:10) “Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar,
soon succeeded him and immediately put in place a political process that led to a
democratically elected Government in May, 1999; with Rtd. General Olusegun
Obasanjo emerging as the second executive president of Nigeria. It is pertinent to
point out here that the crisis that followed the annulment of June 12 elections nearly
brought about disintegration of Nigeria. The Yoruba’s believed strongly that Gen.
Babangida scuttled their presidency in the person of Chief M.K.O. Abiola. Accordingly,
they resolved firmly to secede from Nigeria. This resolution expressed itself in inciting
political utterances and activities of National Democratic Coalition (NADECO).
At the end of the tunnel, Prof. Jibrin Aminu came to the rescue and broke the
impasse. He brokered a temporary consensus. The delegates later agreed in principle
that presidency should be rotated between the North and the South. But is modality
was left for the future consideration by the conference of the National Assembly. The
above situations have shown therefore the state of the country. And the fact remains
that leadership and government in Nigeria is posed with challenges. These threats
need urgent attention because it hinders all-round development of our country.
7
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Truly, the Bible says “man that is born of a woman is of few days and full of
troubles. He blossoms for a moment like a flower and withers. And as a shadow of a
passing cloud he quickly disappears” (Job, 14:1-2).
In a nutshell, Ogban-Iyan and Kerlinger cited in Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006;30-
31) stated, “an academic problem exists when no adequate descriptive and/or
explanatory and/or interpretative and/or predictive solution of a puzzle exists while
problem statement means a statement indicating the variables of interest which the
research intends to investigate or has investigated”.
Accordingly, Achebe (1983:1) stated, “the trouble with Nigeria is simply and
squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigeria land
or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness
or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility to the challenge of personal
example and service settlement which are the hallmarks of true leadership”.
In the words of Eze (2001:16-17) “in the early days of colonial rule before the
amalgamation, I was made to know that the British did not allow the Northerners to
mix freely Southern counterpart, for fear they might tap the wisdom of their southern
counterparts. The British were busy sowing the seed of discord in the minds of the
young northerners pitching them against their southern neighbors. This resulted in
having a separate quarters in the North called (Sabon Gari) which means home of
visitors or non-indigenes. As soon as we were amalgamated in 1914, we inherited
suspicion of each other, as part of our national character, which today is a barrier to
8
our cooperate existence as a nation…. The seed the British planted in our minds in the
pre-independence day has germinated”.
Hence, Chikendu (2005:16-19) posited that, “…a great rivalry development
between the southern and northern administrates…. It is clear that the al
amalgamation of northern and southern Nigeria was done as an expedient policy in
the economic interest of Britain. It was not a bad policy in itself but was badly
conceived and negatively implemented to the detriment of Nigeria’s political, social
and economic development. Had it been conceived with the right intention and
implemented accordingly, Nigeria’s subsequent political instability and socio-economic
problems could have been avoided”.
In fact, the nature of society and political, social, economic and cultural
development of a nation are the reflections of the characteristics of its leadership and
governance like in Nigeria. Undoubtedly, it has been a general belief that bad
leadership and ineffective governance have been the bane of Nigeria’s under
development not minding the effects of imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism in
Nigeria.
However, the bone of contention remains in reality the hue and cry of
inefficiency, ineffectiveness, fraud, nepotism, bribery and corruption, cognitive melo-
drama or problems in organizational behaviour; maladministration in public sector
organizations, religions and ethnic crises, tribalism, sectionalism, social injustice and
general indiscipline etc.
The questions that this study tends to address therefore are among others the
following:
9
(1) What are the causes of bad leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria?
(2) What are the negative contributions of military rule and civilian rule in Nigeria?
(3) What are the consequences of bad leadership and ineffective government on
Nigeria people and society?
(4) What are the panacea to those problems of leadership and governance in
Nigeria?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
Research is simply the process of arriving at dependable solution to problems.
For Nnabugwu (2006:16) having a purpose is a veritable feature of a good research
process. In this sense a good research process is purpose-driven and result-oriented.
Broadly speaking, purpose could be either basic or applied. This explains why in the
words of Obasi (1993:83) process was seen a “a discourse of verbal characterization
which is designed to give the reader a mental image of the attributes or operations
taking place overtime to achieve a definite affect” the import is that, research process
is not only interrelated, but that it is directed towards a goal or goals.
Truly, leadership and governance problems in Nigeria government and politics
predate independence and have persisted unabated even after independence till date
(Nigeria at 50 years). This portrays Nigeria leaders as incapable of leading. Thus,
there have been accusations and counter accusations between the military and civilian
politic elites on who to blame or hold responsible for the leadership and governance
problems in Nigeria. The problems swing from the civilian rule to the military rule and
10
vice versa. These were not only their making but also the colonial negative legacies
and/or neo-colonialism.
Indeed, bad leadership and ineffective governance have enormously
contributed to the underdevelopment of Nigeria. The abuse of democratic principles
and practices in Nigeria politics and government as demonstrated by our rulers, have
necessitated the critical and objective examination of the concept of leadership and
governance vis-à-vis the military rule and civil rule in order to x-ray the historical
antecedents aggravating this antithetical phenomenon of problems, the causes, the
consequences and to proffer or suggest some possible solutions to bad leadership and
ineffective government in Nigeria.
Therefore, the main objectives of this study will include among other things the
following:
(1) To examine and identify the problems militating against good leadership and
effective governance in Nigeria;
(2) To identify the causes of bad leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria;
(3) To compare and identify the negative contributions of civil rule and military rule
in Nigeria politics and government;
(4) To find solutions to these problems or make recommendations on the way
forward.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
“Over the years systematic investigations or research into political phenomena
have helped to illuminate political issues and puzzles. For instance, in his work, how
11
Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Rodney (1972) showed great concern for the
contemporary Africa’s situation and delved into the past in order to shed light on how
the present circumstances came into being and what it holds for Africa’s future. It is
very important to note that his findings underlined the fact, that certain solutions
hinge on correct historical evaluation of reality”.
This study is therefore very useful or important in so many ways. It will help to
increase our knowledge of how things are, why things are the way they are and how
they might be changed or solved. It will so help to influence positively the actual
political behaviours of our present and future leaders; to condemn or support existing
institutions, to justify the politic system or persuade their follow citizens to change it.
For Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:11) “it is useful in the systematic identification,
description, explanation, interpretation, prediction and prescription of solutions to the
puzzles confronting political scientists and the polity. This takes to the relationship
between causal explanation and political inquiry”.
Accordingly, the work is also significant for its critical examination and analytical
approach to the issues of leadership and governance problems, and pointing out the
way forward in Nigeria. The work will also be useful to the legislative arm of
government or policy formulators, and implementers at the federal, state and local
government in order to enable them adopt more pragmatic strategies for good
leadership style or political system and effective governance in Nigeria.
The work will also throw more light into the nature and pattern of bad
leadership style or weak political system enunciated from pre-colonial to the colonial
and to post-colonial days in Nigeria. This study add indeed and in theory significantly,
12
fill the vacuum or gap of knowledge and add to body of literatures, existing on the
elimination of the problems of leadership and governance in Nigeria. The work will
also serve as a resource base for further research in this subject of discourse in the
future in Nigeria.
1.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
The scope of this work is simply concerned or limited to the study of the
problems of leadership and governance in Nigeria. This study is also intended to
investigate or examine critically and ascertain those things that constitute the
leadership and governance problems, their causes, their consequences and those
possible panaceas as it pertains to the Nigerian government and politics.
The above will help in no small measure in tackling the problem of
underdevelopment that was created by bad leadership and ineffective governance in
Nigeria. And in maintaining this scope, the researcher may as time and space permit,
address such issues as inefficiency and ineffectiveness as the part of our leaders
because lack of good use or the application of the principles and practices of
democracy, can and have caused many problems in Nigeria.
Most importantly, the study has been articulated to cover all the states, local
governments and the citizens of the federation as well as a vast number of pertinent
issues affecting the society, the citizens and the leaders. It will systematically
identifies, describes, explains, interprets, predicts and prescribes solutions to the
subject matter under study.
13
On another note, any research would naturally have one or two limitations and
this particular research is not without one or two limitations. The first is inadequacy
materials or inability to have access to enough data necessary to support the work.
The second issue was lack of due cooperation and support generally and especially by
some political elites, former leaders and government office holders, to help boast the
quality of the work. We would have also embarked on extensive tour of various states
of the federation and their local governments in ascertaining the leadership style
operational in the area; but logistics constraints made it very difficult to break through
and achieve greater success.
However, with God all things are possible. With faith, hope and love, we were
able to succeed to reasonable extent. We were assisted by the people of goodwill.
14
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND METHODOLOGY
2.1 LITERATURE REVIEW
This chapter therefore concerns with the review of the various Literatures on
the study. It is organized and intended to cover, and to be carried under the following
sub-headings:
2.1.1 An Overview of the African Continent Particularly Nigeria
2.1.2 An Overview of Politics and Government in Africa Particularly Nigeria
2.1.3 An Overview of the Military Rule in Nigeria
2.1.4 An Overview of the Civil Rule in Nigeria
2.1.5 An Overview of the Structure and Functions of the Nigerian Military Government
2.1.6 The Summary of Literature Review
2.1.7 The Gap in Literature Review
2.3.1 AN OVERVIEW OF THE AFRICAN CONTINENT PARTICULARLY
NIGERIA
Iroegbu (1994) espoused that Africa has to be understood as the geo-political
and socio-cultural entity englobed, by the continent of Africa: North, South, West, East
and Central Regions with independent nations with diverse ethnic grouping and each
struggling for survival. For him, others include the old Afro-Islamic Egypt, Sub-Sahara
black Central as well as white South Africa. Equally included are the historically
African-Originated Afro-American and Afro-Asian peoples whose roots are African.
Though they live no longer in the Africa continent, yet they are tied by history and
15
origins to Africa. They are part and parcel of the Africa reality (cf. Iroegbu P. 1994,
Enwsdomization and Africa Philosophy).
According to Chukwu (2007:9-10), “Africa (Afraka) is an Amharic (Ethiopia) word
which when translated means “Land of the Sun”, or a sunny zone (Land of the rising
sun). In their Language the Greek had called this part of the world Afrike, while on
their part the Romans adventurers described it in the Latin Language as Africa. The
English explorers and invaders used Africa in their description of the continent
probably in imitation of the Roman adventurers who had earlier colonized them and
imposed certain cultural traits including Africa.
Generally, Afraka, Afrike and Africa convey the meaning: “Land of the rising sun”.
It is, therefore, not surprising argues one writer, that the first human civilization was
cradled here in Africa.
Emekaekwue, (2003) explained and stated inter alia that “the Egyptians
(Africans) were early observers of the heavens; and of course, that the first human
civilization was cradled here in Africa (Egypt). And I wonder why up till date; Africa is
still categorized among the third world countries, under developed or developing
world.
Emekaekwue (2003) continued: “Undoubtedly, Africa is a continent bedeviled
with many threatening development challenges, social ills and vices despite the
superfluous endowments and rich resources by God. Africa is seriously suffering from
many contagious diseases and cankerworms which have permeated deeply into the
fabrics of her various systems. The nitty-gritty is that these problems affect
development and moral rectitude in every nook and cranny in Nigeria.
16
Thus, according to Anazor (2008), these problems perhaps range from lack of
proper self identity or crisis to a democratic leadership crisis, inferiority complex, greed
and avarice, selfishness, disordered priority and value Orientations, insecurity of life,
and property, wars, kidnapping and assassination if diverse magnitude, costly
education at all levels, unemployment, bribery and corruption in high and low cadres,
Ostentation and flamboyancy, Sexual immorality, unfaithfulness, disobedience and
egoism, economic and political quagmire, bad leadership and ineffective governance,
lack of fear of God, and the outright denial of omniscient, omnipresent or omnipotent
God - by same hoodlums..
According to Ki-Lerbo-Spivak cited in Ogunnowo (2008:13), Africa is a Roman
name for what the Greeks called “Libya”, itself perhaps a Latinization of the name of
the Berber tribe Aourigha (pronounced “Afarika”). It is derived from two Phoenician
terms either referring to cornor fruit (Pharika), meaning land of corn or fruit. Also, the
name comes from a Phoenician root faraqa, meaning separation or diaspora; a similar
root is apparently found in some African languages such as Bambara. It is drawn from
the Latin adjective aprica (sunny) of the Greek aprike (free from cold). It might even
stem from Sanskrit and Hindi in which the root Apara or Africa denotes that which, in
geographical terms, comes “after” to the westin which case Africa is the weste
continent. It is the name of a Yemenite chief named Africus who invaded North Africa
in the second millennium B.C.E. and founded a town called Afrikyah or it springs from
“Afer” who was a grandson of Abraham and a companion of Hercules Ki-Zerbo Spivak.
For Chukwu, (2007:10) Africanization refers to the process whereby Africans
replaced expatriates in positions of authorities in the public and private sectors in
17
colonial Africa. Hitherto, foreigners had held executive positions of authorities in the
civil service, the church, commerce, the banks and the educational system. In a large
measure, the reason often adduced for the marginalization of Africans was based on
alleged inferior educational system. The real reason on the other, was the racial
discrimination against the black race otherwise known the colour bar.
However, we have to note that following many years of protests and diplomatic
moves by Africans especially the elites or the nationalists, they began to gradually take
up important managerial positions in the afore-mentioned sectors and sub-sectors of
the society. Indeed, the fact remains that, until after World War II when there
occurred real devolution of authority the earlier period had seen a concentration of
power in the hands of non-Africans in Nigeria, for example. But, from this time
onward, Africans began to take up managerial positions in relatively large numbers.
This was when the nationalist movement was getting more intensified.
To buttress the points, Chukwu (2007:25) asserted that Garveyism is the
philosophy of Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican Negro, who worked so hard to stimulate
interest in the study of African history and culture. His own was a militant cultural
nationalism as embodied in the “Negro Renaissance”. As he tried to put it, “as at the
time the Europeans were still apes, Africans had achieved a wonderful civilization on
the banks of the (River) Nile”. These are, as Garvey articulated them:
i. Africa is the homeland of all Negroes;
ii. If Europeans wanted peace, they should pack up their bags and baggage out of
Africa (Garvey was referring to European occupation of Africa during the
colonial period) and;
18
iii. All Negroes from the different parts of the World must return to Africa to
establish “a country and government absolutely their own”.
Sources gathered so far sequel to the above has shown that he founded the
Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) and established the Black Star Line,
a shipping company, designed to carry Negroes back to Africa. This was aimed at
securing political independence.
According to Chukwu, (2007:47) there was another movement known as Zikism
for the emancipation of the blacks in Africa most especially the Nigerians. Zikis was a
name after the Africa’s foremost nationalist of the twentieth century. Azikiwe, Nnamdi,
it means also the philosophy, according to Akweke Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu cited in
Chukwu O. (2007:47) which means African (redemption) from European colonial
bondage. “…the liberation of Africa from social wreckage, political servitude and
economic impotency; it must also mean extricating Africa from ideological confusion,
psychological immaturity, spiritual complacency, and mental stagnation…”.
The above philosophy rekindled and triggered the zeal for the formation of a
militant group called the Zikist Movement by a group of young Nigerians in 1946.
Filled with honest and righteous indignation, the Zikists demanded that Nigeria be
granted independence on October 1, 1960. Despite the fact of the Berlin West African
Conference of November 1884 through January 1885, was held at the instance of the
German Chancellor, Otto Von Bismark, which laid claims over vast areas of tropical
Africa including Nigeria with series of treaties concluded by H.M. Stanley.
Asiegbu and Azeadi (2000:90) stated that the indigenous people(s) of Nigeria
had many political system and institutions which enabled them to rule themselves
19
effectively. Each ethnic group had its own political system and institutions before the
colonial rule. There were also similarities and differences. And in Nigeria, before 1912,
there were two Protectorates – the Protectorate of the Southern Nigeria, excluding
Lagos and the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria. Each Protectorate was run as a
separate political entity until 1914 when Lord Lugard amalgamated the Northern and
Southern Protectorates to form the present Nigeria.
This amalgamation brought in colonialism, imperialism, bribery ad corruption,
selfishness, servitude, exploitation, marginalization and many difficult challenges to
the smooth administration of the country, Nigeria. And in line with these, Chikendu
(2005:19) posited: “The 1914 amalgamation was not a bad policy in itself but was
badly conceived and negatively implemented to the detriment of Nigeria’s political,
social and economic development. Had it been conceived with the right intention and
implemented accordingly, Nigeria’s subsequent political instability and socio-economic
problems could have been avoided”.
Anoje-Eke (2007), “Since attaining political independence in 1960; Nigeria has
continued to strive towards meaningful and sustainable national development. Her
quest in this regard, it would appear, has not yielded the desired dividends to the
extent that she still enjoys a comfortable seat among the comity of third world
nations. Our backwardness as a nation may not have been much to do with our
historical antecedents or lack of the necessary factor resources for national
development. It may neither be a direct function of our multi-ethnic structure nor
religious plurality. Rather, it is entirely and convincingly a function of political
leadership”.
20
Chikendu (2005:76) therefore stated implicitly that many people both within
and outside the country correctly think that all the problems confronting Nigeria today
are reducible and traceable to one single causative factor – political leadership. The
bye-product of this which include widespread corruption, instability, poverty, economic
down-turn, tribal rivalries, painlessness, lawlessness, misplacement of priorities,
hunger, low level of literacy rate etc; have become obstinate fact of our national life
that refuse to quit. And we gathered indeed that prior 1999 that to say, the Obasanjo
administration, the country in every respect presented an excellent example of a failed
nation due to a failed political leadership to present the dividends of democratic
governance.
According to Nworgu cited in Anoje-Eke (2007:xii), ineffective political
leadership is the major problem with Nigeria; from every segment of our national life,
civil service, police, the soldiers, national assembly, tertiary institutions, banking, oil
industry, the home, the church, etc. He was quick to acknowledge also the fact that
under the PDP government led by Chief Obasanjo as the President, the country has
witnessed significant positive changes in virtually all sectors of our national life.
Furthermore, Nworgu was also apt to state that Chief Obasanjo was depicted
as and accorded the ranking of a famous world political leader comparable to the likes
of “Winston Churchill of Great Britain, Charles de Gaulhe of India, Mao Tse Tung of
China, Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Jomo Kenyatta
of Kenya”. Would most people agree with this assessment of Obasanjo’s performance
as the nation’s political leader for nearly eight years?
21
Anoje-Eke (2007) says: “You are entitled to your opinion”. And for Nworgu,
what is of critical importance in matters of assessment if I would suggest, is not just
exercising an opinion but how informed or educated such opinion is. The truth
however is that although our conditions may have become a lot better than what was
the situation in 1999 when Obasanjo administration came on board, the national
picture is still a gloomy one!
Obviously, the above automatically ignites some fundamental questions: how
can and by what manner of person can Nigeria be bailed out of or extricated from this
gloomy condition? And through what system or process should such manner of person
emerge? And should operates within what system or ambience”
Truly, the answers are not far-fetched, they are what we knew already which
have been invoke; good leadership and effective governance and affective standard of
life; through genuine election process devoid of malpractices and injustice; and within
the ambience or system of democracy and rule of law.
Ugowuenyi (1995:xvi) said: “Although she attained political independence in
1960, Nigeria is yet to find her feet in respect of national development of the country.
She has since independence launched over four National Development Plans. While
some of the project in the plans was successfully carried out, others have failed
because of imperfections in the system such as political instability, poor
administration, shortage of resources, social maladies; and to crown it all, there has
not been a real sense of commitment to the programmes and projects.
Chikendu (2005:76-77) posited thus: “Today Nigeria is numbered among the
poorest nations in the world in spite of her abundant natural wealth. Economically, the
22
country has plummeted from its high pedestal of a strong and promising economy to
the abyss of poverty. Socially, Nigeria is a by-word for graft, corruption, indiscipline,
inefficiency, insecurity, and all other imaginable social ills”.
In addition, according to Chikendu (2005:76-77), the military so misruled the
country that her citizens have lost faith in the possibility of the country ever regaining
her national composure. There are incessant calls for a sovereign national conference
to re-determine the basis of association of the various ethnic groups that make up the
country. Some have even called for dissolution of the country or for a confederation.
All these are evidence of people’s disenchantment with the state of affairs in Nigeria.
With this state of affairs such questions as the minority questions or issue, revenue
allocation, state creation, religious riots, kidnapping and assassination, etc, have
continued persistently to loom large as critical problems facing the nation, Nigeria.
2.3.2 AN OVERVIEW OF POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT IN AFRICA
PARTICULARLY NIGERIA
In understanding contemporary African politics, one has to critically look at
Africa as a continent with a lot and vast political and almost everything. It possesses
so much and diverse resources, very good, strong and intelligent people as well as
favourable weather and climate among other things; yet still underdeveloped.
Ogunnowo (2008) asserted one aspect which is infamous with Africa is the
never ending train of disappointment to her sparsely and some densely populated
countries. Pre-colonialism was bad in Africa, colonialism was horrible and post
independence has a fairy tale of mess all over Africa with never ending feuds, hunger,
23
poor economies, confused politics, culture, poor engagement with the rest of powerful
continents and countries, unfair trade practices, racism among others. Yet, in the
familiar fashion African leaders just want to pretend all is well. How many dictators do
we have in Africa? How many potential dictators do we have in leadership in Africa
today?
Farer (1999) cited in Farouk (2008:3), said: “This fact underscores the focus
and emphasis of institutions and organizations like the United Nations Organization
(UNO) and its key components and agencies such as the UNDP and African Union (AU)
through the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and Peer
Review Mechanism (APRM) on the centrality of the need to achieve democracy, good
governance and development as the key components of post colonial-peace building
strategies and as the major objectives of the human family and to particularly prevent
the resurgence of conflicts in these crisis ridden countries.
Implicitly, in a nutshell, the contemporary Africa looks to be still on the road to
nowhere! Despite the fact that Africa is well endowed and has everything, its
leadership is the greatest failures. Many African countries like Nigeria is bedeviled with
ineffective leadership and bad governance whether in or during or at the military or
civilian regime or rule. This is indeed largely to blame for the failure which is evident
across Africa and not forgetting the negative legacies leftover by the imperialists and
colonial masters.
And truly, Anazor (2010) is apt to ask these interesting questions accordingly.
Who will tell the many myopic and corrupt leaders found in the African continent that
their leadership like elsewhere experiences diminishing returns with time? Who will
24
whisper some wisdom to the ears of most of them that they got past their useful
leadership life time, long time ago like in Nigerian? Who will even inform the many
African aspiring leaders and others in leadership that they lack the wit and well-withal
to grow beyond what they have already had and dispensed or administered, which is
even beyond the withiest dreams for most of them, due to their myopic, tribalism,
nepotism, obnoxious traditions, confusion and hubris? Who will advise young people
that most of the African leaders are not examples worth listening to, leave alone,
following or copying?
In fact, Anazor (2010) observed that Africa especially Nigeria is still at
crossroads. It has been noted that the energy and fuel crises affecting the global
economy vests so much advantage to many African countries economies particularly
Nigerian who have the propensity to feed the globe. Yet it won’t be surprising that
Africa (Nigeria) is unlikely to exploit her potential to gain from the silver lining
provided by the presently existing global challenges, which favour her in a big way.
Instead it is likely to be another chapter of Africa’s failure in all its ramifications,
disease and hunger, war, kidnapping and assassination, dictatorial misguided policies
and nepotism, tribalism or ethnicity or sectionism and of course general
underdevelopment of its countries like Nigeria..
In his fascinating glimpses into contemporary African politics and government,
Ogunnowo (2008) stated that the causes of Africa’s lack of development have always
evoked heated emotional debates. On one hand are those who portray Africa as a
victim of powerful external forces and conspiracies as a group that may be described
as “externalists”. On the other hand are those who believe that the causes of Africa’s
25
crises lie mostly within African in the nature of government (governance) or how
Africa runs its own affairs (leadership). This group may be described as the
internalists.
Accordingly, the externalists like most African leaders, scholars and intellectual
radicals believe that Africa’s woes are due to external factors such as the lingering
effects of western colonialism and imperialism, the pernicious effect of the slave trade,
racist conspiracy plots, exploitation by avaricious multinational corporations, an unjust
international economic system, inadequate flows of foreign aid, the neo-liberal policies
of the World Bank, IMF, and deteriorating terms of trade.
In examining Africa’s crises for example Nigeria, George Ayittey (2005) cited in
Ogunnowo (2008) attributed most of Africa’s woes to western colonialism, and
imperialism. He posited that “The west harmed Africa’s indigenous technological
development in a number of ways”, Africa’s collapsing infrastructure (roads, railways,
and utilities is due to the “shallowness of Western institutions”, “the lopsided nature of
colonial acculturation” and “the moral contradictions of western political tutelage”. In
fact, “the political decay is partly a consequence of colonial institutions without cultural
roots in Africa”.
For him therefore, the self congratulatory western assertions of contributing to
Africa’s current growing tendencies for modernization are shallow; “the west has
contributed far less to Africa than Africa has contributed to the industrial civilization of
the West”. Decay in law enforcement and mismanagement of funds can be traced to
Western colonialism too. “The pervasive atmosphere in much of the land is one of rust
and dust, stagnation and decay, especially within those institutions which were
26
originally bequeathed by the West, signal the slow death of an alien civilization” and
Africa’s rebellion “against westernization masquerading as modernity”. Western
institutions are doomed “to grind, to a standstill in Africa” or decay.
Naturally, according to Ogunowo (2008), African leaders like in Nigeria would
deny any responsibility and blame everybody else except themselves for the mess in
Africa. Many of these Leaders also subscribed to and espoused similar views ascribing
the causes of Africa’s crises to external factors. In fact, since independence in the
sixties, almost every African malaise was alleged to have been caused by the
operation or conspiracy of extrinsic agents. This externalist doctrine totally absolved
the leadership by the black, of any responsibility for the mess in Africa. The leadership
was above reproach and could never be faulted.
According to Abayomi (2008:49), “President Mobutu even blamed corruption on
European colonialism. Ask who introduced corruption into Zaire, he retorted:
“European businessmen were the ones who said, “I sell you this thing for $1.000, but
$200 will be for your (Swiss Bank) account”.
Sequel to the above, the New Economic Partnership for African Development
(NEPAD) echoes this orthodoxy when it claims that Africa’s impoverishment has been
accentuated by the legacy of colonialism and other historical legacies such as the Cold
War and the unjust international economic system. Colonialism subverted the
“traditional structures, institutions and values, “creating an economy” subservient to
the economic and political needs of the imperial powers”.
According to NEPAD, colonialism retarded the development of an
entrepreneurial and middle class with managerial capability. At independence, Africa
27
inherited a “weak capitalist class” which explains the “weak accumulation process,
weak states and dysfunctional economies”. In fact, the more recent reasons for
Africa’s dire condition like in Nigeria include among others its continued
marginalization from globalization process and/or post-colonialism.
According to Ogunnowo (2008:51-52) frankly, this “colonialism and
imperialism” card has been so overplayed that it has lost its relevance and credence.
Even Africa’s children don’t buy it. Chernoh Bab, President of the Children’s Forum
asserted that: “Africa’s socio-economic problems are a direct repercussion of
incompetent and corrupt political leaders who usurped political office via the gun.
“Some blame colonialism for Africa’s plight while others blame the continent’s harsh
climate conditions. I think the reason is the kind of political systems we have had over
the past decades”.
In addition, at the United Nations Children’s Summit held in May 2002 in New
York, youngsters from Africa ripped into their leaders for failing to improve their
education and health. “You get loans that will be paid in 20 to 30 years and we have
nothing to pay them with, because when you get the money, you embezzle it, you eat
it”, said 12-year-old-Joseph from Uganda.
On another note, the internalists school of thought maintains strongly that
while it is true that Western colonialism and imperialism did harm Africa like Nigeria
and continues to do so, Africa’s condition has been made immeasurably worse by such
internal factors as misguided leadership, misgovernance, systemic corruption, capital
flight, economic mismanagement, declining investment, collapsed infrastructure,
28
decayed institutions, senseless civil wars, political tyranny, flagrant violations of
human rights, and military vandalism.
At a Press Conference in London in April, 2000, Kofi Annam in “Glimpses in the
Contemporary Africa Politics (2008:52), lambasted African leaders who he says, have
subverted democracy and lined their pockets with public funds, although he stopped
short of naming names”.
At the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Summit in Lome in July 2000, the
former U.N. Secretary-General, Kofi, Annan, lashed out at African Leaders by telling
them that they are to be blamed for the continent’s problems. Thus: “Instead of being
exploited for the benefit of the people, Africa’s mineral resources have been so
mismanaged and plundered that they are now the source of our misery”.
Also, in Accra Kofi Annam disclosed in a Joy FM Radio station interview that:
“Africa is the region giving him the biggest headache as the Security Council spends
60 to 70% of its time on Africa. He admitted sadly that the conflicts on the continent
embarrasses and pains him as an African”.
For Akobeng Eric, in a letter to the Free Press (29 March – 11 April, 1996) said:
“A big obstacle to economic growth in Africa is the tendency to put all blame, failures
and shortcomings on outside forces. Progress might have been achieved if we had
always tried first to remove the mote in our own eyes”.
According to Boudiaf cited in Ogunnowo (2008:53) “A larger segment of the
population has, I am afraid, lost confidence in the capacity of the leadership to provide
jobs, housing, healthcare and its ability to combat corruption”.
29
In Markudi, Benue State in Nigeria, Simon Agbo lamented: “I heard we have
new government. It makes no difference to me. Here we have no light (electricity), we
have no water, there is no road, we have no school. The government does nothing for
us”.
According to one UN estimate in Nigeria in 1991 alone, “Nigeria’s past rulers
stole or misused £220 billion ($396 billion) – that is as much as all the western aid
given to Africa in almost for decades. The looting of Africa’s most populous country
amounted to a sum equivalent to 300 years of British aid for the continent”.
Ogunowo (2008:56) posited thus:“Ask these leaders to develop their countries
and they will develop their pockets. Ask them to seek foreign investment and they will
seek a foreign country to invest their booty. Ask them to cut bloated state
bureaucracies or government spending and they will set up a “Ministry of Good
Governance (Tanzania). Ask them to curb corruption and they will set up an “Anti-
corruption commission” with no teeth and then suck the commissioner if he gets too
close to the fat cats (Kenya). Ask them to establish democracy and they will empanel
a coterie of fawning sycophants to write the electoral rules, hold fraudulent elections
with opposition leaders wither disqualified or in jail, and return themselves to power
(Nigeria, Ivory Coast, Rwanda). Ask them to reduce state in the economy and place
more reliance on the private sector and they will create a Ministry of Private
Enterprises (Ghana). Ask them to private inefficient state-owned enterprises and they
will sell them off at fire-sale prices to their cronies (Nigeria)”.
It therefore implies that the slave trade, western colonialism, imperialism and
external factors have nothing to do with the naked plunder and wrong choices made
30
by bad Africa leaders. The World Bank has nothing to do with monumental leadership
failure in Africa. The IMF, which most African leaders relish vilifying, has nothing to do
with petro (gasoline) shortages in Nigeria. Nor do western agriculture subsidies have
anything to do with why African government, can’t supply reliable electricity and safe
drinking water to their people. The slave trade has nothing to do with Nigeria turning
itself into the scam capital of the world.
Furthermore, Ogunowo (2008) is poised forcefully to ask these fundamental
questions: “How many likely dictators is Africa busy breeding in leadership roles
currently? So what is wrong with Africa? Is it the colour, genes or does it have
anything to do with colonialism, tribalism, sun, desert, resources, poor literacy and
education levels, oceans, skewed trade, trade covenants or what is it? Something is
wrong in Africa but if Africa has anything to go by, it is well endowed, but its
leadership is one of the greatest failures. He argues that there is nothing wrong with
African State rather, Africa political actors should be largely blamed for failure which is
evident across Africa most especially Nigeria.
While Akobeng in a letter to the Free Press (29 March – 11 April, 1996) said: “A
big obstacle to economic growth in Africa is the tendency to put all blame, failures and
shortcomings on outside forces. Progress might have been achieved if we had always
tried first to remove the mote in our own eyes”.
In fact, Ogunnowo (2008:54) stated that, “Government” as an institution that
cares about its people and attends to their needs has ceased to exist in many African
countries. What exists is a “Vampire State”, where the government has been hijacked
by a phalanx of unrepentant bandits and crooks, who use the machinery of the state
31
to enrich themselves, their cronies and tribesmen, while excluding everyone else (the
politics of exclusion) like in Nigeria.
Farouk (2008:4) stated, “To gap for example in Africa (Nigeria), the need to
have firm commitment through various declarations by sub regional groups and the
African Union through programs such as the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s
Development, (NEPAD). Such declarations and guidelines which are intended to draw
commitment of members in promoting democracy and its core values of justice,
honesty, transparency, accountability, participatory government and probity in public
life in my view are important if the much needed synergy to align the realization of the
objectives of the citizenry between democracy, good governance and economic
prosperity”.
Farouk further noted that one of the key objectives of the United Nations
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) strategy is the apparent unprecedented
consensus outlining the desire for a common vision of peace, security, development
and poverty eradication as well as securing human rights, good governance as central
components of democracy. The human person especially in the context of
contemporary reality places much premium on the relationship that cut to ordinary
exist between democracy, economic development on one hand and prosperity on the
other. There is the common belief that once democratic rule is achieved, the next
thing to follow is economic prosperity of the citizens. This has been the expectation of
millions of Nigerians since the advent of the current democratic dispensation in 1999.
Moreover, according to Farouk’s pre-convocation lecture of this distinguished
citadel of learning, the University of Nigeria, as part of the events marking the 37th
32
Convocation Ceremony on a very vexed and current issue of Democracy and Good
Governance is the major challenge of the Nigeria nation-state; said: “Let me confess
that I am greatly humbled by such an invitation especially at this critical threshold of
entrenching the culture and virtues of democracy and good governance throughout
the African continent and Nigeria in particular, I believe that there can be no better
time to preach the gospel of good governance as an integral component of democracy
than now, given the checkered history of the evolution of the modern Nigeria nation
especially from 1999 to date, when yet another attempt at democratic governance
began.
The hallmark of this write-up, therefore, is to delve into a comparative study of
the Military Rule and Civil Rule in Nigeria; by X-raying their similarities and
dissimilarities, their contributions to the problems of ineffective leadership and bad
governance which hinders the all-round or holistic development of the country,
Nigeria. Thereby proffering some suggestions as parts of panacea to remedy the
situation or bring the problem to the barest minimum.
Above all, today, according to Aliogo, (2009:41), the Nigerian political
institutions are: 8,540 Elected Councilors, 774 Local Government Councils, 1,205 State
House of Assemblies, 360 House of Representatives, 109 Senators, 36 Governors and
5 Service Chiefs. The Current Nigeria Army Spokesman – Cornel Chukwu Emeka,
Comptroller Gen. of Prison is Kayode Olusola Ogundipe, CG of Custom Dr. Bernard-
Shaw Nwadialo, the Current NAFDAC Boss is Dr. Paul Orhii and Muhammed Sanusi
Barkindo the NNPC Group Managing Director.
34
2.3.3 AN OVERVIEW OF THE EMERGENCE OF MILITARY ADMINISTRATION
IN NIGERIA
Asiegbu and Ezeadi (2000:134) stated that the military worldwide is a
professional class whose main occupation is to protect the territorial integrity,
independence and security of a country. The military shall protect the country from
both internal and external invasions. The military therefore, is not cut or trained to
rule the people. Politics is for politicians. In Nigeria however, the military was
politicized and the army boys and men went into politics in Khaki uniform to rule
Nigeria. Nobody knows for now when military rule will end in Nigeria. Military rule is
dictatorship, illegal, anachronistic and/or an aberration.
Ogunnowo (2008:81) said: “With the advent of independence in the late 50’s
and early 60’s euphoria and new hopes swept through Africa as nation after nation
attained self government. There were new dreams and expectations as the colonial
masters packed their bags and handed over the instruments of power to the
indigenous peoples. To most Africans this was the end of a long freedom struggle in
which so many had suffered. It was the end of slavery, human degradation and
exploitation.
Sequel to the above, we gathered vividly that those dreams were soon
shattered as government after government fell victim to the coup d’etat across the
continent most especially in Nigeria. The new military rulers accused the civilian
government of everything from corruption and incompetence to mismanagement of
the national economy. And experience has shown that the military governments are
not better than civilians when it comes to running governments democratically.
35
Dine (2007:1) stated, “our leaders of tomorrow, the youth, are asking soul-
searching questions of whether there are real salutary values attached to the world
leadership, which they see is assuming pluralistic notions, causing a lot of confusion,
alienation and demoralization in this socio-religious and political world of ours. Power
struggle and resistant movement tend to be on low ebb everywhere. Morals are at an
all-time low ebb. Moral standards are almost non-existent because the concept of an
Omnipotent God who guides the affairs of man is replaced by the “omnipotent party
ideologies”, and political hegemony which are the making of mortals create a
distortion of the concept of democratic leadership. In the midst of these circumstances
occasioned by the wrong “buttoning up” of the gown of leadership, our generation is
facing an equally serious problem: a democratic leadership crisis.
Ted W. Engstrom in Dine (2007:2) taking on the crisis of leadership, says
“these crises and many others stem first from a lack of positive, constructive, dynamic
and creative leadership.
In some cases, “the continued,
…no leadership is being exercised at all, such crisis of our time
reflects a flight from the fundamental virtues and values which
have made nations great. These values are hammered out
slowly through the centuries with great pain and sacrifice by
strong and effective leaders. Many great civilizations down
through the ages have abandoned these precepts. Those
civilizations are known to us now only in so far as
archaeologists can piece together their history by examining
their ruins.
36
Furthermore, Engstrom laments on the abandonment of the virtues and values
of leadership while Karl Jaspers makes an ominous announcement for us today for
people’s conceptions about leadership and some leaders’ readiness to take flight from
their responsibilities. His announcement has a negative overtone and goes further to
show the crisis of leadership.
The power of leadership appears to be declining everywhere.
More and more of the men we see coming to the top seem to
be merely drifting; the result is helplessness in a collective
leadership that hides from the public.
Hence, Dine (2007:2) said: “in the face of these facts, which are not absolute,
the negation and tragedies presented by the idea of pseudo-leadership in the world
today deserve serious attention. It cannot be doubted that the progress or
retrogression, the rise and fall of any people, in religious or secular realms, is
determined by the moral quality of dedicated leaders and the strong sense of real
leadership a services.
Undoubtedly, Nigeria was granted political independence by Great Britain on
the 1st of October 1960. This was a function of the constitutional conference held in
London in 1956. It was attended by foremost Nigerian politicians including Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and Sir Ahmadu Bello. Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa was elected the first and only Prime Minister of Nigeria, while Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe became its first and only ceremonial President. Barely 6 years after
independence, political turmoil, erupted in the Western Region with attendant
37
destruction of lives and properties. The unrest triggered a military coup and the
subsequent military take-over of government in 1966.
Anoje-Eke (2007:5) stated that the aftermath of that coup was pogrom
organized by top military brass from the North against the Easterners. Many military
officers and citizens from the East were massacred in cold blood. Many Easterners
mainly Igbos was forced to return home. The mayhem came to a head in the second
military coup, during which the then Head of State, Major General Aguiyi Ironsi and
many other military officers from the East were assassinated. Meanwhile, the
massacre of Easterners in the North continued unabated.
The Military administration rather than solve the contemporary political and
socio-economic problems, they continued to aggravate and to drive the country into
further suffering and turmoil. Instead of the elected civilians, the government was
controlled by the Military. The process by which a group of military takes control of
government is called a coup d’etat – this is a French term which means an overthrow
of the state. Some coup d’etats, were quite violent. In the process of taking control,
the soldier’s involved killed members of the civilian government, sometimes the coup
d’etats were non-violent. In these cases, the military simply surrounded the
presidential palace and the civilian government surrendered peacefully.
Ekwebalam and Ezeadi (1991) cited in Trinitas Newspaper, January (2000:4)
posited that nothing is wrong in Nigeria’s or Africa’s population; but blamed Africa’s
woes and poverty on poor leadership, slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism.
Political scientists like Anyaele (1994:99); Asiegbu and Ezeadi (2000) and public
administrators have said that there are a few reasons for the military intervention in
38
politics and government of the country. They are among others the following: (1)
Weak political system (2) Underdeveloped economic systems (3) unhealthy political
environment (4) High profile of corruption.
(1) Weak Political System: African governments for instance in Nigeria, inherited
a weak political system from the colonial era. Consequently, the first African
government’s even Nigeria did not have the capacity to government effectively.
Military leaders afraid that their countries would fall-apart politically decided
that they could do a better job of governing, but they are far from the reality. It
was all failures because of poor leadership. The so-called or self-acclaimed
politicians could not produce a dynamic leader(s) to tackle the economic crisis
generated by the economic mismanagement.
(2) Underdeveloped Economic Systems: Given the underdeveloped economic
systems they inherited from the colonialists and imperialists, many African
governments especially in Nigeria were unable to meet the social and economic
needs of their countries. This situation often led to a crisis of legitimacy. This is,
the citizens became disillusioned-fed-up-with governments that could not
provide basic social and economic services, such as jobs, education, and
adequate health care system delivery. Military coup leaders often justify their
power on the grounds that the prior civilian government had been unable to
meet these basic needs.
(3) Unhealthy Political Environment: The political environment of the early
post-colonial years gave rise to ethnic tensions that at times became severe as
to threaten the political system. The military claimed a right to intervene and
39
take power in order to stop ethnic and regional rivalries from developing into a
civil war. However, the contrary was the case, eventually Civil War broke-up
because instead of quenching the already ignited fire, the military worsened the
whole situation by adding fuel to bad situation. We are still today harvesting the
fruits of the colonial legacies and the consequences of the Nigeria-Biafra War
that last up to three years (1967-1970).
(4) High Profile Bribery and Corruption: During this era, bribery and corruption
featured prominently. Widespread corruption was practiced among government
officials because of their ineffectiveness, vaulting or inordinate ambition,
selfishness, egoism, and flamboyant lifestyle. They often used their positions of
authority to extort, exploit money illegally from people to benefit themselves
and members of their families. Hence, the military coup leaders often used the
pretext to justify their taking over power by coercive or violent force.
(5) Electoral Malpractices For Instance; the Rigging of 1983 General
Elections: widespread rigging of the elections of 1983 created general
disillusionment with civilian rule.
(6) Lack of Accountability: Accountability and honesty were lacking which made
the leaders to embezzle public funds for personal uses.
(7) Inability of the Legislature to Control the Executive: At the federal and
state, it was noticeable and even widespread that some legislators were
corrupt. They took bribes in terms of ‘lobbying’ before passing bills into law.
Also, often times, annual appropriation bills were passed if the ‘honourable
members’ receive bonuses before the final reading of the bills. This corruption
40
transcended all the parties and affiliate agents. Even some judges took brides
before passing judgments. Justice therefore became a commodity or an article
to be bought with or sold to the highest bidder having his way. The poor could
not get justice from some of the counts. During the electoral petitions for
instance, the court judges had field days giving various judgments. Many of the
judges were retired between 1984 and 1986.
Ogunnowo et al. (2008:91) posited that, “this is quite a list of weaknesses in
the post-independence governments in Africa especially Nigeria. Indeed, so fed up
were the citizens of some countries, that they actually welcomed the early military
coups. However, military regimes are not democratic in deed; one of the first things
that military governments do is dissolve the legislative branch of government,
enactment of Decrees and Edicts. Be that as it may, one has to note that military
governments in Africa most especially in Nigeria were no more successful than the
civilian governments in addressing the political, social and economic issues, which
provided the environment in which the coup d’etat took place.
2.3.4 AN OVERVIEW OF THE CIVILIAN RULE IN NIGERIA
According to Chaturvedi (2006:49), this refers simply as the administration of
the State by State machinery or government known as the civilian regime. The civilian
government is synonymous with civility. This word “civility” was very often used by the
sixteenth century political writers who denoted by this term those who lived by the
civil order and government. It has been treated as a virtue of behaviour and conduct,
41
in social interaction among people, giving due regard to one another’s sensibilities and
sensations.
Ugowenyi, (1995:199) stated that the civilian rule is the opposite of the military
government. Government usually consists of three parts – administrative or executive,
legislative and judiciary. The legislative (political body) is concerned with formulation
of policy and law; the judiciary (court) of law is concerned with the interpretation of
law; and the administrative (executive branch of government) deals with the detailed
application of policy, control, and direction of the state or public affairs.
Both Barber and Adebayo cited in Ugonwenyi (1995:199) agreed that the
foundation of public administration is efficiency. Barber says that efficiency ‘is the
axiom number one in the value scale of administration’. Adebayo contends that, ‘the
keynote in the study of public administration is the emphasis on the concept of
efficiency’. The term, efficiency refers to ‘the degree of competence by which desired
results are achieved’. Efficiency requires that goals should be achieved with minimum
waste of resources or least expenditure of manpower material”.
Officially, according to Aliego (2009), Nigeria is a federal constitutional republic
comprising thirty-six states and one Federal Capital Territory. In fact, according to
Adomi et al. cited in Today’s Current Affairs, stated that, “Politics of Nigeria take place
in a framework of a federal presidential representative democratic republic, whereby
the President of Nigeria is (e.g Umaru Musa Yar’Adua) is both head of state and head
of government, and of a pluriform multiparty system. However, the various arms of
government are: the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary arm. Executive power is
exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and
42
the two chambers of the Legislature, the House of Representatives, and the Senate.
Nigerian Senate is the Upper Chamber of the Legislative House while the House of
Representative is the Lower House; together they make up the law-making body in
Nigeria called the National Assembly.
The Senate is presided by the President of the Senate. It has 109 members,
elected for a four year term in 108-seat constituencies (corresponding to the country’s
36 states) and one seat in a single-seat constituency (the Federal Capital, Abuja). The
House of Representatives is presided by the speaker of the House of Representatives.
Whereas the highest judiciary arm of government in Nigeria in the form of a court is
the supreme court of Nigeria. It is presided by the Chief Justice of Nigeria and thirteen
associated justices, appointed by the President of Nigeria on the recommendation of
the National Judicial Council and subject to confirmation by the Senate.
Furthermore, as already said earlier, there are 36 States and Abuja Federal
Capital Territory in Nigeria. Each state is further divided into Local Government Areas
(LGAs). There are also 774 LGAs in Nigeria with 8810 wards.
Civilian government derived its powers and had operated within the ambit of
the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; especially the 1979 constitution of
the Federation. Example, the Chapter II No.13, p.150 of the 1979 constitution of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria, stated that “it shall be the duty and responsibility of all
organs of government, and of all authorities and persons, exercising legislative,
executive or judicial powers to conform to, observe and apply the provisions of this
chapter of this constitution.
43
The No.14, stated that, “The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be a state based
on the principles of democracy and social justice. Secondly, that sovereignty belongs
to the people of Nigeria from whom government through this constitution derives all
its powers and authority; the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary
purpose of government; the participation of the people in their government shall be
ensured in accordance with the provisions of the constitution etc.
To x-ray vividly what the civilian government has done so far Tunde cited in
Odoziobodo (2003:96) said: “No doubt! History is today judging them. The evidence
or rather the exhibit upon which they are judged is the prevailing economic, social and
political situations in the country. Such questions as: how well have they managed the
affairs of this nation? How good is the standard of living of the masses? How far have
they harnessed the abundant human and material resources of this nation? etc, are
thought provoking”.
Furthermore, he said, “If I were a judge and I am asked to pass a sentence on
these people, I will definitely condemn them to life imprisonment for they have all
committed serious crimes against this nation. the overall verdict drawing from what
we have been discussing is that things are not in order in this country. This means
that they have so far not managed the affairs of this country well. As for the standard
of living, people are living below standard. People are unable to eke out their living.
Most of the essential things of life are not provided for the people. There are no
water, no shelter, no food, no electricity, etc.
Ogbemudia cited in Odoziobodo (2003:97) submitted that, “How people
manage to survive is by the special grace of God. As for the material resources of this
44
nation, they have been squandered and mismanaged so much so that Nigeria has
become a beggar nation. As for the human resources, people are under used while
others die off doing nothing because nothing is provided for them to do even after
graduating from the University. The situation compels the youths to become armed
robbers in the bargain. The youths are helpless because they have no future”.
Moreover, “Ogbemudia”, Tunder called”, “if the above facts are anything to go
by as I think they are, it all means that the older generations of Nigerians are the
people who are the cause of our problems today. They are the people who have
ruined this country by their actions. They are the people who passed on all these
negative tendencies of life to their children. They have perpetuated the country with
all the nuances of bribery and corruption. They have extolled the principles of
ethnicism, tribalism, favouritism and nepotism. They are the people who have
enthroned mediocrity in the affairs of Nigerians based on favouritism while relegating
excellence to the background.
In fact, Tunde cited in Odoziobodo (2003:98) continued, “They are the people
who are nairamaniacs, placing all the emphasis of their lives on money and what
money can buy. They are selfish people who have squandered all the wealth of the
country. Most of them are millionaires, some billionaires mostly at the expense of the
greater majority. They have money and can afford to buy whatever money can buy.
Some have such money that generations can neither exhaust in life, yet they are still
acquiring more. They have only acquired such outrageous wealth just because they
were opportune to be in public positions of authority. They are today happy because
others are suffering. And apart from money they have connections. They are either in
45
power or know those of their counterparts in authority. They can get anything done in
this country with influence as it fancies them. TheY have mastered all the rubrics of
bribery and corruption.
2.3.5 AN OVERVIEW OF THE STRUCTURE AND FUNCTIONS OF THE
NIGERIAN MILITARY GOVERNMENT
According to Nwankwo (2002:265-268), the structure and functions of the
Nigerian military government are:
(1) The Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigeria Armed Forces.
(2) The Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) or Supreme Military Council (SMC)
(3) National Council of State
(4) National Executive Council
(5) State Governors
(6) State Executive Councils
Hence, it is worthy of note that, under the military rule the Executive and
Legislature powers are vested in the Federal Military Government which is made up of
the Head of State, the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC), the National Council of
State and the Federal Executive Council. In the military regime the Executive and the
Legislative power are usually fused together.
(1) Head of State and His Functions: He is the Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces of Nigeria; he appoints members of the Armed Forces Ruling
Councils (AFRC) or the former Supreme Military Council (SMC); he presides
over the deliberations of the AFRC; he summons all meetings of AFRC; he sees
46
to the maintenance of law and order throughout the Federation; he signs all
decrees before they can become law; he appoints and dismiss judges and high
government officials or civil servants on the advice of the Judicial Advisory
Committee; he welcomes visiting Heads of States, High Commissioners and
Ambassadors; he appoints Ministers and Ambassadors of the Federation.
(2) The Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC) or Supreme Military Council
(SMC): The AFRC or SMC consists structurally of all the Heads of Nigeria
Armed Forces. The Commander-in-Chief, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of General
Staff, Chief of Defence Staff, Head of the Air Forces, Deputy Chief of Naval
Staff, Inspector General of Police and his Deputy and few other high Military
Officers. Their main functions are: the approval of annual budget for the
federation; promulgation of decrees, formulation of policies; maintenance of
law, order, and security throughout the country.
(3) The National Council of States: The National Council of States consists
mainly of all the State Governors and the leading members of the Armed
Forces. They deliberate on matters of prerogative of mercy and who to grant
state pardon.
(4) The Federal or National Executive Council: The Federal Executive Council
of the Military Leadership (i.e. the Head of State, the Head of Nigerian Air
Force); the Inspector General of Police and his Deputy; and Civilian Appointed
Commissioners or Ministers. The civilians are appointed by Head of State, and
they hold office at his pleasure. They have no popular political base. The
federal Executive Council deliberates on those subjects delegated to it by the
47
AFRC or SMC. In a sense it constitutes the Federal Cabinet Executive decisions
and policies on the national level.
(5) The State Governors in Nigerian Military Rule: The State Governors are
the appointees of the Head of State. They are members of the National Council
of the State, the second highest policy making body in Nigeria. In this sense,
they are national officers, owing no accountability to the people of their states.
On the other hand, the State Governors act as linkages between their states
and the Federal Government. They transmit to the central government the
peculiar problems and the needs of their states.
(6) The State Executive Council: The State Executive Council is the main
Legislative and Executive organs in the state. The members are appointed by
and owe allegiance to the State Governors. With the state governors, they
formulate policies on subjects which are within the state competence.
2.3.6 THE SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW
The Federal Republic of Nigeria is composed of 36 States, and a Capital
Territory, with an elected President and other government officials. It operates usually
the Federal Presidential System of Government with three distinct but complementary
arms namely the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary, each acting as a check
balance on the other two.
The history has it that long before the creation of the entity called Nigeria, the
various peoples that existed independently then, had established their own indigenous
systems of administration. There were recognized political entities such as the Benin
48
Empire, Kanem Bornu Empire, Sokoto Caliphate, Oyo Empire, to mention a few. The
Empires and Kingdoms had established contact with one another and with other
peoples, through trading activities.
According to Aliogo (2009:3), “Earlier in the 19th century, the British had
conquered the different parts of the present Nigeria at different times, and established
control and authority over them. These area were grouped into Protectorates namely
Lagos, Niger Coast (also known as Oil River protectorates), and the Northern
Protectorate. For ease of administration and control, the Northern Protectorate and
the Southern Protectorate (made up of Lagos and Niger Coast) were amalgamated in
1914 by the British. Thus come into existence the country presently known as
Nigeria”.
However, as time went on, the British colonial rule, with its attendant alienation
and subjugation of the indigenous people, resulted in agitation for self-government.
The history of Nigeria was therefore dominated by ‘struggle for freedom between
1922 and 1959. Notable, Nigerians like Sir Herbert Macaulay, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe,
Chief Sir Ahmadu Bello, Chief Anthony Enahoro, to mention but a few, are known as
the founders and fathers of Nigerian Nationalism.
Hence, given the struggle, the British gave some concessions to Nigerians.
These considerations brought about series of constitutions such as the 1922 Clifford
Constitution, the Richard’s Constitution of 1946, the Macpherson Constitution of 1951,
and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. With these constitutions, Nigerians were
allowed limited contributions in the affairs of their own land. There was continued
quest and clamour for total emancipation and independence from colonial rule with its
49
negative effects: social suffering by the masses, and discrimination especially in the
areas of employment, education, health, creational facilities, unjust and high taxation,
etc.
Eventually, on 1st October 1960, Nigeria got her independence. Barely six years
after, this civilian government, was overthrown in a military coup. This automatically
marked the starting point as well as succession of military government in the nation’s
political history. The first military intervention in Nigeria took place on January 15,
1966. The military regime continued till 1979 when the then Head of State, General
Olusegun Obasanjo handed over power to the civilian government of President Shehu
Shagari.
The Second Republic of President Shehu Shagari’s administration adopted
Presidential system of government with an Executive President as the Head of the
Federal Government. The administration was in power until 1985 when it was
overthrown in a coup and the military once again came into governance.
We gathered that, on New Year’s Eve 1983, army officers led by Major General
Muhammed Buhari overthrew the Shagari government in a bloodless coup. Buhari’s
government did this on account of mismanagement, corruption and electoral
malpractice of the former regime of Shagari. But in no distant time, the administration
of Buhari also lost credibility and degenerated due to rigid or inflexible economic
programme and repressive policies such as a sweeping campaign against
“indiscipline”, a prohibition on certain political discussion and debate especially on the
future outcome, lack of the freedom of the press, and detention of journalists and
other critics of government who dared.
50
Sequel to the above, in August 1985, Major General Ibrahim Babangida
overthrew the Buhari’s government. Babangida revisited and rescinded these
unpopular or unwelcomed Decrees and Edicts of Buhari and initiated a public debate
of the state of the economy, and gained people’s support. At this period, Nigeria was
able to achieve a measure of economic recovery especially through the World Bank.
But due to immorality and lack of integrity on the part of the military, ineffective
leadership and bad governance reared their ugly heads. Babangida hitherto promised
that the military would hand over power to a democratically elected civilian
government by October 1, 1990.
To justify the nitty-gritty of the debate over the proper structure and ideology
for a new democratic system, dominated the news media for the year. A residue of
popular disgust with the massive political corruption, violence, and fraud under
Nigeria’s Second Republic (1979-1983) was evident, and discussion centered on how
to avoid these pitfalls and problems in future. Hence, Babangida approved a new
constitution for the change of government in beginning of 1989; this ushered in only
meager changes to the 1979 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigerian.
At the end of it all, the Federal Legislative elections were held in July 1992, with
the SDP winning a majority in both houses of the Legislation. While the presidential
elections which were delayed finally held in June 1993, then annulled by the Military
when initial election results indicated that the SDP candidate and wealthy publisher,
Moshood N. K. Abiola had won by a large majority. And Babangida dishonestly
transferred power to an interim government which lasted only for three months before
Sani Abacha, the powerful secretary of defense, overthrew it and assumed the
51
controversial throne of power. Among the Abacha’s first autocratic and dictatorial acts
was the termination of all political activities; with its severe attendant strikes at every
quarter especially the Nigeria Labour Congress.
Many individuals, corporate organizations and political pressure groups such as
the Campaign for Democracy also stepped up protests against Abacha. In May 1994,
the government announced plans for political reform and held elections for the local
governments and initiated another constitutional conference. And in October 1995
lifted the ban on political activity; promised a change to civilian administration in 1998.
He later allowed only five parties to function including; the United Nigeria Congress
Party (UNCP), National Center Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Grassroot Democratic
Movement (GDM) and Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN).
The government of Abacha dubiously committed many atrocities; the most
notorious example was the murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists and
critics on November 1995. His government also imprisoned many people, the most
prominent among his victims were the former president Olusegun Obasanjo, former
vice president Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (who died in prison in December 1997), and the
1993 presidential-elect, Moshood Abiola, many journalists, etc. Whereas Nobel
Laureate Wole Soyinka, voluntarily fled into exile and so many citizens were
discomforted and silenced with bullet.
To cap it up, Nigeria was suspended from the British Commonwealth of Nations
due to exaggerated cases of execution, imprisonments of opponents and other
violations of human rights at the international political arena. At this juncture, and
following a constitutional commission drafted and it presented in 1995, Abacha
52
promised to implement it and to return the country to civilian rule on presidential
elections in October 1998. Unfortunately, in June 1998 Abacha died suddenly and
surprisingly and divinely of heart attack.
Obviously, people waited anxiously for the release of Abiola from prison to
assume his rightful position, as Major General Abdulsalam Abubakar succeeded
Abacha as president and he pledged to return Nigeria to civilian rule after holding a
free and fair democratic election. However, the most unfortunate, and controversial
also suddenly and surprisingly happened that was Abiola’s death.
Abubakar’s government could had quenched the ignited fire of the past regimes
unmasked Nigerians so much money, promoted the establishment of political parties
and freed political prisoners arrested by Abacha, including former president Olusegun
Obasanjo; held Legislative and Presidential elections in February and March 1999, and
Obasanjo was elected as the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Finally, the military administration handed over power to Nigeria’s new civilian
government in May 29, 1999 and the country adopted a new constitutions. Executive
governors were sworn in the 36 states of the Federation. The Commonwealth of
Nations also lifted its suspension of Nigeria’s membership to coincide with the
resumption of civil rule. The Obasanjo’s civilian government was not much different so
to say from the military government; he is unfit for this sort of democratic
dispensation. This is because barely a month in office, sent troops of armed soldiers
into War in Odi in Bayelsa State to fight unarmed and poor citizens, and massacring
them. While for some people, his administration had preformed creditably and
excellently too for upholding democratically elected government till date.
53
However, for some others, the eight years of Obasanjo’s administration, proved
a great disappointment. Some citizens of Nigeria were apt to say with something of a
shock that as a president, he retrained very much a military dictator to the heart,
insensitive to the deep cravings of the people. He was not a democrat really. Many
were forced to say that under his leaderships, the institutions of democracy were not
strengthened; the few existing ones were weakened, and furiously pursued narrow
partisan and political advantage. There was malicious disvirgining and side-lining of
judicial institutions and rule of law to suit the ever famished coach of Otta farm.
On another note, the country is still undergoing a learning process and will
continue to strive to nurture democracy and all its institutions to full development. The
nation has come to accept that civilian democracy is the form of government that can
guarantee full participation by the entire citizenry, ensure good governance, rapid
progress and socio-economic and political stability.
2.1.7 GAP IN LITERATURE REVIEW
It is worthy to note that there have been many efforts given by different
writers, scholars, intellectuals and individuals on Leadership and Governance in
Nigeria. Scholars have equally written extensively on the comparison of the Military
Rule and Civil Rule’. These people have been able to give us some problems militating
against leadership and governance in Nigeria; they have been able to identify the
causes of bad leadership and governance; they have been able to note that
colonialism, imperialism and neocolonialism impede true democracy and de element;
as well as the influence of the military rule.
54
In any case, and to the best of my knowledge, they have not been enabled to
ascertain thoroughly level of mishaps or the extent to which these factors have
impeded or militated against true democracy and development in Nigeria. They have
al deliberated, described and continued to theorize without pragmatic touch and
lasting solutions to these problems of study. Hence, we still perceive loopholes or
vacuum on our way to effective leadership and good governance. Therefore, the
investigation is poised intently, to provide pragmatic panacea to these problems as his
own contribution to the already existing inadequate materials or literatures to the
study.
For example, ever now and then we usually blame Nigeria problem of
underdevelopment and/or development on bad leadership and ineffective governance;
leaving behind bad fellowership. Whenever we do this, there will always be a
widespread gap on our critical analysis and evaluation of existing literatures. The
important question is for instance; is corruption a blessing in the fellowership?
Obviously no! In fact, corruption is everywhere but it is worse in the leadership. Take
the case of the Nigeria policemen that have made bribery and corruption almost a way
of life for themselves in Nigeria. It is not the top leadership that is taking the bribe and
at the same time giving bribe on every kilometer of Nigeria roads, in police stations or
in the business centres. We all are involved or contaminated. None of us is free from
the blame. If corruption is to be eliminated or totally done away with, as it must be,
while the topmost leadership keeps its hands clean of corruption, the middle classes,
the public officers, like the police an custom as well as the ordinary citizens at homes
and in the streets and the market places; must flee from corruption. Where corruption
55
persists among them, then the over al aim of government will not be achieved. Thus,
underdevelopment will continue to lay its ugly head and proper development will be
utile and every effort becomes null and void. If something is not done urgently and
now like a revolutionary measure, development will continue to be frustrated by this
hydra headed evil of corruption; which is also the major cause of bad leadership and
ineffective governance in Nigeria.
2.4 HYPOTHESES
The following hypotheses are formulated for the purpose of this study. Thus:
(1) Bad leadership and ineffective governance impede development in Nigeria;
(2) The negative contributions of imperialism and neo-colonialism to leadership and
governance still hunt development in Nigeria;
(3) The Military Rule affected adversely development in Nigeria.
2.5 OPERATIONALIZATION OF KEY CONCEPTS IN THE HYPOTHESIS
• Leadership
Leadership is referred to as the ability to lead and guide and influence others
for the achievement of certain objectives. It is the capacity in a person or a group of
individuals to inspire confidence, guide and govern followers. It is also an art, process
of influencing others so that they will strike willingly and enthusiastically towards the
attainment of group goals.
56
• Governance
This is referred to as that process by which decisions are made and
implemented. It is also perceived here as the exercise of political authority and the use
of institutional or public resources to manage society’s or community’s problems and
affairs. The use of institutions, structures, structures of authority, and even
collaboration to allocate, coordinate and control resources. In fact, governance is
about affecting the lives of people positively which can be political, economic and
social life. Good governance involves participation, rule of law, transparency,
responsiveness, consensual orientation, equity, effectiveness, efficiency and
accountability.
Governance here refers to the manner in which power is exercised in the
management of a country’s economic and social resources for development. It is a
complex mechanism, process, relationships and institutions through which citizens and
groups articulate their interest exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and
mediate their differences. It is therefore a politic process by which authority is
exercised, in the management of the country’s resources for the benefit of the people,
their well being and happiness.
• Development
This simply refers to the care and promotion of the citizen’s welfare, maximum
production, storage and distribution of goods and services to the people. It also
involves positive change or transformation in the living standard of the people for
greater satisfaction of needs, freedom and happiness of the members of the society.
In fact, it goes beyond the gradual manifestation of positive changes or qualitative
57
improvement in the economic, industrial, political, social, cultural, religious, scientific,
technological and administrative life of a country such as Nigeria.
Here also, development is regarded as a multifaceted concept which connotes,
just as it is a many sided process. It could be seen in terms of individual and a group
or society. It implies individually as increased skill and capability, greater freedom,
creativity, self-discipline, responsibility and material well being. While at the groups
level, development is a complex issue which involves through aspects economic, social
and political transformation and so many other societal values.
• Military Rule
This simply refers to the military government. This is referred to that
government by the soldiers or men and women in khaki or armed forces. It is highly
professional organ of the state; disciplined and supposed to carry out constitutionally
defined responsibilities, which usually include defending the territorial integrity of a
nation as against external aggression. But are seen exercising executive, legislative
and judicial authority in the state.
In other words, a military regime formed by seizing state power by force in a
military coups; and thereby ruling illegally by decrees and edicts and without election.
It is usually characterized by suspension and modification of the constitution,
dictatorial form of government, highly centralized system of government, absence of
all forms of opposition, fusion of the legislative and executive arms of government,
use of coercion in the implementation of policies, closure of the country’s borders,
imposition of dusk to dawn curfew.
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• Civil Rule
This is referred to as the opposite of the military rule. It simply and ordinarily
here refers to the civilian government; that is to say, the rule or government by the
ordinary citizens themselves rather than the armed forces or the police force or the
other para-military groups or agencies.
• Colonialism
Colonialism is the act of one political state exerting its power over a weaker
nation, and proceeding to control the resources and population of that nation. This is
also referred to as the system of colonial, imperial rule imposed on a people of a
country like Nigerians that were independent by another foreign country or power
usually by the use brute force by the colonizers/colonialists. The colonialists usually
imposed their type of government, religion, laws, culture, socioeconomic life and so
on, on the colonized people. The colonized people are massively exploited usually by
the colonial masters through taxation, forced labour, subjugation, suppression of the
popular will of the people of the colony. In fact, colonialism simply refers to the rule of
West Africa like Nigeria by such Western Nations like Britain, France, Germany, Japan,
U.S.A. and Portugal. In response to the call made during the Berlin Conference of
1884/85 to partition and conquer Africa and other poor nations of the world.
• Imperialism
Imperialism is referred to a that phase of capitalist development in which
Western European capitalist countries like Japan, U.S.A. established political,
economic, military, hegemony over other parts of the world which were initially at a
lower level and therefore could not resist domination. In fact, imperialism was in effect
59
the capitalist system, which for many years embraced the whole world – one part
being the exploiters and the other exploited, one part being dominated and the other
acting as overlords, one part making policy and the other being dependent like our
country Nigeria and other West African countries.
Hence, it is derogatorily used and implied a belief in the policy of extending a
country’s power and influence in the world through diplomacy, subtlety, or military
force, and especially by acquiring colonies like in Nigeria.
• Neocolonialism
This describes a formal juridical independence accompanied by a defacto
domination and exploitation by foreign nationals, together with the retention of many
vestiges of traditional colonial administration, e.g. narrow economic specialization,
cultural and educational inferiority, bureaucracy, policy, army, etc. it describes also a
situation in which an independent country suffers from and resents intervention and
control by a foreign government and its nationals, but not necessarily as a result of a
previous colonial relationship.
2.4 METHODOLOGY
2.4.1 TYPOLOGY OF STUDY
The type of research study here is rooted in the method-based classification;
that is, the comparative survey research. This is usually historical and descriptive in
nature. It states general view, examines as well as makes descriptions. Oguonu and
Anugwom (2006:8) opined that, “In this sense, one may make distinctions between a
historical research and a descriptive research. While the historical research seeks a
60
deeper historical explanation of a given phenomenon, the descriptive research seeks
to describe the phenomenon at a particular point in time especially the current
period”.
Secondly, the researcher may also apply the purpose-based classification for
example, the evaluation research. According to Oguonu and Anugwom (2006:10),
“This type of research seeks to make a judgment about the importance or value of a
given social phenomenon. It also seeks to ascertain the extent to which a given social
programme or phenomenon meets the expectations behind its establishment. For
them also, they said: basically, the evaluation study which passes judgment on the
value, benefit or utility of a given social phenomenon or programme is often very
important in terms of generating modifications and remediations where necessary. In
other words, the outcome of an evaluation study may form the basis of changes or
redesign of a given programme in order to achieve more effectiveness”.
Also, she said, “the use of sample survey in conjunction with other methods of
assessing research is on the increase. This form of survey can be defined as the
assessment of process and or consequences of deliberate and planed interventions”.
While according to Edward Suchman, (1972:53-54), three elements must be
present for an evaluation to take place: an objective or goal which is considered
desirable or has some positive value; a planned programme of deliberate intervention,
which if one hypothesizes is capable of achieving the desired goal; a method of
determining the degree to which desired objective is attained as a result of the
planned programmes.
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Moreover, the basic difference between formative and summative evaluation is
the fact that formative evaluation places great emphasis on feedback to an action
program until the possibility of shifting course on the basis of results, while summative
evaluation focuses on assessment at a given point in time. Both are recommendation
oriented to future. For instance, they could stipulate whether a programme should
continue or not, contracted or expanded. Summative evaluation will be more likely to
have recommendations oriented to the future. In contrast the design of formative
evaluation survey would call for data collection at several points in time and will not
easily permit a tightly controlled experiment aiming to measure the precise effect of
an intervention”.
Evaluation could be short-termed or long-termed. A short-term evaluation
focuses on the impact of the intervention on the immediate targeted population. That
is the immediate behavioural changes on the participants of the intervention
programme. While the long-term evaluation is concern with the long range goals of
the intervention programme (Ibid).
According to Obi (2007:71), “the implications of the above include the fact that
time horizons of evaluation have obvious implications for design. Even though, the
short-term evaluation runs the risk of being too narrow in scope and goals, it presents
fewer problems for design. There are many other intricacies of evaluation research
which cannot be treated in just a small topic or short discussion; such as this, but
suffice it to state that evaluation problems range from fundamental problems of
design politics and ethics”.
63
2.5.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDY
Obi (2000:72) defined population as the total set of items a research wants to
analyze. It may be group of people, houses, records, cars, etc. The specific nature of
population depends on the scope of the investigation. If one is studying voters
behavior in a presidential election, the population is all those who registered to vote.
In the same manner, a population is based on officials records make the records the
population, in this case, the research has to decide how the records are to be used”.
For Obi (2000), a population can be finite or infinite depending upon whether
the sampling units are finite or infinite. Finite, denotes a countable number of
sampling units, where as infinite population, means an endless number of sampling
units. And as we already know that this study is concerned with the Nigeria Politics
and Government; that is, the problems and prospects of Leadership and Governance
in Nigeria: the comparison of Military and Civil Rule in Nigeria.
Therefore, our target population is made up of 750 peoples basically from the
six geo-political zones of the 36 States plus the FCT Abuja and 774 Local Government
Areas in Nigeria. Also, two include among members of our targeted population are
government and non-government officials of both high and low echelon; during the
the military and civilian regime especially in the most recent past in Nigeria. However,
due to the large number of people involved, there is exigent need to employ sampling
technique which cannot be overemphasized.
2.5.3 SAMPLE AND SAMPLING PROCEDURE
64
Oluikpe (2004:112) opined, “Since it is not practically possible to get
information from all the persons or items comprising the population, research
procedure requires an ample representation of the population as adequate for
gathering data. This section of the study or proposal describes the method used in
getting the representative sample and number which is representative of the sample”.
The type of sampling technique used here, is precisely non-probability sampling
technique called purposive sampling. According to Obi (2000:76), “Purposive sampling
which is sometimes called judgment sampling, concerns the subjective selection of the
sampling units which to her appears to represent the population”.
While Nworgu (1991:340) stated, Samples are used in studies that involve large
population. Purposive sampling method is adopted to adequately manipulate the
enormous population and reduce the errors arising from the calculations of large
number and to reduce exorbitant cost of producing questionnaires to cover the
population.
Obviously, in determining the sample size of the study from the population of
750 people that were considered relatively very enormous, Odo (2001:26) posited that
sample size is “a process of selecting a proportion of the population considered
adequate to represent all the existing characteristics with the target population. This is
for the purpose of generalizing the findings from the sample itself.
Therefore, in this study that involves large population, purposive sampling are
applied to minimize or entirely reduce the errors from calculation of large numbers; a
well as the cost of data collection to cover the target population. Hence, the
65
investigator used Yaro (2002:28)) formula to ensure effectiveness in the coverage of
the population.
n = 2
)(eNI
N
+
Where n = Sample size
N = Population size
e = Level of significance of error allowable
I = Constant
The investigator has chosen five percent (5%) as level of significance or margin
of allowable error. The translation of the formula has been stated here below:
N = 750
e = 5 i.e. 0.05
n = 2
)(eNI
N
+
n = )05.005.0(7501
750
x+
n = 0025.07501
750
x+
n = 5.11
750
+
n = 5.2
750
n = 300
In addition to the above, also, the researcher adopted stratified random
sampling technique to draw the number of different categories of peoples required for
66
the investigation; and every member has equal chance of selection. From the total of
750 peoples targeted as our population, 300 were selected for this study especially
government and non-government officials from the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria
including FCT Abuja.
2.5.4 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION
Oluikpe (2004:112) stated that, “The instrument adopted in getting information
from the sample population is adequately described. The description should include,
among other things, the specific feature of the instrument”.
In fact, any meaningful research can never be conducted without having certain
ways through which data is collected. Hence, for the purpose of collecting data for this
research work, the investigation intends to adopt the survey instrument of data
generation which are indispensable in the sourcing of primary data. Examples:
interview, questionnaire, observation and content analysis. Others include: the review
of related written literatures to the study areas, journals, magazines, periodicals,
newspapers, etc; examination of the previous research work; other publications like
books, statistical formulation, from the government quarters, the lecture notes or
materials, seminar and workshop papers relevant to the work were used during the
course of the research.
According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2008.223), “As a method or technique of
gathering data, interview involves a face-to-face, verbal and non-verbal
communication between the investigator and his or her sample/population. Interview
instrument gives the researcher (interviewer) an opportunity to administer, elicit and
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record information from and possibly about the respondent (interviewee). Interview
instrument enables an interviewer have deeper knowledge about issue(s) of concern
through verbal and non-verbal responses gathered from the interview through face-to-
face interaction or by telephone or both. It is often considered a very appropriate
instrument for gathering data on people’s knowledge, values, preferences, attitudes,
beliefs and life experience. The four types of interview are: single or individual
interview, group interview, structured interview”.
For Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2008:246) stated “as the name clearly suggests,
observation is systematic and careful observation or conscious awareness; is a
situation based in any case, it is also a classic and in some ways, a straightforward
way of collecting data on human behavior. Observation technique involves “watching
people, events, situations or phenomena and obtaining firsthand information relative
to particular aspects of such people, event, situations or phenomena”.
“On the exact utility of observation, McQueen and Krussen (2003:205) pointed
out that observation is used both in qualitatively and quantitatively research “to
establish what actually happens in various settings, to generate hypotheses and
theories to illuminate findings or examine situations more closely and to evaluate the
impact of interventions. And the primary aim of systematic observation is the
achievement of the purpose of a particular research. Secondly, the process of
observation is logical, ordered and systematic perception and description of the
subject”
2.5.5 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF INSTRUMENTS OF DATA COLLECTION
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According to Obi (2000:54), “Measurement of reliability arises only when an
indicator consistently assign the value to some events. For example, if a researcher
measures the effectiveness of an organization twice or more times and arrives at the
same answer, then the indicator used is regarded as reliable. Furthermore, the
reliability of the indicator is increased if two different researchers used the same
methods and techniques and arrived at the same value/conclusion.
For Obi (2000:55), the reliability of an indicator can be threatened by either
subjectivity or lack of precision. A subjective indicator is a measure that relies on the
judgment of the measure or the researcher. An appraisal that requires the supervisor
to assess the performance of his subordinator is a subjective measure of performance.
However, the problem of measurement validity arises because of the unreliability of
social sciences indicators. Measurements of validity ask the following question: Is one
measuring what one thinks is being measured? For example, does mileage measure
distance? That is to ask: Does the indicator measure the concept?
According to Obi (200:55-56), the three type of validity are: Content Validity,
Empirical Validity and Construct Validity. The type envisaged to be used in this study is
mainly, structural-functionalism and content validity which deals with the face validity
of an indicator. An indicator has face validity if it is accepted as a valid measure of the
concept it is designed to measure. For example, a researcher intends to measure the
concept democracy by a questionnaire consisting of ten statements or questions. After
making up the questionnaire, the researcher might consult a number of Specialists. If
there is consensus among the Specialists, the researcher will presumably content that
69
the questionnaire (indicator of democracy) poses face validity and that consequently,
it measures democracy.
In this study, three experts in the Faculty of Social Sciences from the University
of Nigeria, Nsukka validated the interview questions. The aim scope, research
questions and hypotheses were submitted with an initial outline of the interview
questions to those experts for face validation. And those experts were requested to
examine the itemized questions for clarity and to know actually whether they are
suitable. They were thoroughly scrutinized; instructions and suggestions useful for the
study were also given. The investigator accepted the suggestions and carried out the
instructions as were directed.
2.5.6 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS
“Data section is where the researcher presents the information collected with
the appropriate analytical tools already specified and adopted above in this study
under methodology. Of course, the data collected will be analyzed using descriptive or
simply content analysis and interview for the purpose of clarity and vividness.
According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:253), stated thus: “As the name
suggests, content analysis is essentially a factor or an extension of documentary and
observation instruments of data generation. It focuses at the thorough examination of
documents in order to generate information for inference based on the canons of
scientific research. Reflecting on this, White (1983:241) points out that content
analysis enables a political inquirer “to scrutinize the content of a document in order to
70
understand its underlying structure, ideas and concepts and to quantify the message it
relates”.
For Kerlinger (1973:525) sees content analysis as a method of studying and
analyzing communications in a systematic, objective and quantitative manner to
measure variables …(and) to determine the relative emphasis or frequency of various
communication phenomenon: propaganda, trends, styles, changes in content,
readability.
In a nutshell, content analysis is an observation instrument of data generation
and analysis which scientifically examines a communication document in order to
determine the relative emphasis and make genuine inference. Therefore, we can
easily observe that content analysis is relevant on a number of accounts, for example:
(i) Analysis of Materials: Materials or objects which are used/produced on
request constitute the sources or items for effective test. Here, the core of
newspaper editorials, magazine articles, speeches of public figures can be
content analyzed in order to measure specific values such as ethnicity, religious
consciousness or even ethical standards.
(ii) Analysis of Logical Process: Content analysis can also be used to ascertain
the logical status of a thinking process as well as its interest and inclination. For
instance, it can be used to content analyze interest in education, culture,
foreign affairs etc for public office seekers and holders.
2.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
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Oxford Advanced English Dictionary, defined theory as a set of reasoned ideas
intended to explain facts/events. It is the statement of principle on which a subject is
based. The term theory comes from the Greek word “Theoria” which means a will
focused on mental outlook or opinion taken at something with the view of
understanding it in a state of contemplation or reasoning.
Generally, in a contemporarily derivative, many different scholars have
attributed the concept of theory as that entires or whole teaching on a subject, its
historical concepts, meaning, analyses, values assessment, proposal of goals,
intentions or objectives, policies and principles (a set of logical interrelated
assumptions). For Ujo (2008:87) “in social sciences usage, a theory is a logically self
consistent model or framework for describing the behaviour of a related set of
phenomena. A theory can also, be described as a systematic and formalized
expression of all previous observations that are predictive, logical and testable”.
Maclean (1972) wrote that “theory can be thought of as our understanding of
the way things work”. For Infante et al. (1990), “A theory is an attempt to explain a
phenomenon a symbolic representation of the reality. It is an explanation of a kind of
deconstruction of a puzzle or an unscrambling of a confusing concept.
Okunna, (2002:5) stated, “In the scientific definition, verifiability and reliability
readily serve as guards against fraud and bias. Theory to these authors is “a set of
systematically related generalizations suggesting new observations, for empirical
testing”. It is also necessary to mention according to Ujo (2008:87) according to Ujo
(200:87) that all theories are tentative and serve as a basis of further research. A
72
theory which is accepted today as a basis of research may be rejected over a period of
time if it is no longer capable of performing its function.
No doubt a worthy option or approach to a proper understanding of theoretical
framework is to first come to terms with the meaning of theory. To Kerlinger (1973:9),
for instance, a theory is “a set of interrelated constructs (concepts), definitions and
proposition that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations
among variables, with the purpose of explaining and predicting the phenomena”. The
import of this is that theory embodies knowledge in a specific subject such that every
theory is by and large a source of knowledge in a specific area or variants of it.
Coker (1934:3) cited in Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:83) avers that political
theory exists whenever “we study political government and its forms and activities, not
simply as facts to be described and compared, or judged in reference to their
immediate and temporary effects but as facts to be understood and appraised in
relation to the constant needs, desires and opinion of man”. The implication of this is
that political theory enables us to understand, explain, appraise and predict political
phenomena; and to relate them to human needs, desires and opinions.
According to LDCE (1995:558-56) cited in Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:84) what
exactly is theoretical framework? In everyday use, framework connotes “the main
supporting parts of a building, vehicles or object or a set of facts, ideas etc from which
more complicated ideas are developed, or on which decisions are made” (LDCE,
1995:558-561). For Obasi (1999:43) a major feature of political inquiry on theoretical
framework and even conceptual frame of reference is often seen as “a device or
73
schemes for adopting or applying the assumptions, postulations and principles of a
theory…a way of describing, analyzing, interpreting and predicting phenomena’.
Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2010:84) stated, “theoretical framework necessarily flows
logically from what has been done previously in the problem area, and in particular it
discusses the relationships among the variables that are deemed to be integral to the
dynamics of the situation being investigated. In this way, theoretical framework
clarifies the frame of reference on what the study relies. Accordingly, Dionco-Adetayo
(2003:28) points out that developing a theoretical framework “helps the researcher to
formulate his postulations and test certain relationships of variables so as to improve
understanding on a particular situation contributing to the body of knowledge”.
According to Obi (2000:40), “This is a section that establishes the theoretical
framework from and within which the research is to be conducted. Existing theories
that form the background of the study is cited under this section”.
Hence, according to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2010:84-85), stated thus: “As
highlighted earlier, theoretical or conceptual framework refers to the use or application
of a specific theory (set of theories) or conceptual frames on a particular subject in
order to provide main conceptual support guide in the explanation and analysis of
otherwise complicated research work. The central idea here is to integrate them into
overall pattern”.
A number of theoretical explanations have been adduced for the study. In this
work, the investigator uses the structural functionalism. What informed this decision is
that the work of identification of these problems, collection and analysis of necessary
data and preferring suggestions for improvement or finding lasting solutions or factors
74
for mitigating those problems; have to do with the appraisal or the assessment of the
performance of various structures of government or political system and institutions in
Nigeria; precisely the military in Nigeria politics and government, vis-à-vis the civilian
government.
In other words, functionalism presupposes a system that exists in the form of
structures for function cannot be performed in a vacuum. Though, this has been
criticized by many analysts for its rigidity and inflexibility in the sense that it is
conservative in nature and not change oriented and dynamic. The theory also divorced
norms and behavioural patterns from structures yet the peculiarities in the
identification of the problems of various government institutions especially in Nigeria.
The theory seems to emphasize structures and based on this premise it is considered
as an approach be more appropriate form this study.
According to Asogwa and Omemma (2001:415-416) stated that, “Structural –
functional or structural – functionalism is a mode of theorizing in political science
(developed from functionalism in social anthropology) in which societies or smaller
units such as communities or organizations, are conceptualized as systems and the
attempt is then made to explain particular features of their social structure in terms of
their contribution – i.e., the function they fulfill-in maintaining the system as a viable
entity”.
For Asogwa and Omemma (2001), the Structural – Functional theory treats
social action from the standpoint of unintended as well as intended consequences. A
major problem this theory faces is that of specifying precise criteria for the viability of
social systems, whether in the sense of their “survival” or of their “efficiency”.
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Structural functional theory has also been criticized by exponents of conflict theory for
its neglect of the part played by coercion in organizing social activities and preserving
social stability (See A.R. Radchiffe-Brown, Structure and Function in Primitive Society,
1952 in Asogwa and Omemma 2001:416).
Obasi (2005:429) stated that, “Structural-Functional Analysis, is very effective
means for the study and understanding of social systems and other related
phenomena, embodying but more than the sum total of structuralism and
functionalism whose modern foundations were prepared by American Sociologist,
Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton etc. Structural functionalism is essentially consisted
in viewing society (structures), which behave (function) in a coordinated and
interdependent manner to achieve the objectives intended for them by society, these
being the only means by which equilibrium and peace can be maintained within it”.
For Igwe (2005), Structural – Functional Approach can be applied in the
analysis of any society, irrespective of its ideology, race, history, geography, ruling
class, demographic content, and so on. It is taken by many to be a successful rival to
the class analysis of society, and by Marxists as a deliberate attempt to diminish the
former’s assumed all-embracing significance. Social system includes various
institutions, forms and values, and even groups and individuals, may in various ways
be considered as the structural components; that the essence of society and social life
is the purposeful interrelationships or functioning of these different elements of the
society, and that such interrelationships serve to establish the purport and promote
the stable evolution of the social system.
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Furthermore, Structuralism is a fundamental prerequisite for functionalism, and
component of the structural-functional analysis, concerned with the systematic and
empirical examination of the internal arrangements or structures of phenomena, and
the nature of the relationships or contradictions of such parts, which knowledge would
form the basis of any generalizations, concerning the integrity.
To buttress the points, the perception of phenomena in structural terms has
some obvious analytical merits. First, it compels, ab. initio, a descriptive examination
of the forms of the inner organization of the object, the identification of essential
attributes or parts, the nature of their interconnectedness, interrelationships, and the
laws and principles governing the process. This permits predictability of the object’s
failure behaviour and the correct determination of its place in the wider environment.
To the extent that the social and natural sciences, as well as the humanistic and other
disciplines, may apply structuralism; to the research into aspects of their problems, to
that degree may, structuralism constitute for them a common methodological
language promoting mutual understanding. The synthetic reconstruction of the parts
of a structure, made possible by its prior analysis, can become the means of
identifying systematic problems and the means of also rectifying them.
What informed my decision for the above, is that performance and evaluation
to ascertain the negative or positive contributions of the military or civilian political
actors, public servants or other governmental offices, cannot be done in a vacuum but
within the confirms of system or structure of government. Nigeria operates under
three tier structures of government namely: the Federal, the State and the Local
Government. In the local government system for example, the structural functionalism
and content analysis could be readily applied. Those departments or structures of local
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government include among others the following: the health and medical services and
sanitation department; the personnel management department; the department of
education and social development or community development; the department of
agriculture and natural resources; the department of finance, supplies and planning,
research and statistics; the department of works, housing, land, and survey, all geared
or anchored towards development at the grassroot level.
The federal system of government in Nigeria (federalism) simply refers to that
government in which governmental powers that exists in the country are shared
between a central government that represent the whole country and the government
of component regions or states so that each government is legally and constitutionally
independent and autonomous. There are also three arms or organs of government
namely: the executive, legislature and the judiciary.
According to Mbanefo and Ike (1998:18-19) the executive organ of government
is the second arm of government. The Executive here means all the agencies and
officials which are concerned with the execution of the will of the state. In Nigeria for
example the President uses various agencies to run the administration of the Nation at
Federal, State and Local Government levels. The Executive arm of the government is
responsible for the implementation, execution or enforcement of laws, policies and
directives made and given by the legislative arm of the government. The functions of
the executives are as follows: the executive applies the law of the series of decrees
under the military rule which is enforced by the judiciary; uphold and protects the
constitution of Federal Republic in the democratic government; execution and the
maintenance of the federation and carry out Government policies.
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The Legislative arm of the government is the National Assembly which consists
of 360 House of Representative members and 109 Senators (3 from each state and 1
from FCT). It has the power to make laws for peace, order and good governance of
the federation; has power to legislate on any matter in the concurrent and exclusive
list; has power to approve the budget of the government; confirms the president’s
nominees into political posts; has power to remove the president or vice president on
grounds of misconduct or ill health; has the power to approve or disapprove state of
emergency in any part of Nigeria so proclaimed by the president; has the power to
investigate any public office and serve as watchdog to both the Executive and the
Judiciary arms of the Government.
The Judiciary is the arm of government given the powers to interpret laws and
apply it to individual cases. The test of excellence of any government is in the hands
of an efficient judiciary. Usually this power is exercised through the courts, which have
been conferred with the authority to determine the facts, interpret and apply the law
to individual cases. It functions includes: interpreting the law; interpreting the
constitution; checking the excesses of the executive and the legislature in their
respective duties in line with what the constitution says and settling disputes or cases
between the executive, the legislature and individuals. The Judiciary is made up of
different types of courts with different judicial offices attached to them. In Nigeria for
example, there are several courts which are responsible for different judicial maters.
These courts may be courts of criminal, civil, limited, unlimited, first instance
jurisdiction or of appeal. The hierarchy of courts within the Nigerian Judicial system
constitutes the following: the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal, the Federal or State
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CHAPTER THREE
BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON THE AREA OF STUDY
Obviously, Nigeria’s political leadership is posed with many challenges and
difficulties to democratic governance in both, during the military and civil rule, this
chapter therefore, whishes to delve into and presents vividly the background
information on the study area; that is, effective leadership and good governance: a
comparison of military rule and civil rule particularly (1985-2007); under the following
sub-headings:
(1) Introductory Background
(2) The Origin and Development of the Military in Nigeria
(3) The Traditional Role of the Military in Nigeria
(4) The Historical Background of Civilian Government in Nigeria
(5) The Nature of Civilian Government in Nigeria
(6) Historical Background of Military Government in Nigeria
(7) The Nature of Military Government in Nigeria
3.8 INTRODUCTORY BACKGROUND
According to Akubue (2010:57), Nigeria is no doubt different nations stewed
together by Britain. Nigerian is a creation of Britain for British convenience. In 1914,
the imperial authorities in Great Britain issued a license that gave legality to the
amalgamation of the protectorates of the North and South of Nigeria. In what looked
like a marriage ceremony, the British officers in Nigeria designated the north as ‘a well
groomed youth’ and the south as ‘a lady of means’. The high-point of that memorable
81
historical bond was her majesty’s imperial fiat that gave allowance to the well
groomed youth to enter into permanent coalition with the voluptuous southern lady of
means.
This is principally the glitch with Nigeria as a nation. Nigeria was thus, a
creation of Britain expediency and assess to raw materials. Growth and opulence of
the fatherland, truly speaking, was far removed from the mental mind of regal Britain
when she wielded the incongruent peoples of Nigeria together as one entity.
The Nigerian civil state inasmuch as or as far as participatory and true
democratic governance is concerned, has been fundamentally affected by two
historical phenomena, colonial and military rule vis-à-vis civil rule. Whereas colonial
rule ended about 50 years ago as at attainment of independence, military rule as a
post-colonial instrument of conquest does not seem to have a perceivable abatement.
This is in spite of the return to another civil rule since 1999. Indeed, the military
conquest has reemerged in the involvement of ex-military rulers in politics. The study
presents the dilemma of a post-colonial sate coping with contradictory factors of
development and democracy.
It may on a fact reaction sound too farfetched to draw a symmetry or
comparative study between colonial rule and military rule vis-à-vis the civilian rule.
Such a reaction is understandably even if not justifiable, this is because there are
some common ingredients of colonial and military rules as well as civil rules. For
example, Britain, which colonized Nigeria, administered the country like a conquered
territory making Nigerians, British subjects without concealing its perceived feeling of
superiority. It was a feeling that grew from and nurtured in, the misconception of
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Africans as bearded monsters and men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders.
The indigenous military conquerors are not more charitable. The civil society is held in
contempt. It is derisively and pejoratively perceived as being made up of bloody
civilian. In both instances, there is an elemental sense of paternalism erected on a
spectrum of master/servant relationship.
The truth is that Nigeria has been stamped with two unforgettable experiences.
The irony though, is that while the nation has in a way survived British colonial rule,
the same cannot be said of military rule. Military rule is a contemporary phenomenon
which remains destructive of the essence of the Nigerian nation. In the Nigerian polity,
the fear of military intervention remains the beginning of wisdom. This is in spite of
return to civil rule in 1999.
It was the 1983 elections that ushered in the military once again into our
political system. The elections that started on August 6, 1983 witnessed large scale
rigging that sparked off violent rioting, arson, hooliganism, looting, etc, especially in
Ondo and Oyo states reminiscent of the 1965 Western Regional election episode. The
NPN much touted landslide victory was replaced with ‘Military – Slide’ coup d’etat on
December 31, 1983.
Truly, Nigeria got her independence in October, 1960. Officially named the
Federal Republic of Nigeria, in 1963; is a federal constitutional republic comprising
thirty-six states and one Federal Capital Territory. The country is located in West
Africa and shares land borders with the Republic of Benin in the west, Chad and
Cameroon in the east, and Niger in the north. Its coast lies on the Gulf of Guinea, part
of the Atlantic Ocean, in the south. The capital city is Abuja.
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Today, the people of Nigeria have an extensive history, and archaeological
evidence which ranges from possibilities to impossibilities. It shows that human
habitation of the area dates back to at least 9000 BC. The Benue-Cross River area is
thought to be the original homeland of the Bantu migrants who spread across most of
central and southern Africa in waves between the 1st millennium BC and the 2nd
millennium AD. Moreover, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the eight
most populous countries in the world with a population of over 140 million. The
country is listed among the “Next Eleven” economies and is one of the fastest growing
in the world with the International Monetary Fund projecting growth of 9% in 2008.
3.9 THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MILITARY IN NIGERIA
The Armed Forces are largely a part of the past vestiges of colonial bureaucracy
in Nigeria. It was raised both for imperial defence and internal security. Thus, like
most other institutions in this country, the Nigerian military is an inherited force. It
evolved from the early colonial paramilitary units established to strengthen Britain’s
sovereignty and protect her economic interest in colonial Nigeria.
In fact, looking at the history of the emergence and development of the military
in Nigeria is like looking at the history of colonialism in Nigeria. This is not surprising,
since the military was a critical element in the success of colonialism in Nigeria.
Therefore, tracing the origin means going to the roots of the process of British
colonization.
Unlike Nigerian Army, the emergence and development of the other two
constituents of the Nigerian military set up, that is, the Navy and the Airforce are
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closely tied to the era of indigenous control of the Nigerian government. The Nigerian
Nay as formed in 1964 by an Act of Parliament while the Nigerian Airforce as
established in 1964 also by an Act of Parliament. Both the Navy and the Airforce are
organized in the form of three administrative commands. The Navy has the Western,
Eastern and Flotilla commands while the Airforce also has three command structures
according to specialization – logistics, training and tactical commands.
Like the Army, if not more so, these other two arms of the military have
witnessed a phenomenal increase in size and sophistication. In fact in term of size,
unlike army which has witnesses a reduction in its size since 1970, the Navy and the
Air Force have been witnessing increase in their sizes. This is because before now,
their sizes have been far below the security needs of the country. Similarly, they have
increased their levels of sophisticated warships the country. Similarly, they have
increased their level of sophisticated warships some of which are equipped with the
most modern weapons (including missiles).
For Ofuebe (1999:291 and 294), “The Nigerian Airforce has also graduated
from the early way years when all she had were a few helicopters to the situation
today where her stock included sophisticated fighter planes such as the Soviet MIG
21s; the German Alpha jets, and the Anglo-French Jaguar jets. The military in Nigeria
has indeed come a long way since independence.
3.10 THE TRADITIONAL ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN NIGERIA
In this world full of distrust, conspiracy and cold war, only very few nations are
without Armed Forces. In the international political arena, a nation is respected or
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feared by other nations not necessarily because of its economic, political and social
development but because of the strength, power or capacity of its Armed Forces. In
some parts of Africa, Latin America and Europe, soldiers play a very important part in
the political administration of their countries. The armies are created to perform the
traditional roles of protecting the territorial integrity of the nation in both land, sea and
air.
The concept of civilian control of the military was an integral aspect of the
traditional military. The military was expected to take orders from political heads.
Thus, the civilians could invite the military to give advice on a number of issues
especially those pertaining to defence; beyond that, the military had no internal role.
Internal security was normally taken care of by the Police.
Accordingly, the roles of the military in Nigeria are enshrined in the 1979
constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria stated among others: that the
federation shall subject to any act of the National Assembly made in that behalf,
establish, equip and maintain as army for the purpose of: Defending Nigeria from
external aggression; Maintaining its territorial integrity and securing its borders from
violation on land; Suppressing insurrection and acting in aid of civil authorities to
restore order when called upon to do so by the President; Performing such other
functions as may be prescribed by an act of the National Assembly.
Apart from the constitutional provisions, military establishments in most
developing countries are seen as symbols of national sovereignty and of political
independence. Other roles of the military are generally regarded as secondary or what
is referred to as the ‘stand-by function’. For instance, the army could be invited or
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called upon to perform some functions especially when there is any disaster, they are
mounted at strategic positions or they could be used in decongesting the nation’s
ports or reducing the tempo of wars as was the case during the Vietnam war whereby
the American government asked or dispatched the soldiers to stop the war.
Furthermore, the military governments in new state have usually been regarded
as interim measures. They bridge the political gap between a period of generally
unstable civilian rule, and a future period of stable government by civilians. Thus, that
the military has become a relevant mechanism in the political administration is no
more debatable. This, undoubtedly, was at the back of the mind of Mao Tse Tung, the
great Chinese leader of blessed memory, who stated that power grows out of the
barrel of the gun.
3.11 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CIVILIAN GOVERNMENT IN
NIGERIA
The history of civilian government in Nigeria can today, be divided into four
periods, namely, the Dominion Era (1960-1963), the First Republic (1963-1966), the
Second Republic (1979-1983) and the Third Republic (1999 till date).
(1) Dominion Era (1960-1963):
This period is regarded as the Dominion Era in Nigeria. Nigeria gained her
independence from Britain in October, 1960, after a protracted struggle by Nigerian
nationalists. Nigeria then became a royalist, a federalist and a full member of the
Commonwealth (Ojo, 1987). The Nigerian Independence Act declares that with effect
from October 1, 1960, the colony and protectorate of Nigeria should form part of Her
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Majesty’s Dominion under the name ‘Nigeria’. This was not a violation of the newly
won independence as some erroneously thought at that time. The truth is that the
Queen (that is, Elizabeth the Second) exercised her sovereignty and jurisdiction
before independence on the advice of British Colonial Government in Nigeria, but
after independe4nce, she did so on the advice of the Nigerian government. Dr.
Nnamdi Azikiwe became the first Indigenous Governor-General of Nigeria in 1960. He
exercised both legislative and executive authority on behalf of Her Royal Majesty.
(2) The First Republic (1963-1966):
On October 1, 1963, Nigeria abolished the Crown and declared herself a
Republic. By this act, the Queen ceased to be the Queen of Nigeria. Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe became the first President of Nigeria. He performed his constitutional
functions no longer in the Queen’s name but now as the President of the Nigerian
State. The system of government was still the Westminster model (that is
parliamentary). The military coup of January 15, 1966 which brought Major General
Aguiyi Ironsi to power terminated the First Republic.
(3) The Second Republic (1979-1983):
Because of his firm belief, that the Army should stick to soldiering, and return
the nation to a democratically elected civilian government. General Olusegun
Obasanjo (Military Head of State, 1976-1979) formerly handed over power to Alhaji
Shehu Shagari s the duly elected President on October 1, 1979. According to Kalu Oji
(1982), the tasks ahead of the new President were national integration, economic
self-reliance, peace, unity and stability, prosperity, along with citizenship enrichment
through the Nigerian Ethical Revolution.
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Unfortunately, President Shagari could not really achieve those noble
objectives. His administration was characterized by bribery, corruption and
favouritism. Added to these was the battered economy caused by inept leadership,
poor planning and unprecedented official corruption. The last straw that broke the
camel’s back was the presidential election that gave him a return ticket in 1983. The
election was massively rigged. In short, by December 1983, his administration had
created conducive atmosphere for massive revolt. It was to forestall a possible social
crisis and total collapse of the economy that the military struck once again on
December 31, 1983.
Since that time (1983) attempts and promises to return Nigeria to civil rule
have failed to yield dividends. The last attempt was in 1993. The presidential election
of 1993 which was conducted under the watchful eyes of the local and international
observers and generally declared to be free and fair but was annulled on June 23,
1993 by the Babangida administration. The result of June 12 presidential elections,
believed to have won by Bashorun Moshood K.O. Abiola. On August 27; General
Babangida ‘steps aside’ under pressure and is replaced first by Ernest Shonekan’s
interim national government. On November 17, 1993: General Sani Abacha replaced
Shonekan’s interim government.
On June 23, 1994, Moshood Abiola was arrested, detained and imprisoned; that
was the imprisonment of true democrat and he died suddenly on July 7, 1998.
However in February 27, 1999 Obasanjo won the presidential elections over Falae.
The civilian government was then inaugurated which marked the beginning of new
dawn of democratic government of civilian regime.
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3.12 THE NATURE OF CIVILIAN GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA
According to Ojo (1973), the government of a state is composed of all the
people elected or appointed and the agencies which have official responsibility of
making laws, giving approval to rules of conduct, applying the laws to individual cases
and seeing that the people follow the approved rules of conduct. It also sees to the
settlement of disputes which may occur between two or more private individuals or
organizations and the officials of the agencies of government. If those people are
civilians, then the government in question is a civilian government.
There are several elements of components in a civilian government. The first is
a Constitution. A democratic civilian government is established by a constitution. A
Constitution is a body of fundamental laws which governs the organization of
government, its institutions, its basic goals and beliefs as well as the relationship of
the individuals to the state. Aristotle has said much about Constitution. Briefly, he
distinguishes between rule by passion and rule by reason. Rule by passion, which he
rejects is rule by men of desire and passion, while rule by reason, which he upholds, is
rule by laws or constitution. For him, a state will enjoy good government if it is ruled
by laws. A constitution may be written (example Nigeria during the First and Second
Republics) or unwritten (example Britain). It may be Unitary (that is national or central
government) or Federal (that is one which allows for the distribution of powers
between the central government and other levels of government).
The second important feature of a democratic civilian government is the
existence of organs of government. The organs of government refer to the number of
divisions into which governmental power can be made. In most of the modern
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democratic governments, the powers of government are divided into three namely:
the legislative, the executive and the judiciary. The legislative function of government
is performed by the legislature or parliament constituted for that purpose. It is the
arm of government which makes the laws. The executive organ is responsible for
enforcing the laws made by the legislature. The president assisted by the Ministers
and his advisers perform this function in a Presidential government, while in a Cabinet
system of government, the function is performed by the Ministers. The judiciary is the
arm of government that interprets and applies the laws. When citizens disobey the law
they are punished according to the tenor of the law. According to the theory of
separation of powers, legislative, executive and judicial powers must not only be
separated, they must also be exercised by different persons. In other words, these
powers must be entrusted to three separate bodies of persons or agencies mutually
independent on one another. However, the principle of checks and balances ensures
that the three arms check and balance one another.
The third important component in a democratic civilian government is the “Rule
of Law”. The rule of law simply means the reign, supremacy or predominance of law
as distinct from mere arbitrariness. The rule of law is, therefore, a negation of
arbitrary power, that is, power exercised with utter disregard to the law. A
government that exercises its authority not in accordance with the laws of the state is
the government of men rather than that of law. In an ideal situation, a civilian
government exercises its authority in accordance with the already established laws of
the state. One key principle of the rule of law is that the fundamental rights of the
citizens must be guaranteed and preserved from arbitrary interference.
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The fourth characteristics of a democratic civilian government are the existence
of political parties. Since politics is a contest among human groups, the need for
political parties to contest or compete for positions cannot be overstressed. Political
parties are different from other forms of groups or associations (such as pressure
groups) in their peculiar purpose and methods. While these other groups are
concerned with influencing public policies, political parties are autonomous organized
groups that make nominations and contest elections in the hope of eventually gaining
and exercising control of the personnel and policies of government. Members of a
political party are united by a common interest or ideology and engage in power tussle
with the aim of controlling the machinery of government and public policies. There are
basically three types of party system. The first is one-party system of government.
This system allows for the existence of one and only one party within a given state.
The second is the two-party system. This allows for only two parties. At every election,
the party that has the substantial lead over the other by winning the largest votes cast
forms the government, while the losing party constitutes the opposition. The third
type is the multi-party system. This is a system in which three or more parties are
allowed to contest elections. Since a single party rarely wins majority of the votes in
such a system, the nation’s cabinet are usually composed of coalitions of several
parties rather than the representatives of one single party. Since independence, with
the exception of 1992/93 aborted elections, Nigeria has been practicing a multi-party
system of government. There maybe three or more parties coming together to form
the government. All types of political parties mentioned have their own advantages
and disadvantages.
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The fifth feature of democratic civilian government in Nigeria is the bicameral
nature of the Federal parliament. A bicameral parliament is a parliament consisting of
two houses, namely: the House of Senate (the Upper House) and the House of
Representatives (the Lower House). The Federal Parliament is the arm of government
vested with the power to legislate for the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The law-making
process of the parliament is quite elaborate. Whenever a new law is to be
promulgated, it is first introduced to the parliament in the form of a bill. A bill becomes
a law after it has gone through strict scrutiny in the two houses and has finally been
approved by the President. On the state level, bills are deliberated upon on the floor
of the House of Assembly subject to the final approval of the Governor before
becoming a law.
Finally, the mode of removal of a democratically elected civilian government is
by peaceful means of periodic election. If the government fails to perform, it will be
voted out of office in subsequent elections (Umozurike, U.O., 1997:51-52).
3.13 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA
According to Oyovbaire et al (1991), military government, as distinct from
civilian government, is a system or form of government in which the power to govern
derives not from the procedures of election and representation, but from the
imposition of a superior force on the country by the Armed Forces.
Nigeria has experienced five periods of military rule since her independence in
1960. These periods are: 1966-1975; 1975-1979; 1983-1985; 1985-1993 and 1993-
1997. Each period of military rule was a result of serious problems which faced the
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government of the period before the succeeding one. Each period was also
characterized by specific institutions and structures of government, and by varying
degrees of performance. We shall briefly examine these periods.
(1) 1966 – 1975:
Nigeria became Independent in 1960 and between that year and 1966; she was
under a civilian government. This government as bedeviled with many problem
ranging from massive corruption, political unrest, weak political leadership, ethnic and
regional unrest, ethic and regional rivalry, inflation, to a gross decline in the nation’s
economy. As a result of these problems Nigerians became dissatisfied with civilian
government. On January 15, 1966, the army staged a coup and took over power from
the civilians. This was the genesis of military rule in Nigeria. For Nwolise (1988), “The
collapse of the First Republic ended the practice of the Westminister model, and put
Nigeria under 13 years of military rule”.
When Armed Forces took over government, all institutions of civilian
government were proscribed. The head of the Armed Forces Major-General Aguiyi
Ironsi became the leader and Supreme Commander of the Federal Government. He
ruled in the capacity of Head of State between January and July 1966. The regions
were headed by military Governors. The Northern Region was headed by Major
Hassan Katsina, the Western Region by Colonel Francis Fajuyi, the Eastern Region by
Colonel C.O. Ojukwu and the Midwestern Region b Major David Ejor. The work of the
Federal Government was carried out by two bodies, namely: the Supreme Military
Council (SMC) and the National Executive Council. Each region also had an executive
council.
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The Ironsi administration did not last long. It was sacked in a counter-coup on
July 29, 1966 under the leadership of Colonel Yakubu Gowon (who later became a
General). General Ironsi and several other army officers and men largely of Igbo origin
were killed. Gowon ruled between 1966 and 1975. The key events of the period were
the political crisis occasioned by the killing of Ironsi and hundreds of innocent people
in 1966, the creation of twelve states on May 27, 1967 out of the former four regions,
the secession attempt by Biafra under the leadership of Colonel Ojukwu, and the civil
war which lasted between July 6, 1967 and January 15, 1970.
Regarding the structure of government during Gowon’s administration, there
were two main organs, namely, the Supreme Military Council (SMC) and the National
Executive Council (NEC) at the Federal level. Both legislative and executive
responsibilities were fused together, while at the state level the Governors combined
both legislative and executive responsibilities, assisted by civilian commissioners. The
Federal Government ruled by Decrees, while state government ruled by Edicts.
(2) 1975 – 1979:
As a result of escalating inflation, alleged corruption by some military
Governors and public servants, unfulfilled promises by the Gowon administration for
example the creation of new states and the return to civil rule by 1976, the Gowon
administration became unpopular. On July 29, 1975, a group of soldiers took over the
government of the country. The new military leader was General Murtala Mohammed.
Unfortunately, Mohammed’s regime was short-lived. He was assassinated on February
13, 1976 by Lt. Col. B.S. Dimka; six months after coming to power. However, the
attempt was unsuccessful. Mohammed was succeeded by General Olusegun Obasanjo
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who promised to return the country to an elected civilian government. The promise
was actually fulfilled.
The structure of government during the period (1975-1979) remained virtually
the same as in the first period, except that military Governors were excluded from
membership of the Supreme Military Council.
(3) 1983 – 1985
The military bounced back to the seat of government with the overthrow of
Shagari’s government on December 31, 1983. General Mohammadu Buhari became
the fifth Military Head of State. Weak leadership, massive corruption, battered
economy, massive rigging during the 1983 elections which brought Shagari back to
power on a second term, were some of the factors that necessitated the military take-
over of 1983. The structure of government was similar to that of the preceding period.
In a counter-coup on August 27, 1985, Buhari’s government was toppled by
another group of soldiers under the leadership of General Ibrahim Babangida. Among
other reasons, the stem posture or measures of the Buhari/Idiagbon administration
warranted the counter-coup.
(4) 1985 – 1997
Due to pressures from all angles, Babangida was forced to “step aside” (to
borrow his own words) for an interim leader in 1993, in the hope that an elected
government would soon take over the reins of government. Consequently, Chief
Ernest Shonekan was sworn in as the Chairman of the Interim National Government.
On November 18, 1993, General Sani Abacha, in a grand style, set aside Shonekan
and assumed the leadership position of the nation.
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According to Asiegbu, N.D. and Ezeadi, S.O. (2000:142), the sudden death of
General Sani Abacha, paved the way for General Abdusalami Abubakar to become the
next military ruler. In a short period, he willingly put in place a new transition
programme. Political parties were allowed to be formed and function. General
Abubakar returned the country to democracy and civil rule and terminated military rule
and dictatorship on May 29, 1999. He handed over government to the People’s
Democratic Party (PDP) led by retired General Olusegun Obasanjo who ruled Nigeria
from 1976 to 1979. This is indeed a mixture of military and civil rule because a soldier
is always a soldier irrespective of the fact that he has dropped his khaki uniform, and
has taken on the Agbada; does not automatically change him totally.
In fact, the history of military government in Nigeria is the history of coups and
counter-coups. Judging from the number of coups Nigeria has had, one is tempted to
think that Nigerians have accepted military intervention in politics as something
normal (Umozurike, U.O., 1997:53-54).
3.14 THE NATURE OF MILITARY GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA
Military government is government by Armed Forces. A military regime is often
described as a corrective regime. As a matter of fact, military government is in Nigeria
today as a corrective force for the enthronement of moral ideals which were virtually
trodden under foot by civilian rulers. This is the reason it is sometimes described as
“government by emergency”. Indeed, many Nigerians have perceived the military as
an interim political administration. The Armed Forces themselves have justified their
role in the same way. But from what has been said about the history of military
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government in Nigeria, it is clear that the military in government has not lived up to
this expectation.
What really obtains in Nigeria is military oligarchy. This system creates a
situation whereby the military class exercises independent political control by the use
of force, threatened or actual. On assuming power, the military immediately
suppresses political activity, suspends part or all of the Constitution and resorts to rule
by decrees and edicts. The military also dissolves the separation of powers and the
three arms of government and fuses the three arms together. As time goes on, the
regime will begin to see the need for mass political base. It achieves this either by
making use of its own personnel and subjecting them to a thorough supervision, or
through a system of alliances with civilians (Uduigwomen, 1992). The alliance between
military personnel and civilians in government is known as “diarchy”. This trend can be
noticed in the present military rule in Nigeria under the leadership of General Sani
Abacha.
According to Aguwa (1987), military regimes are dictatorial in nature in the
sense that they tend to be arbitrary in the curtailment of individual rights. They are
undemocratic in the sense that they are not elected by the people. Rather, they
assume power through the barrel of the gun. Military government is so centralized
that other tiers of government lose their constitutional authority in a supposedly
federal system.
According to Ozumba (1997:55) in a military regime, the military itself is the
predominant law-maker. The law-making authority is vested in and almost exclusively
exercised by the Federal Military Government and State Military Government. At the
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state level Decree 32 of 1975 and Decree 1 of 1984 confer on the Military Governor of
a State the power to make laws by means of Edicts which are to be signed by him.
This implies that the Military Governor of a state does not only have the power to
determine what laws are to be made for the state but does in fact make it by signing
them.
At the Federal level, the two Decrees in question confer on the Armed Forces
Ruling Council (now Provisional Ruling Council) the sole responsibility for making laws
for Nigeria. The Decrees, it must be mentioned, also provide for the jurisdiction with
which the Federal and State governments can legislate. There is the ‘Exclusive
Legislative List’ which includes subjects over which the Federal Government has
exclusive jurisdiction to legislate. There is also the ‘Concurrent Legislative List’ which
both the Federal and State governments have jurisdiction to legislate.
It can, however, be argued according to Ozumba (1997) that this classification
does not really exist, considering the provision of the Decrees that:”The Federal
Government shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good
government of Nigeria or any part thereof with respect to any matter whatsoever”.
For Uduigwomen (1992) cited in Ozumba (1997) the implication of this is that the
Federal Military Government can enter areas of residual powers constitutionally
reserved for the states. Apart from that, states are supposed to obtain the consent of
the Federal Military Government; hence their freedom to even legislate on matters in
the concurrent list is curtailed. If there arises a conflict between an Edict of a state
government and a Decree of the Federal Military Government, the Edict is rendered
null and void.
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In conclusion, Ozumba (1997:55) opined that, no matter the manner in which
the military may ascent to power, and no matter its achievement, military government
is considered unconstitutional. It follows, according to Sirra (1987) that, most military
incursions into the political areas are felonies until they are legitimized, but no matter
the legitimacy acquired, they remain traditionally abhorred, and in countries with
stable political systems, such as Britain, the United States of America and Japan,
military rule is seen as an aberration with criminal undertones. However, in countries
with less stable political systems, people have been known to either invite the military
to take over government or to welcome the advent of military rule. This is evident in
the political behaviour of no less than three-fourths of independent African states
where the military have played a direct political role at one time or another. For me,
this is typical of Nigeria.
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CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS, AND FINDINGS
This chapter deals with the presentation and analysis of data and findings and
discussions of findings. The research would be analyzed using interview method. The
main aim is to resolve the research questions and thereby proving or disproving the
hypothetical statements to be true or false from the results of the respondents. The
result made concerning the study particularly those problems militating against or
impeding the all round or holistic development; especially, within the framework of
democratic government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria are not far-fetched and will
also be discussed.
4.1 DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:274), “The word presentation comes
from the verb, to present, meaning to show, or offer information about something in a
particular way. In everyday use, presentation refers to the act of showing someone
something so that it can be checked or considered. In research terminology, data
presentation is an effort in data analysis, which refers to the use of texts (that is
words and discussions), tables, graphs, pictorials, and statistics as proofs or evidence
in support of a given pattern of relationship between variables.
Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:274) opined thus: “In research writing it is possible
to present and analyze data using a variety of ways. Here, we have identified five
basic tools. Also called models or methods of data presentation and analysis, the tools
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are: Textual, Tabular, Graphic, Pictorial, and Statistic. Here our concern is on textual
or descriptive analysis.
As used here, Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006:295) opined that, “text refers to the
written part or aspect of data presentation as opposed to forms such as tables and
graphs. In data presentation, textual method entails the discussion and analysis of
data. Here the data presenter is involved in a number of interrelated activities.
Alongside Uzoagulu (1998), the major issues of textual method of data presentation
are organizing, classifying, sorting, arranging. To these, we may also add discussing.
Chaturvedi (2006:170-171) opined thus: “Leadership is a necessary phenomena
in the political field. It is the capacity in a person or in a group of persons to inspire
confidence and thereby, regard for himself, or themselves to guide and govern the
followers. Every political activity does need a leader, without which it may not be
effective or workable, though of course, leadership is also determined by situations
and circumstance. The leader at one time, may not be a leader at another time.
Without a leader every group is a ‘crowd’ – each one of the member going his own
way; while a leader is one who shows the way and caries them all together behind
him….Leadership may be defined as an instrumentality provided by a leader or a
group of leaders by which all other elements of national power geography, economy,
population, technology, ideology and morale can be mobilized and used most
purposefully and effectively for the achievement of the goals of a nation in a given
context. Leadership is so much essential for the strength or progress of a nation.
Leadership can be of different types – military, political, diplomatic, social, economic,
and so on”.
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According to Saura cited in Eze et al. (2003:86) “Corruption is an anti-thesis of
development in Nigeria. It is a “vital matter’ in the development of African societies,
i.e. of being an issue of great concern for life. It is synonymous with evil, dishonesty,
pollution, depravity, vice, laziness, degradation, dissolution, or immorality. All these
nuance of corruption refer to severe negative approach to life (anti-life). Corruption is
the greatest act of violence to human being. It is disorientation in being and its
alienation from its essential destiny. It distorts the human perspective and replaces it
with a disperspective, which in act violates the social and personal purpose of
existence.
Ukpong gave a contextual definition of corruption in relation to Nigeria as
follows: there have been many case of graft, misuse of public funds, looting of public
treasury, embezzlement, rigging of election, inflation of contracts, over invoicing,
favouritism, deprivation of people’s rights, illegal acquisition of property, false
declaration of assets, frauds, pervasion of justice, evasion of taxes, mediocrity, god
fatherism, coup and counter coup etc.
Achebe (183:1) opined thus: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a
failure of leadership”. With such strong words, the literally legend, our own Chinua
Achebe summed up the Nigerian case and as well presented the only panacea to the
troubled nation. When he made that declaration over two decades ago in the 2nd
Republic of Nigeria’s chequered political experimentation, the Nigeria state was still a
paradise compared to the state of the subsequent history of the country especially
regarding leadership.
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Umeano (1993:76) also stated: “The present military administration adopted
the economic policy known as the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in July,
1986 with the following objectives:
(a) To lay a basis and achieve a sustained growth of the economy;
(b) To curb inflation and ensure that whatever growth achieved is non-inflationary;
(c) To ensure fiscal balance and a viable balance of payment situation;
(d) To diversify the productive base of the economy in order to reduce our
independence on the oil sector and imports;
(e) To increase efficiency of public sector operations by inter-alia, privatizing and
commercializing public sector investments;
(f) To intensify and encourage the growth of the private sector of the economy.
(g) To achieve a realistic and stable exchange rate for the naira.
However, oral interview was conducted and responses were gotten from the
various categories of offices of high and low echelon; in both government and non-
governmental bodies or organizations, from the six geo-political zones that make up
the 36 states in Nigeria. That is to say, 175 persons and 25 persons each accordingly
from those six geo-political zones in Nigeria. This helped the researcher’s findings to
be reliable. The content analysis and findings will be based on the information
generated from the responses of the respondents in the field work and from the
literature reviewed in this research.
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INTERVIEW WITH SOME TOP GOVERNMENT AND NON-GOVERNMENT
OFFICIALS IN THE SIX GEO-POLITICAL ZONES IN NIGERIA INCLUDING FCT
ABUJA; NAMES WITHHELD
The Researcher
Good day Sir/Madam.
The Respondents
Good day, how are you?
The Researcher
I am fine. Please, I humbly wish to conduct a very important interview with you
bothering on Nigeria’s development problems. Is it possible?
The Respondents
Sure, you are welcome.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, could you please assess the civilian regime especially Obasanjo’s 8
years in office from 1999-2007?
The Respondents
We must not fail to agree vehemently that the Obasanjo’s administration is a
mixture of military rule and civil rule. This is because a soldier never dies. A soldier is
always a soldier no matter what come may or whatever situation. He is original
Nigerian Khaki man dressed yet another attire in Agbada. It is simply just a chance of
type of clothing and voice but not the change of in-built ability, character and action
purposefully.
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In the very words of Asiegbu and Ezeadi (2000:142), “the sudden death of
General Sani Abacha, paved the way for General Abdulsalami Abubakar tobecome the
next military ruler. But surprisingly, in a short period, he willingly put in place a new
transition programme. Political parties were to be formed and function. General
Abubakar returned the country to democracy and civil rule and terminated the military
rule and dictatorship on May 29, 1999. He handed over government to the People’s
Democratic Party (PDP) led by retired General OlusegunObasanjo who formerly ruled
Nigeria from 1976-1979.
Admittedly, we generally believe that the birds of the same feather flock
together. Likewise, it became obvious that Obasanjo had something too contrary to
anti-corruption crusade when Nigerians clamoured for probing of Ibrahim Babangida
for the many mindless lootings of our collective treasury, subjugation of Nigerians to
house dogs and other atrocities. Obasanjo only did promoted him to head one of
Nigeria’s University. This inevitably made IBB a role model to the many young Nigerian
students who were already vulnerable to the winds of cultism, gangsterism, organized
fraud and other forms of criminality instigated by IBB’s military government; an
indication that Obasanjo and IBB wanted to train so many thieves, and crime
perpetrators who would continue when they become tired.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, do you believe that bad leadership and ineffective governance
militate against development in Nigeria?
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The Respondents
Undoubtedly, we could observe easily that the major problems of development
in Nigeria are not only bad leadership and ineffective governance. But some others
include: revenue allocation formulae, minority issues, ethnic rivalry, state creation,
religious fanaticism and intolerance, politic leadership, north and south rivalry, uneven
development of both infrastructural and educational, bribery and corruption.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, are you trying to say that bad leadership and ineffective
governance are the major cause of Nigeria development problem?
The Respondents
Yes, we believed from every indication that bad leadership and ineffective
governance were the major problems militating against development in Nigeria. There
was nothing wrong with the separation of powers as entrenched in the 1979 and 1989
constitution. Here in our country, politics is said to be dirty because what existed was
politics of poverty and poverty of politics. The government was not able to fulfill the
legitimate expectations of our people. There were allegations of graft and misuse of
public funds. There were complaints of ostentatious living and flamboyancy, flagrant
abuse of office and depreciation of people’s rights.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, what do you think were then the causes of bad leadership and
ineffective governance in Nigeria?
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The Respondents
We were able to observe that a number of factors, have been categorized as
the major causes of bad leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria. Hence,
corruption is the bane of leadership and governance in Nigeria. The build-up of
corruption tendencies among Nigerians are poor leadership qualities, lust for power,
materialism and greed, old colleague/kindred pressure, poverty, poor parental ethos,
lack of patriotism, ignorance and ungodliness. In fact, as long a Nigerians and indeed
African leaders continue to pay lip service to fighting corruption, without purging
themselves first of the menace of corruption will continue to live with us.
Truly, corruption has become part of our culture which has also permeated our
bone marrow. It is today a cankerworm that had eaten deep into the fabric of this
nation. we are painfully aware a expressly reported in our national dailies, of such
allegations of corrupt practices, such as; missing N2.8 billion, N53 million missing from
the funds of the Nigerian External Telecommunication Limited; N22 million stolen by
the Clerks and messengers at the Central Bank of Nigeria; N50 million disappearing
from the Nigerian National Supply Company and so on.
Other good examples of corruption charges include a supported by Ezirim
Nwagwu cited in Uzuegbunam (2009:7-8), the corruption charged against the former
governor of River State – Alameisiva Diepreye, the $180 billion Hatt-Burton scam; the
National ID Card Looting; the $16 billion power contract scam; the N300 million
Ministry of Health scam; the N1.7 billion Universal Basic Education Commission scam;
the N250 million Ekiti State Re-run election bribery scandal; the N5.6 billion Rural
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Electrification scam; the Governors’ Harvard Lectures scandal, the N850 million
National Electricity Regularity Commission scam.
Furthermore Sanyaolu in Daily Sun (Wednesday September 29, 2010:37)
reported that, “Nigeria would have become a great nation, but corruption has been
dragging us back. Church leaders should be bold and courageous to speak against this
social ill. Many have abandoned governance to amassing of wealth and devising
various strategies to secure power in 2011. Many government officials and party
members were seen dashing out huge amount of money and other material benefits
to secure power or to be reelected or returned back to office in just concluded
elections.
In addition, we observed from the report given by Bamidele in (Daily Sun,
Wednesday September 29, 2010:43) on how; the former chairman of the Economic
and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Malam Nuhu Ribadu revisited the June 12,
1993 presidential election and described its annulment as a robbery, asserting that
“the annulment of the polls won by the late Bashorun M.K.O Abiola amounted to
politic corruption”.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, what do you think are the consequences or effects of bad
leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria?
The Respondents
From all indications, we have not only strongly believed and agreed but have
also accepted that corruption was the main cause of bad leadership and ineffective
governance in Nigeria.
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In fact, Obasanjo’s civilian government was not so different from the military
government. Just barely a month in office, Obasanjo sent troops of armed soldiers into
war in Odi in Bayelsa State to fight unarmed and poor citizens. In that expedition, the
soldiers killed so many people who never showed any form of opposition and even if
they did, did not deserve such vulturous massacring in a democratic dispensation.
Hence, this present the picture of the president as bad apparatus for true democratic
governance because of his in-depth of corrosiveness of probity and military fulguration
which made him too thirsty for blood; hence, resulting to the denial of people’s
fundamental human right.
The eight years of Obasanjo’s administration proved a great disappointment.
The institutions of democracy were not strengthened under his regime; rather, the
existing ones were weakened, and he was furiously pursing narrow partisan and
political selfishness or greediness. There was malicious disvirgining of judicial
institutions and rule of law to suit the ever famished coach of Otta farm. Insecurity of
lives and properties were heightened, much mayhem were projected and they took
over; ruthless religious bigotry, insensitive bloodletting, continua assassinations, and
incessant robberies and strikes, rioting and squabbles. Life was described as cheap,
brutish and in a primitive state.
Undoubtedly, since 1999, OBASANJO’S years in office were plagued by sporadic
outbursts of communal violence, clashes between religious and ethnic groups; often
spawned by local political disputes and/or religious fanaticism have killed thousands.
Subsequently, in April 2003, Obasanjo was returned to power through what was
termed reelection, winning with a wide margin. But international observers criticized
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the election for widespread incidence of electoral malpractices. In 2006, Obasanjo and
his cohorts attempted to amend Nigeria’s constitution to suit his vaulting ambition to
prolong his term in office; but was a total failure.
In all his anti-crusade programmes, all his Economic and Financial Crime
Commission, Independent Corrupt Practices Commission, Code of Conduct
Commission, Public Complaint Commission, and the rest were only able to escalate
corruption in the country. These voices are only in papers and not in actuality as
evidence. And at the end of his second tenure in office, having failed to amend the
Nigeria’s constitution to suit his whims and caprices, he handpicked successor, Umaru
Musa Yar’Adua, who won in a landslide with about 70 percent of the vote; in the
presidential elections in April 2007. The International Observers described it a flawed
and opposition parties charged fraud.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, would you say that Nigeria has failed in terms of development?
The Respondents
This is because any programme or policy of government devoid of human face
is bound to fail. Public participation improves the quality of policy decisions and also
promotes transparency: policy formation should involve societal interest groups
through public hearings using standing consultative bodies (such as, where
appropriate, tripartite meetings of government representatives with those of organized
labour and business associations). Good governance requires, formalized interaction
between State and Society.
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The Researcher
Sir/Madam, could you please mention and assess those policies and
programmes initiated and implemented by the civilian regime from 1999-2007; and
how has it affected the lives of the masses?
The Respondents
Nigerian economy was not the best of it, though stability existed to some
extent, but there were no rapid development. Thus, even specific programs
supposedly targeted at ameliorating poverty in the continent, such as Poverty
Alleviation Programme (PAP) and National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), in
Nigeria and anti-graft agencies such as Economic and Financial Crimes Commission
(EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) also in Nigeria
specifically created to fight corruption have been plagued by corruption. For instance,
it was because of the inability of these programs to make any tangible impact on the
level of poverty in Nigeria in spite of huge sums of public funds expended on them
that necessitated calls for investigation into the activities of the programs. They are
not only complete failures but conduit pipes to siphon public funds by political office
holders and state officials. This they did.
Truly, we noticed through observation that the only empirical means of judging
the efficiency and effectiveness of any government policy or programme remains its
efficacy in solving the needs and problems of the citizenry. It is on this score that the
reduction of poverty which is a fundamental problem facing African peoples must be
the benchmark on which to assess the efficiency or even relevance of government
policy or programme in the continent particularly Nigeria. But as already noted and a
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would be further demonstrated shortly, poverty in Africa, particularly within its sub-
Sahara region, would appear to be increasing in diametrical proportion with the
emergence of every new government, or the enunciation of new poverty alleviation
policies and programs in the continent including Nigeria.
Thus, a special report by the CNN in the second quarter of 2009 shows that
currently over one billion people out of the six billion world population go to bed every
night without food; and that more than half of this figure is from Africa. This is in spite
of several policies and programmes specifically expended at reducing poverty in many
African states gulping billions of tax payers’ money.
For instance, Nigerian Human Development Report (2000/2001) which
reviewed the country’s development indices in the last decade concluded that in spite
of specific policies and programmes by pat governments including Poverty Alleviation
Programme (PAP) and the National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP) of
Obasanjo regime (1999-2007) in which billions of public fund was sunk, the poverty
situation ha rather worsened as the population of the poor has continued to soar. The
report specifically observed that whereas in 1998 it was estimated that 48.5 percent of
Nigeria’s population live below poverty line, the figure increased to about 70 percent
(i.e. about 70 million) in 2003 (cited in Olurode, 2005:124-125). Indeed, as Olurode
(2005) put it, the policy objective of generating employment and poverty reduction (in
Nigeria) would best be described as a failure to date.
Hence, out of the 50 peoples interviewed by the researcher on the hypothesis
one, 35 respondents which represent (70%) were of the view that the existing
problems of Nigeria Government and politics especially as regards development, were
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greatly caused by bad leadership and ineffective governance. Therefore, based on the
observations of the researcher and the responses accruing from the respondents, we
hereto adopt and confirm our first hypothesis which states that, “Bad Leadership and
Ineffective Governance impede development in Nigeria” to be true, acceptable and
reliable.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, do you think that the contributions of colonialism, imperialism, and
neocolonialism hinder development in Nigeria?
The Respondents
Obviously, there is no doubt, from all indications that poverty and
powerlessness, inferiority complex caused by impoverishment, deprivation,
exploitation, suppression, subjugation, repression that accrued from the above. The
consequences are the tremendous concentration of economic and political powers in
the hand of few hands and a sharp division between the classes of the haves and
have nots. Hence, the impoverishment and underdevelopment of the Third World is a
combination of both the external and western forces and the internal forces of existing
local regimes and oligarchy. Three vehicles and consequently three dimensions of
impoverishment and underdevelopment of the Third World from which liberation is
needful can be clearly and neatly delineated; these are; colonialism, imperialisms and
racism.
(i) Colonialism and Neocolonialism: The first vehicle of underdevelopment is
the political dimensions of impoverishment. Walter Rodney’s How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa (and by inference, of the entire Third World including
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Nigeria) is directly resultant from, and perpetuated by the past negative and
fundamentally destructive experience of European colonialism. By taking over
political power, Europe took over all that Africa had and thus, impoverished her.
He shows that colonialism does not end with the fiat of independence, but that
after the leasing of the western colonial masters, neo-colonialism takes over.
The Third World today is still under this kind of local or internal colonialism –
the seizing of power and political domination by the local powerful few.
(ii) Imperialism: This second vehicle of underdevelopment is the economic
dimension of impoverishment. The present state of affairs in the world market
and international politics illustrates the issue at stake here. This is a commercial
politics whereby Europe and America constitute themselves into an exclusive
circle of economic control and determinism to ensure that the wealth of the
Third World is transferred to the developed world.
Secondly, One cannot discuss imperialism that is devoid of the issue of
European Slave Trade as a Basic Factor in African Underdevelopment. According to
Toure (1962) cited in Rodney (1972:10) stated thus: “The relation between the
degree of distribution of peoples of Africa and the length and nature of the
exploitation they had to endure is evident. Africa remains marked by the crimes of
slave-traders: up to now, her potentialities are restricted by under-population”.
For Rodney (1972:108), “To discuss trade between Africans and Europeans in
the four centuries before colonial rule is virtually to discuss slave trade. Strictly
speaking, the African only become a slave when he reached a society where he
worked as a slave. Before that, he is acceptable as free man and then a captive.
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Nevertheless, it is acceptable to talk about the trade in slaves to refer to the shipment
of captives from Africa to various other parts of the world where they were to live and
work as the property of European. The title of this section is deliberately chosen to call
attention to the fact that the shipments were all by Europeans to markets controlled
by Europeans, and this was in the interest of European capitalism and nothing else.”
Charles West cited in Ozumba (1997:217) rightly observed, in this perspective,
that these international structures lay the tune to which the poor nations dance.
According to him, “…the society is determined economically by world markets and
local oligarchs. Thus undermining any controlling and valuing affluence tradition might
have…”. He maintains that the international commercial system lends support to the
existing local regimes in the Third World countries which in turn act as a vehicle for
suppressing all democratic aspirations and endeavours. The consequence of this
situation, according to him, is the creation of a new kind of imperialism within the local
commercial relationships of the nations, and the perpetuation of the injustice of these
regimes in the exploitation and misery of the masses. Imperialism creates and
maintains that form of human existence characterized by “the survival of the fittest”
from which a kind of selfishness and dehumanizing pursuit of wealth ensues.
(iii) Racism and Slave Trade: This third vehicle of underdevelopment is the
socio-psychological dimension of impoverishment. In the exclusive and more
specific sense of the term, “Racism” describes conditions akin to those of the
black Africans in former apartheid South Africa, Angola, and Mozambique. This
is a situation in which a particular group of people have or accept a false
substandard, in fact, sub-human image of ethnic group. This false mentality
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and psychological stereotyping eventually determine the actual socio-political
and economic relationships that exist in such a situation. This situation
indubitably characterizes almost all third world countries in one form or the
other.
Ozumba (12997:217), stated: “Racism, in a more inclusive sense, includes
tribalism, ethnicism, nepotism, classism, and so on. When possession of or access to
political and economic power and privileges become the prerogative and exclusive
reserve of the basis of their ethnic group identification and cleavages and at the
expense of unity and equity, proficiency, competence and efficiency, impoverishment
and underdevelopment are perpetuated. Today, we should begin to talk more of how
Africans are under-developing Africa themselves than how Europe underdeveloped
Africa; Nigeria is not an exception.
However, it must be admitted that Nigeria and Africa share lots of colonial and
imperialists legacies, prime among them are balkanization, irredentism, integration of
Nigerian and African economies into the international capitalism. Ethnicity and
ethnocentrism, classicism and ethnicity, class and class struggle, economic and
cultural imperialism are the common banes of colonial legacies of Nigeria and Africa.
In fact, this Nigerian political independence and what some call ‘paper’
independence, which I quality as “mouth” independence landed African nations into
capitalism which they were not qualified for or prepared to embrace, this development
of capitalism broke up ethnic compartments, this change of baton of leadership did
not show any qualitative difference because it was not anchored on the bastion of
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knowledge, wisdom and morality. The change did not touch the nature of the
repressive apparatus of the occident; rather it was a change in the formal status.
In the real sense, the post colonial state supposed to be stated free from
external intervention or a sovereign state that will be able to make decision and map
out programmes of actions beneficial for their progress and development. This was
the bedrock of nationalism during colonial era but far from being the case we are
indirectly being manipulated by the Westerners. This is a new form of colonialism
known as neocolonialism. These negative legacies have given way to bad leadership
and ineffective governance for holistic transformation of underdevelopment to
development in Nigeria.
Hence, out of the 50 persons interviewed by the researcher on the hypothesis
two 36 respondents which represent (72%) were of the view that the existing
problems of Nigeria Government and politics especially a regards development, were
greatly influenced by the negative contributions of colonialism, neocolonialism and
imperialism to leadership and governance hinder development in Nigeria. Therefore,
based on the observation of the researcher and the responses elicited from the
various categories of respondents, we here to adopt, and confirm our second
hypothesis which states that, “The Negative Contributions of Colonialism, Imperialism
and Neocolonialism to Leadership and Governance hinder Development in Nigeria”, to
be true, acceptable and reliable.
The Researcher:
Sir/Madam, could you please assess the Military Regimes in Nigeria from 1985
to 1997?
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The Respondents:
We have to state categorically here, rather than bordering ourselves about the
legitimacy of the military in politics, we focus instead on the performance of the
military regimes in Africa generally and Nigeria specifically, by evaluating their capacity
to generate engineer and administer development which is one of the most important
problem confronting African government.
In line with this, the fifth military coup came on December 31, 1983. In this
coup, the government of President Shehu Shagari was overthrown by General
Mohammadu Buhari and his Deputy Tunde Idiagbon who ruled from 1983 to 1985.
The military government of General Muhammadu Buhara that overthrew the civilian
regime; was also overthrown in the bloodless coup on 27th August, 1985 by General
Ibrahim Babangida. On assumption of office, Babangida declared his regime to be
transparent (open door policy). But surprisingly, began to rule Nigeria using sticks and
carrots from 1985 to 1993. He embarked on several programs, first he abolished the
Supreme Military Council (SMC), and renamed it the Armed Forces Ruling Council
(AFRC), which he presided. He also assumed the title “the President and Commander-
in-Chief of Armed Forces of Nigeria”.
Because of the enormity of economic and political realities then, he threw open
the debate on the best political arrangement for Nigeria. He threw open the debate of
obtaining loan from International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, open to
Nigerians. In the first debate, sever people ranging from the academia, politic
commentators and social critics contributed in the debate. At the end of the day,
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Babangida’s regime legislated on 2 parties, having pruned down 13 political
associations to two.
Secondly, the debate on IMF loan was totally rejected by Nigerians due to its
harsh conditionalities. In spite of the rejection, Babangida regime went ahead to
introduce the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) which was alternative to
obtaining loan from the IMF. The regime called it home grown measure.
A follow-up to the SAP include the trade liberalization, liberalization in banking
sector, which however lead to increase in number of banks in the country. From
Commercial Bank, Mortgage, Community and Peoples Bank, the regime taught it will
stimulate the economy. Between 1987/88, first attempt was made at democratizing
the polity. National Electoral Commission (NECO) was established under the
chairmanship of Professor Eme Awah. Awah’s regime was short-lived. He died a year
later. In 1988, Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, took over and spearheaded the affairs of NECO
to the election of 1993.
From 1988-1992, attempt was made to install civilian regime through the
activities of the two political parties, SDP (Social Democratic Party) and NRC (National
Republican Convention). It was the two parties that produced Chief Miko O. Abiola and
Bashon Tofa. The election of 1993 June 12th, was in process when the military
annulled it.
The remarkable event in the Babangida’s regime was the following: the regime
introduced liberalization in Banking sector, import liberalization, export promotion and
import substitution policies, structural adjustment programme (1986-1992).
Directorate for Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructures (DFRRI) and National
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Directorate of Employment (NDE). On the political sphere, the regime introduced
novel political experiment called option format for election. Although there was no
official handover in 1993, Babangida regime exemplified laudable programmes and
bold initiatives.
On the dark side of the regime, distress in the banking sector was rampant,
advance fee fraud (419), and sub-cultural behavior of any kind loomed large in the
regime. Having annulled the presidential election and handed over to Ernest
Shonakan, he stepped aside in August 26th, 1993. The regime that succeeded him, last
only 82 days. On the 17th November, 1993, General Sani Abacha assumed the
leadership of the country. Abacha regime can be remembered by the following
programmes. The wife established (FEAP) Family Economic Advancement Programme,
and Women Empowerment Programme (WEP). Abacha instituted several probes of
against the regime of Babangida under Dr. Pius Okigbo.
Politically, Abacha introduced free party structure which he intended to use for
the return to civil rule 1998. Incidentally, the free parties adopted him as their
presidential candidates. To address the political impasse caused by the annulment of
June 12th Election and the incarceration of Abiola, a constitutional conference was
instituted in June 1994 and it lasted to June 1996. It was the constitutional conference
that provided the platform for the return to civil rule.
In 1998, June 7 Abacha died mysteriously. Part of the achievements of Abacha
regime was microeconomic stability, stability in the exchange rate of naira to the
major currencies of the world. But on a sad note, the regime launched man-hunt of
the opposition such as, the NADECO (National Democratic Coalition) Ogoni Right
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Activists, the ASUU, several influential Nigerians, like Gani Fawenmi Beko Renisonie
Kuti, Wole Soyinka, Alfred Rewane and host of others. On two occasions, several
categories of people were framed in a coup plot, which later become a hoax. The
crisis generated by his regime with its obnoxious and harsh policies that led to capital
flight. The death of Abacha led to the reduction in the political temperature in Nigeria
in 1998.
On June 8th, General Abdulsalami Abubakar took over and the only task he
performed very well was to provide a platform to prepare Nigeria back to civil rule; of
which he did.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, did you say that the military government has performed well?
The Respondents
No, in fact that was not what we meant. The military has performed badly. The
military regime is an aberration and therefore unacceptable in the political terrain of
the country, Nigeria.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, what do you think are the impact of President IBB’s economic
policy known as the “Structural Adjustment Program (SAP)” in July 1986, on average
Nigerian?
The Respondents
Obviously, the above economic policy has been implemented with vigour and
determination but when one critically and seriously looked at the performance of the
economy over the past years and compares it with the objectives of SAP, the result is
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to say the least, disappointing. This is because of the persistence of major problems
which have so far defied solutions. Umeano (1993:77) reported that, “These problems
are listed by the Secretary for finance in his 1993 budget statement as follows: the
slow and unsteady growth of the economy; the near paralysis of the rear sector (i.e.
agriculture and manufacturing). The depreciating and unstable naira exchange rates,
high and unstable interest rate, an unsustainable fiscal deficit profile, low level of
industrialization and high rate of unemployment. While the only boom aggravated
corruption, SAP compounded it. All these are indicators of underdevelopment and/or
backwardness.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, could you please compare and contrast the military and civilian rule
in Nigeria, stating your preferred one?
The Respondents
We must not fail to point out that Nigeria is an African giant groping in the dark
between military dictatorship and civilian maladministration. In fact, both are type of
government in Nigeria that is full of gross corruption and selfishness, where few
persons embezzle public funds; where all sorts of frauds are the order of the day; in
all the various arms and levels of government. These frauds are committed by the
same people who pose to be champions of anticorruption crusade. What a double
standard of life. Both governments are hypocritical.
Audu reported in Daily Sun, Wednesday, September 29 (2010:19) thus: “in
fact, Babangida’s pro-zoning campaign is escapist. He should not be allowed to run
from the real issues that Nigerians should rightly interrogate: “who killed Dele Giwa?
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Why did he annul the June 12, 1993 election? What happened to the $12.4 billion Gulf
War Oil Windfall? Was the executed General Mamman Vatsa really involved in a coup
or he was framed up?”
Sources gathered have shown that unemployment and low level
industrialization were at very high rate during the military regime; social services
appear to be worst hit; no enough pipe-borne water, no regular electricity supply, no
good roads, and housing appear to be mere dreams in spite of the policy of
privatization and commercialization. Educational sector has virtually collapsed.
To buttress the point briefly therefore, our observation and experience have
shown that both civilian and military rules lay claim to being democratic, we can
rightly posit that military rule is undemocratic. And even if civilian rule could be
regarded as democratic, democracy is not good leadership and/or effective
governance per se. democracy is a good instrument or mechanism or vehicle for good
leadership and effective governance to solve the problem of underdevelopment and
proper development in Nigeria.
Hence, out of the 50 people interviewed by the researcher on hypothesis three,
38 respondents which represent (76%) were of the view that the existing problems of
Nigeria government and politics especially as regards development, were heightened
enormously by the military regime. For these persons instead of the military salvaging
our political instability and underdevelopment, they worsened the whole situation.
Therefore, based on the observations of the researcher and the responses elicited
from the respondents, we here to adopt and confirm our third hypothesis which states
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that, “the Military Rule militate against development in Nigeria Government and
Politics”; to be true, acceptable and reliable.
The Researcher
Sir/Madam, I thank you very much and may God bless you richly in Jesus
name, Amen.
The Respondents
May God grant you journey mercies in Jesus name, Amen. Goodbye.
The Researcher
Remain blessed.
4.2 RESEARCHER’S FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS
(1) Corruption has been seen as the major cause of bad leadership and
ineffective governance.
The issue of developing our nation to the standard of the Western world will
continue to be a mirage. The hope and trust of the poor masses placed on their
leaders to help redeem them from shackles of ignorance, poverty, injustice, and
corruption, have been dashed to the wall through embezzlement of public funds,
greed or selfishness, and inflation of contracts without proper implementation of the
national policies for the betterment of the whole people and for development.
(2) Abject poverty, hunger, and disease have been the major
consequences of corruption in Nigeria.
The evidence is clear and obvious. In Nigeria, the poor get poorer and the rich
get richer every day from the nation’s purse. The craze for perpetuation on seat and
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political fraud from the grass root government to the federal level is a cankerworm
now eating deep into the fabrics of our country. These frauds are committed by the
same people who pose to be champions of anti-corruption crusade. What a double
standard!
(3) Unemployment abounds
The researcher discovered unemployment abounds everywhere to the
detriment of our youths who are supposed to be major category of work or labour
force; due to bad leadership and ineffective governance. Unemployed youths and
many graduates in thousands are idly roaming our streets, but the government is not
perturbed rather they use our money to jump around the world as a respite; instead,
of building industries for mass production of goods and services to people. Hence,
crime rate became high daily.
(4) Inadequate or lack of basic amenities and infrastructures
Another problem of bad leadership and ineffective governance is drastic fall or
short supply of social services delivery and educational collapse due to negligence.
Pipe-borne water, regular electricity supply, good roads, and housing appear to be
mere dreams in spite of the policy of privatization and commercialization.
(5) The researcher discovered that the military rule is undemocratic and a
such is an aberration
Even if civilian government could be regarded as democratic, democracy is not
good governance and/or effective leadership; democracy is a good instrument or
mechanism for good leadership and effective governance. The military should stay
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away from politics and face their professional calling of peacekeeping, security of life
and property and allow the civilian government to be concentrated.
(6) The researcher discovered that the military government lacked
transparency, truthfulness, and accountability
They employed Decrees and Edicts to rule as against the application of laws
and bye-laws and other fundamental human rights. During the military regimes, the
citizens are harshly ruled with the principle of obey the last order or command. Hence,
was characterized by dictatorship and subjugation or suppression like that obtainable
during colonial and imperial era.
(7) The researcher also discovered that neocolonial legacies characterize
both civil and military regimes in form of dependency in the
externalists or westerners; even after independent. Our country Nigeria
is still been controlled in economic, social, political and cultural dimension.
Hence, our people have lost confidence in themselves and in their leaders; and
integrity is nowhere to be found and inferiority complex ensured.
(8) The research discovered that Nigeria is not a great country to reckon
with; rather, she is among the so-called West African suffering from
many problems of development due to bad leadership and
governance. For example, Achebe (1998:11), “Nigeria is not a great country.
It is one of the most corrupt, insensitive, ineffective places under the sun. it is
one of the most expensive countries and one of those that give least value for
money. It is dirty, callous, noisy, ostentatious, dishonest and vulgar. In short, it
is among the most unpleasant places on earth!”.
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For example, look at our collapsing public utilities, our inefficient and wasteful
parastatals and state-owned companies. If you want electricity; you buy your own
generator, if you want water; you sink your own borehole, if you want to travel; you
set up your own airline. One day soon, you will have to build your own post office to
send your letters.
(9) The researcher discovered that the reasons why people supposed to
seek mandate in the state are for the maintenance of peace, and
establishment or extension of social justice among the citizens. We
noticed that these two parts are clearly interrelated. They are in fact two sides
of the same coin. Hence, it is immensely worthy of not that without peace no
meaningful social programme can be undertaken; without justice, social order
is constantly threatened. No wonder why the failure of virtually all the policies
and programmes initiated during the two regimes administration.
(10) The researcher discovered that the effects of colonialism are:
economic exploitation and underdevelopment of the colonies; cultural
and religious imperialism; hence, we were encouraged to abandoned our
culture and religion in preference to that of the colonialists; political domination
and subjugation example lack of adequate representation of the people in the
legislative and executive councils; the introduction of western system of
education, and the unification of the different scattered tribes into a single
entity called a state of Nigeria.
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(11) The researcher discovered that the driving force behind European
imperialism in Africa (Nigeria) was economic exploitation,
colonialization and subjugation of the indigenous population to
economic ruin and servitude. Whereas the most outstanding impact o
colonialism on our indigenous politics and government was obvious dislocation
of the native politic institutions and process. Also, the Europeans introduced
indirect rule or imposed leaders on the people. Greater majority of the people
were alienated and excluded from the political process especially the educated
ones. On the social front, imperialism and colonialism disfigured our social
values and planted alien values all aimed at giving the impression that our own
indigenous values were inferior.
(12) The researcher discovered that Nigeria is a country in West Africa that
was underdeveloped by Europe and America through colonialism,
irredentism, balkanization, neocolonialism, imperialism and lately
globalization.
(13) The investigator discovered that tribalism or ethnicity as effect of bad
leadership and ineffective governance in Nigeria is a creature of the
colonial and post-colonial order or legacies.
(14) The investigator discovered according to OGIRISI (2003, 44-45) that
Nigeria, sociologically, passed through horrendous historical
experiences of de-Africanization pari passu the rest of the continental
states – colonization, decolonization, neo-colonization, imposition of socio-
cultural, economic, imperialist structure with the world’s capitalism,
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internationalism and that the development of al the 53 countries on the African
continent is hamstrung with the new world relationships; that is dependency
syndrome or phenomenon.
(15) The researcher discovered that Nigeria can never achieve a stable
democratic policy especially in terms of good leadership and effective
governance in the midst of dishonesty and corruption as well as
unaccountability and irresponsibility. This is because good governance
underpins and promotes development – socio-economic and politic dividends of
true democracy.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 SUMMARY
The World Bank (1989) cited in Nnadozie (2004:163) posited that, “Underlying
the litany of Africa’s development problem is a crisis of governance. By ‘governance’ is
meant the exercise of political power to manage a nation’s affairs”.
For Orji in the Daily Sun, Tuesday, July 31, (2007, P.23) Governance is about
affecting lives positively. Anyone who is entrusted with that responsibility is expected
to put smiles on people’s faces. It is service-oriented and it is only appropriate that
people are served well.
The society is made up of people who perform different duties. These groups of
people make up leaders and followers. And leadership here involves motivating and
directing other towards the accomplishment of the desired goal of the group or
organization. A leader usually exerts influences over other people in a way that
enhances productivity and satisfaction of the subordinates. A leader is dynamic and
achievement-oriented and motivates his subordinates by exemplary behaviour and
hardwork.
In fact, leadership means the act of leading and it has been conceived by
different people that the success or failure of any organization or group is highly
dependent on the leader. If the leader is strong or possess good leadership qualities
the organization will prosper but if handled by a poor or weak leader it is bound to
crumble.
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Today, the biggest problem confronting Nigeria is toad leadership and
governance. The big question is; what are the causes of ineffective leadership and bad
governance in spite of the fact that we have tested both military and civil government
and have never arrived at true democracy. Hence, the main objective is to examine,
compare, and contrast, the military rule and civilian rule. These would have enabled
us to ascertain the causes, the effects, and the possible remedies to the problem as
well as to know the type suitable for development of the country, Nigeria.
Odimegwu (2006) cited in Odimegwu, Ezeani and Aghimelu (2006:290) stated:
“The trouble with Nigeria is clearly and squarely a failure of leadership”. With such
strong words, the Literary Legend, our own Chinua Achebe summed up the Nigerian
case and as well presented the only panacea to the troubled nation. When he made
that declaration over two decades ago in the 2nd Republic of Nigeria’s chequered
political experimentation, the Nigerian State was still a paradise compared to the state
of the subsequent history of the country especially regarding leadership today.
Hence, time and time again our country finds herself astride the cross roads,
and as usual, confused which way to go. Nigeria is rarely certain of anything, or
probably worse, we are more certain of doom and annihilation than we are of success
and salvation. This in my understanding is the search for effective or responsible
leadership and good governance are pursued to bring about true democracy and for
total or holistic change and development. And it seems a search doomed, ab initio, to
futility and failure.
Sources gathered so far have shown that our leadership style have not
transcended ‘selfish interest’, national interest suffers, hence making development
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impossible. From what has happened and what is happening today, one can easily
observe that the only ingredient standing between Nigeria and greatness is her
corrupt leadership style and bad governance. That is not all, that aftermath of slavery
and/or racism, colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism still lingers on.
The word politics is simply, best described as a friendly affair, and in the sense
that after election, all political parties involved join hands and work for the common
interest of all. Politics is not a do or die affair. It is meant for those who are sincere
and responsible. This is not so in Nigeria. Politics in Nigeria is characterized by all sort
of electoral malpractices mistrust, rancour, assassination, thuggery, violence and loss
of life and properties, and multifarious corrupt practices. This is not and cannot be
termed democracy.
Odoziobodo (2002:84) unfortunately, the problem has not been the problem of
the nation as a nation but problems rooted in colonialism, watered, nurtured, and
sustained by the ruling class of the nation. Writing on the state of the Nigerian nation,
Gani Fawehinmi, has this to say “the legacy of both the military and civilian
administration is a legion of the looting of the nation’s resources and shameless
flaunting of the loot by leader, their cohorts and stooges; the animated decimation for
social life; the organized destruction of our economy; the brutal repression of our
fundamental rights; the castration of our democratic institution; the dehumanization of
our national psyche, the planned and systematic devastation of our national
infrastructures of all categories; the corrosive pollution of our moral life; the ungodly
contamination of our national values; the imposition of pervasive, grinding, heinous
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and aching poverty on the masses of our people. These constitute the political and
socio-economic disorder of today”.
And for John Odeh, in Odoziobodo (2003:84) “Nigerians have been reduced to
the condition of utter destitution by their leaders. The nation is in a state of political
cum military siege as a handful of irresponsible people both in military and civilian
dresses seem to be determined to turn it into a miniature concentration camp. At
home, millions of Nigerians cannot afford to eat good meal for many days. There is
hunger and disease. Above all, there is no security. Danger is looming on the horizon.
And truly, Nigeria now looks like the greatest giant that Africa never had”.
5.2 CONCLUSION
The attempt in this study was to draw a symmetrical relationship and/or
comparative study between civil rule and military rule in Nigeria.
There is no doubt therefore that the main problem of Nigeria is two-fold,
namely inept political leadership and widespread corruption in the other words, bad
governance.
In fact, you will definitely agree with me that the success or failure of any
nation in terms of political stability, peace, progress and economic buoyancy, depends
to a large extent on good leadership and effective governance.
We gathered that successful and prosperous countries across the globe,
especially in Western Europe and North America owe their success and prosperity to
purposeful and good political leadership. On the other hand, political and socio-
economic crises prevalent in most nations in the third world especially in sub-Sahara
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Africa are a function of depraved political leadership and bad government whether
during the military and/or civilian rule; either because of corruption or otherwise of
colonial legacies, imperialism and neo-colonialism both local and international.
This hydra-headed monster, called corruption pervades the entire Nigeria
society, from the powers that-be, at the various levels and facets, to those at the
lowest rung of the societal rank-leader, or rather to the policemen who extort money
from motorists on our roads.
Finally, the panacea to Nigeria problem of development is effective leadership
and good governance. The leader Nigerians need to have must possess the capacity to
deliver with honesty, purposefulness and courageous leadership; vision propelled
leadership, characterized by not only accountability, transparency, but must be devoid
of ethnic and religious discrimination and must be able to provide socio-economic
goods and services in both the urban and rural areas; thereby, ensuring the dividends
of true democracy.
5.3 RECOMMENDATIONS
Nigeria chequered political history, is the history of underachievement in spite
of enormous resources, there persists underdevelopment, corruption, nepotism, etc.
like the biblical prodigal son; Nigeria has squandered its resources and goodwill. For
the 50 years that the country has existed as Free State and not independence; it has
performed dismally on so many fronts – political, economic, social, educational,
cultural, etc, and this is in spite of its huge oil resources, human capital just like a
huge elephant stock in the mud, Nigeria has refused to work. The embarrassment
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posed by the country’s inability to make progress and development on many fronts
have challenged many Nigerians most especially the researcher to seek for a way out.
However, there is always a solution to a problem. Therefore, many things can
be done to improve the situation. In view of the importance of this study, the
following are the recommendations:
(1) Good Governance
But, first, we must imbibe good governance, attitude or principles. According to
UNDP (1997) good governance entails so many things; let me show you a diagram on
what good governance is:
GOOD GOVERNANCE STRUCTURE
Consensus oriented Transparent GOOD Responsive
GOVERNANCE Follows the rule of law participatory
Effective and Equitable and Efficient inclusive
Source: UNDP 1997
If you also read page 365 of Nigerian Journal of Public Administration and
Local Government you will discover five (5) variables that can bring about good
government. I think by the time there is good governance, the issue of disagreement
between ASUU/FGN will be a forgone alternative.
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Secondly, our leaders should refrain from corrupt practices and embrace
transparency, goodness and accountability. In fact, we need responsible leaders
urgently in Nigeria. Good governance is about affecting lives of the masses positively;
therefore, anyone who is interested in that responsibility is expected to put smiles on
people’s faces. It’s service-orientation and it’s only appropriate that we serve the
people well-in every ramification inasmuch as government schemes, policies and
programmes for the people are concerned.
(2) Revolution or Non-violence Resistance in Nigeria
I must agree with Odoziobodo (2003:83-84) who stated thus: “For Nigeria to
develop socially, economically, politically, technologically and otherwise, and thus
occupy her rightful position in the comity of nations and subsequently become the true
giant, and mouthpiece of Africa, she has to undergo a serious revolution. This is
because a reflection on the state of the Nigeria nation leaves in its trail a galaxy of
unfulfilled dreams and expectations. Given the antecedent of Nigeria in term of both
her natural human and material endowments, Nigeria is supposed to have become a
developed nation by now. But after over four decades of political independence she is
nowhere near the corridors of developed nations of the world. She is still a third world
country, still at the periphery of international capital. Till today, Nigeria remains a clay
footed giant: an unbarring behemoth in search of a safe berth”.
According to Odey cited in Odoziobodo (2003:94) Bernard Harring shared this
view when he said, “We are not allowed to abandon the world to evil; and this,
implore that we do not abandon evildoers to their downfall. With the armour of
integrity we shall try to heal them from hatred and enmity, and thus, invite them to
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the banquet of final victory of the saving justice and healing love. Without this
dynamics of integrity, non-violence would perish in the emptiness of passivity; our
own wholeness and integrity are at stake. We cannot breath peace in a poisoned
environment if we refuse our cooperation in helping it”.
According to Tunde cited in Odoziobodo (2003:99), “By a radical revolution, I
mean a systematic sweeping of the society, removing the lump of bad eggs who have
messed up this country. Let me be blunt. This country cannot be good again unless all
those whose hands have been soiled are wiped out of these scenes of governance or
unless they are compelled permanently to wash their hands with a disinfectant. You
see, bribery and corruption have eaten deep into the fabrics of this are now passed on
from one generation to the other employed in their execution fine tuned, harnessed
and perfected everyday and new ways explored and discovered. The only way to stop
them, is for all these negative evils that have marred the progress of this nation to be
expunged from their roots. Their roots are obviously those who have a hand in
government business, the old brigade”.
According to Odoziogbodo (2003:45), “The dimensions of general Revolution
include: (i) change on value (ii) change in social structure (iii) change in political
institutions (iv) change in elite composition structure (v) Legality or non-legality of the
change (vi) violence”.
(3) Re-orientation and Education of Minds and Training of Hearts of all
Nigerians:
Odoziobodo (2003:102) posited, “Well, for whatever revolution to work in
Nigeria and achieve the type of result, which we want, it must be backed up with an
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intensive ethical orientation, an orientation that will be deliberate and aimed at a
fundamental change of a long term to move this nation steadily and permanently in a
definable new direction. the spirit of self-reliance and dedication to excellence in
leadership, the spirit of discipline, orderliness, hard work, honesty and dedication to
duty must be inculcated into these new generation of Nigerians who will harness the
abundant natural and material resources endowed on this nation adequately. The
spirit of patriotism, which has made many nations great, must be inculcated into these
new Nigerian leaders so that they would later become experienced in patriotism. The
spirit of tolerance and respect for fellow human beings must also be inculcated into
these Nigerians. Above all, the fear of God, which is said to be the beginning of
wisdom, must be the anchor of this ethical orientation”.
According to Odimegwu et al. (2007:40), “At the theoretical basis, we may
advocate for proper and rigorous leadership training for leaders, and a good-political
education and proper value re-orientation for leaders and the entire citizens. These
approaches are a laudable but its practicality may not be easy”.
Nwankwo cited in Udoekpo (1994:30) warned: “We must keep abreast of the
time. This is true. But we have to build our civilization and development on our African
background. Therefore, any type of civilization whether eastern or western, which
does not fully respect our genuine cultural background should be re-examined”.
The importance of good and function education for the success of democracy
cannot be overemphasized. It is imperative that these three moral, intellectual and
personal qualities: conscience and consciousness be inculcated into the minds and
hearts of al Nigerians. So far we know the contrary. Many are schooled but little
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educated. Many are certified but little knowledgeable, and many are scholars, but with
little concrete substance to move the nation forward. Necessary and urgent is the
infusion into the people the sense of mission, of commitment, of selflessness, of
patriotism and of the will for good, for respect for common property and honour for
being a public servant.
(4) Upholding the Principle of Democracy in Leadership and Governance
in Nigeria
According to Tabor (2001:56) cited in Odimegwu et al (2007:256), “These are
also the basic operational principles of any ideal democratic system. For instance,
political equality, existence of political parties, free and fair elections, an independent
body to carry out elections, freedom of press, speech, assembly, freedom from
arbitrary arrest, attention and punishment, possibility of an alternative political
government, equal eligibility for important and all offices, democratic temperament
etc”
(5) Redefinition of Leadership and Democratic Culture in Nigeria
According to Odimegwu et al. (2007:261), “A point in our history has been
reached when Africa’s interest should be the prime concern of African leaders.
Therefore, steps towards the sanitizing and nurturing to maturity of Nigerian politics
will as a matter of necessity and urgency include a redefinition of leadership and its
inherent demands. We must strive after democratic culture that is devoid of
incongruities and crude behaviours.
I therefore submit with Adama (23) that what we need at this stage in the
evolution of our politics is a change of attitude from one that degrades politics to a
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“chop-year-own-and-go” affair to one that values it as “live-and-let-live-commitment;
from one that reduces it to a passing deal for self aggrandizement to one that
understands it as a manner of existing in society; from one that sees it as “their’
concern to one that accepts it as “our” business; from one that seeks to divert public
funds to private use to one that desires to harness individual potentials to better the
common good.
(6) Re-orientation and Consciencism of the Oppressed Masses
According to Ozumba (1997:221), this is a socio-educational programme aimed
at creating socio-political awareness among the people for an eventual peaceful
transformation of the structures of oppression. It is a gradual but effective approach
to structural change through a re-orientation of the group and individual’s
consciousness. The conscientization of the masses involves, among other things, the
provocation, stimulation, creation and building up of “a new awareness in them” to
give them “a new consciousness” which encourages them “to see the possibility and
“accept responsibility for their own development”. It also involves the conscientization
of the masses “to join hands together for positive action towards change”.
The task of conscientization is to emancipate the Nigerian minds from the
mental shackles of such “fatalistic world view” which makes them to accommodate
themselves into the culture of poverty and hopelessness in order to be able to see
their “capacity to create a better society for themselves”. This is the attitudinal aspect
of liberation in which the marginalized, oppressed and downtrodden masses are able
to face the future with meaningful and reasonable optimism. This is done by helping
them to see themselves in the light of the biblical evaluation of themselves. Such
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function disabuses and emancipates their minds from the belief that God has destined
their lot to be so.
The task of conscientization also includes, the sensitization of the upper and
middle class elite members of the church to the real nature and extent of the plight of
the oppressed, thereby soliciting their change of attitude, sympathy and commitment
to the cause of the oppressed. It may be that some of them do not actually realize the
full implications and effects of their activities on the masses. They may likely change
for better and help to change their colleagues when their consciences are awakened.
(7) Practical Alleviation of the Conditions of the Oppressed Masses
According to Ozumba (1997:222), the church’s liberation work as the champion
of the cause of the poor, weak and oppressed masses does not end with attacking the
perpetrators of injustice and oppression (“afflicting the comfortable”), but also
includes the alleviation of the miserable and painful condition of the victims of the
system (“comforting the afflicted”). This will necessitate practical concern with
economic programmes for the improvement of their conditions, since the callous
bureaucratic system would only frustrate the hopes of the helpless masses for such
projects if left in their hands. This goes beyond mere charity works for the provision of
subsistence needs.
(8) Developmental Democracy and Ethnic Integration
This is the system that emphasizes the development of the African Nations on
all fronts, based on African circumstances: past and present. It is democratic in the
sense of carrying the people along the governmental machinery. The ruling group in
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this system must come to account to the people and thereby justify the mandate
given to them. At the depth of developmental democracy is the crucial point of who
will rule and who will select who will rule? But the problem does not end there, in fact
it goes deeper than that. It goes to the most significant level of accountability.
Whoever is voted or selected must give an account of his or her stewardship to the
people at large, at various levels.
There is urgent need for ethnic integration in this country. An average Nigerian
first sees himself/herself as an Igbo, a Hausa man, a Yoruba manor Ijaw man, before
considering himself as a Nigerian. This should not be the case. However, the reason
for this is not farfetched. The Ijaw man believes his interests are better served by his
Ijaw ethnic group than by the Nigerian Government. He feels more secure among his
people, who give him a sense of belonging than among Nigerians from other ethnic
groups. Ethnic sentiment rather than nationalism is the order of the day. Therefore,
there must be unity in diversity if we wish to move forward.
(9) Accountability, Truthfulness and Transparency
Our leaders must be honest, transparent and accountable to the people who
elected them into various offices especially in Nigeria.
(10) Effectiveness and Availability Mechanism
Effectiveness and availability are the two criteria that must be used to gauge
the one, who is to be proceed to the position of leadership. Effectiveness means the
one who has the qualities of good leadership enunciated above. Availability is the
quality of being present and fit, having the physical and mental capabilities to carry
out leadership role in the society. Only one who is available can deploy his full
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energies and fervent strength in discharging the duties of the public office he is
occupying.
(11) Freedom For All
By this we mean freedom for the leaders and the followers. Freedom as a
concept is not easy to come by in terms of definition but African history especially
Nigeria as an example since independence has been a struggle against colonialism,
white imperialism and neocolonialism so this is what we African have been fighting
against, just simply to secure freedom for all in our country, Nigeria. It could be
political freedom, economic freedom, cultural freedom and psychosocial freedom.
(12) Shunning or Avoidance of Corruption for Total Change and
Transformation
Electoral malpractices and corruption should be eradicated or reduced to the
barest minimum. What is imperative is change. The Nigerian people as well as other
African peoples bedeviled by the cankerworm of corruption must turn from their evil
ways and embrace good moral and appropriate behaviour, as this is the only way to
succeed. All should live up to their responsibilities at every rung of the social and
community ladder. While the government must play its important role, the governed
must also do their duty. The led must obey the laws of the land, respect one another’s
life and property, and live in cooperation and harmony with one another. For moral
chaos below does not promote good governance above either. What is right is
decorum, both above and below.
According to Saura cited in OGIRISI (2003:86) corruption is synonymous with
evil, dishonesty, pollution, depravity, vice, baseness, degradation, dissolution or
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immorality. All these nuances of corruption refer to severe negative approach to life
(anti life). Corruption is the greatest act of violence in being. It is a disorientation in
being and its alienation from its essential destiny. It distorts the human perspective
and replaces it with disperspective, which in act violates that social and personal
purpose of existence. Therefore, we must try to as much as possible to avoid
corruption or do away with it out rightly, wholly and entirely if we must make a head
way in progress and development.
(13) Everybody Must be Involved “You and Me, and in fact all of us” that is,
WHOLISTIC DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY
All hands must be on deck directly or indirectly, individually or collectively to
see that we make headway. We must not leave any stone unturned. In the words of
Chinua Achebe cited in Tell (1999:47), “indeed, time is no longer in our favour. But
endless self-pity, self-flagellation, and despair is no road to recovery. The only crucial
thing is to gain insight about our tragedy, to ascertain at what point our rumination
ensued. After such introspection, it becomes easier to reengineer our future.
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