Facing Reality_English Language Learners in Middle School Classes
-
Upload
gamal-paci -
Category
Documents
-
view
12 -
download
0
description
Transcript of Facing Reality_English Language Learners in Middle School Classes
National Council of Teachers of English is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to English Education.
http://www.jstor.org
Facing Reality: English Language Learners in Middle School Classes Author(s): Eliane Rubinstein-Ávila Source: English Education, Vol. 35, No. 2, English Education in Middle Grades (Jan., 2003), pp.
122-136Published by: National Council of Teachers of EnglishStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40173137Accessed: 17-08-2015 07:53 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Facing Reality: English Language Learners in Middle School Classes
Eliane Rubinstein-Avila
middle school teachers today need to consider carefully the complex needs of the English language learners (ELLs) in their classrooms. As
Young (1996) argues, because the English-only movement continues to "gain momentum" across the country, the "mainstreaming of non-native speak- ers into English-only classrooms is becoming the norm" (p. 17). Therefore, all middle school teachers today, not only those teaching English as a sec- ond language classes, ought to consider obtaining ESL endorsements or shel- tered English content area training in order to be better prepared for the
day-to-day realities in their classrooms. In order to ensure that no child lags behind, the educational plight of immigrant students and US-born children of immigrants can no longer be neglected. Providing the means for these children to further their literacy development will not only benefit indi- vidual students, their families and communities, but also will benefit and
strengthen the nation. In this article, I address several relevant questions of interest to middle
grades language arts teachers and teacher educators: Who are today's En-
glish language learners? How is the plight of "new" immigrant students different from the plight of immigrant youth a century ago? Why do immi-
grant youth in the 21st century require special programs, if they succeeded in the past without them? What are the current challenges for middle school
ELLs, and how might middle school teachers, particularly English language arts teachers, best support a diverse range of English language proficiencies in their classrooms? How might teacher preparation programs provide preservice teachers the tools they need to become successful professionals and to help them prepare for the realistic challenges and recognize mul-
tiple possibilities with the ELLs in their classrooms?
122 English Education, January 2003
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality
Looking to the Past to Help Us Understand the Present and Plan for the Future
As Carroll, Blake, Camalo, and Messer (1996) argue, "The expectation that teachers in today's middle and high schools will teach native speakers and writers of English is outdated" (p. 25). In fact, the number of English lan-
guage learners enrolled at the middle school level is currently higher than at any other time in the history of the nation. At the same time, the dropout rates of Hispanic/Latino students from secondary schools are highest among all minority groups, and many of these dropouts are ELLs. Almost all students enter middle school, but this is the point at which we begin to lose them. The challenge for middle school teach- ers, therefore, is to retain the growing number of ELLs who are enrolled and to ensure their lit-
eracy development and content-rich education. The following question has been asked by many Americans (some of
them educators): "In spite of my great grandfather's limited education and no English skills when he arrived in the US from , he was able to put his children through school, and he eventually even bought a house. So why do new arrivals today need special treatment (i.e., bilingual/ESL/sheltered English content area classes)?" It's an important question, for while effec- tive middle school teachers may not harbor such feelings about their stu- dents, this pervasive attitude within a community could prevent the allocation of tax revenues to support the education of non-native speakers. The answer is that the needs of today's immigrant students must be exam- ined in historical, social, and economic contexts.
During the first great wave of immigration during the turn of the 20th
century, immigrant adolescents were rapidly absorbed into a burgeoning industrial work force. At that time, good health and a willingness to work hard for long hours were the only requirements. In spite of workers' low skills and English proficiency, work was plentiful in mills and factories. Thus, immigrant adolescent workers were slowly able to "move up" within the
factory structure, and as adults, they were even able to achieve the Ameri- can dream of home ownership and the chance to provide a better life and
greater opportunities for their children. However, the adolescent immigrants from the current great immi-
gration wave, which started after the Immigration Act of 1965 and peaked in the 1990s, face social and economic realities that differ sharply from those of their predecessors a century ago (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Today's adolescent ELLs (first and second-generation immigrants) are con-
The number of English lan-
guage learners enrolled at the middle school level is currently higher than at any other time in the history of the nation.
123
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education, V35 N2, January 2003
fronted with a different economy, one that has been described by using the
hourglass as a metaphor: The skilled and educated workers enter top-level jobs, while unskilled workers are relegated to repetitive, badly paid jobs with
little, if any, security and opportunity for upward mobility. In today's
economy an adolescent with a high school diploma and only mediocre aca-
demic literacy skills is much less likely to achieve middle-class status as an
adult. Therefore, in order to succeed in the current economy, adolescent
ELLs need to obtain much higher levels of education and develop solid aca-
demic proficiency in English. In the recent past, approximately 80% of ELLs
(R-12) were typically enrolled in special programs such as bilingual (with a
range of first language support), dual immersion programs, English as a
second language classes, self-contained and sheltered English content classes
(Butler & Stevens, 2001). The passage of propositions such as 227 in Califor-
nia in 1988, and 203 in Arizona in 2000 (with other states threatening to
follow their lead) limited ELLs access to these services (Gandara & Max-
well-Jolly, 2000). As a consequence, many more ELLs are attending main-
stream classes.
The question now becomes this: Are mainstream English and content
area teachers equipped to meet the needs of these students? While some
elementary teacher education programs are gearing up to prepare all
preservice teachers for culturally and linguisti-
cally diverse students (see Mora & Grisham,
2001), few middle school and secondary teacher
education programs are addressing the needs of
ELLs across the curriculum (Moore, Bean,
Birdyshaw, & Rycik, 1999). For example, a recent
examination of the impact of Proposition 227 on
16 school districts in California found that ELLs
are more likely to be taught by non-credentialed
teachers, and no systematic professional development was in place (Gandara & Maxwell-Jolly, 2000).
Heterogeneity among Middle-level English Language Learners
The majority of English language learners today are immigrants or the chil-
dren of immigrants, part of the fastest growing segment of the nation's popu- lation (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Although ELLs are referred
to as one entity, often in contrast to students for whom English is the home
language, they are a vastly heterogeneous group. In fact, diversity is one of
the most salient features of ELLs (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). This heterogene-
Although ELLs are referred to as one entity, often in contrast to
students for whom English is the home language, they are a
vastly heterogeneous group. In
fact, diversity is one of the most salient features of ELLs.
124
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality
ity is even greater among middle school students. Such heterogeneity often is confronted for the first time in middle school, a situation that can create social tensions for ELL students. Because middle schools often bring stu- dents together from diverse and distant neighborhoods, the students and their families are less well known by teachers, other significant adults, and
peers. In addition to individual differences (interest, motivation, personal
characteristics), ELLs today differ in age, country of origin, ethnicity, lan-
guage, culture, family SES (social economic status), prior formal schooling experiences, and consequent levels of proficiency in their first language and English language development (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). Educators can- not assume that all ELL students are immigrants or children of immigrants, since Native American children speaking a variety of home languages such as Chippewa, Cherokee, Choctaw, Apache, Crow, and especially Navajo, also
may be designated ELL (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). Similarly, many Mexican
families, especially in the Southwest along border towns, may have been
residing in their communities for over five generations, well before the land
they live on became United States territory. Teachers may not be fully aware of the impact of ELL students' SES
and social capital on their English language acquisition and development. Often factors such as the students' perceived cognitive abilities or their nationalities are viewed as challenges or blessings. Consequently, well-in- tentioned teachers may make simplistic generalizations such as, "My South American students seem to learn English so much faster than my Mexican students." However when SES is considered, the picture becomes much more
complex. Whether ELLs are from Argentina, Colombia, Israel, India, or Mexico, those whose parents are highly skilled professionals or university professors (usually living in the US temporarily) bring with them resources and experiences that are aligned with mainstream school culture and ex-
pectations; therefore, they often are able to provide the academic support that is expected by school personnel.
In order to illustrate more vividly the impact of SES on the process of academic English language development, I provide a snapshot of three middle school ELLs whose experiences and academic needs vary.
Radika
Radika came to the US with her family from India. After only one year in an ESL program, she seemed to have integrated smoothly, and almost effort-
lessly, into the mainstream 7th grade class. Like many ELLs whose foreign-
125
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education, V35 N2, January 2003
born parents are highly educated professionals, Radika did well in school in
spite of language barriers. Radika had been enrolled in schools continuously; she had not missed months or years of school in the transition from India to the US. She was highly literate in her first language upon arrival, and the school she attended in India had provided her with a solid base in math, science, and ESL. She also could count on her parents' help with school
assignments. In the US, the family lived in a higher income neighborhood where English was the dominant language. Radika's access to extracurricu- lar activities also provided her with numerous opportunities to interact with native English speakers. Print in several Indian languages and English was common in Radika's home in various forms (newspapers, manuals, maga- zines, books, dictionaries, comic books, and letters). On weekends Radika and her siblings often accompanied their parents to museums, plays, recit- als, and the entire family attended the local library to check out books. Radika did not replace her mother tongue with English; rather, she added English to her already extensive language repertoire.
Stefani
Stefani, also in the 7th grade, was born in the US to working class Mexican
parents. Although she had been enrolled in US urban schools from kinder-
garten (except for a year or two during which the family moved back to
Mexico), she was still categorized as ELL (because her standardized test scores were below the 36th percentile). Stefani was enrolled in a bilingual/ ESL program that was physically segregated from the rest of the school (seg- regated as many such programs are: in bungalows, basements, other wings off the main building). Stefani's interaction with native speakers of English was infrequent, and most of her teachers were not fully credentialed. She lived in an immigrant enclave where face-to-face interactions with native
English speakers were also limited, if not rare. In spite of her parents' de- sire to support her, they were not able to assist Stefani with school assign- ments and projects. Moreover, due to the poorly-lit streets and the potential dangers of drug-related activity in her neighborhood, her fearful and pro- tective parents prohibited her from visiting friends or participating in after school programs where she might have had opportunities to obtain assis- tance with homework and to interact with native English speakers. On week-
ends, since both parents worked, Stefani was the principal caretaker for her two younger siblings, and thus spent most of the time indoors watching tele- vision. While Stefani hoped to go to college after high school, her limited access to the college-bound curricula (due to her ELL status) no doubt cur-
126
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality
tailed her chances of being admitted to a four-year institution (see Valdes, 2001).
Caco
Not unlike many immigrant families, Caco's family experienced a long and
bumpy path from the Dominican Republic to their final destination in Mas- sachusetts. As a result, Caco's formal schooling attendance was intermit- tent. Caco's parents were well aware and concerned with the disruption that this was causing, but did not have much choice in the matter. Caco
began attending a small town school in the Dominican Republic as a child. As is often the case among rural families before immigrating, they moved to Santo Domingo (the capital), where Caco attended several different schools. En route to New York, the family spent a year in Puerto Rico waiting for
visas, during which time Caco attended school only sporadically. Once in New York City, Caco attended a couple of schools before his family finally resettled an hour away from Boston, where his parents and older brother secured better factory jobs. In spite of his limited schooling experience, Caco was enrolled in an 8th grade class with limited ESL support. Caco- resil-
ient, quick-witted, and out-going- communicated with ease among his "bros"
(as he called his friends), but his academic literacy skills in both Spanish and English were extremely limited. While he felt he was learning more than he ever did before, Caco was not handing in the required assignments and was failing most of the content area classes. Caco began to fall be- tween the cracks of the educational system and he failed to develop the academic English skills
required to succeed at the secondary level and
beyond. This lack of access is not conducive to the fulfillment of the American Dream. It leaves Caco and students like him with only one option: to join the workers at the bottom of the hourglass.
Educating Middle-level Teachers of English Language Learners:
Challenges and Possibilities
I believe systemic challenges need to be addressed so that teachers can bet- ter support the English language learners in their middle school classrooms. Teacher preparation programs have a responsibility to prepare future teach- ers to teach the students that they most likely will be teaching, not imagi- nary or "ideal" ones. Districts also have the responsibility to provide inservice
Teacher preparation programs have a responsibility to prepare future teachers to teach the students that they most likely will be teaching, not imaginary or "ideal" ones.
127
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education, V35 N2, January 2003
teachers with the knowledge and support they need to face challenges and
recognize possibilities with ELLs. Feeling unequipped to help students suc- ceed can trigger defensive reactions that, while not intentional, are damag- ing to students as well as to the ethos of classrooms and schools. As I stated
earlier, I believe that all middle school teachers need to acquire and de-
velop knowledge of sheltered English instruction and a repertoire of strate-
gies for effective teaching of ELLs in their classrooms. A strong dose of
empathy, carino, and greater understanding of the daily challenges these students face, beyond those they experience in school, is also essential for
creating a community of learners.
Rethinking Assumptions and Attitudes
The assumptions and attitudes about adolescents held by many middle school
preservice teachers, coupled with the often limited preparation middle school teachers receive in literacy and second
language acquisition, are likely to spell disaster for ELLs. In exploring preservice teachers' as-
sumptions about adolescents, Finders (1998/ 1999) documented the attitudes of 60 (mostly fe- male and mostly white) preservice middle school teachers and found that they overwhelmingly viewed adolescent students as a homogenous group. The preservice teachers engaged in what Finders (1998/1999) calls "pervasive stereotyp- ing," referring to students as "packs" and "herds"
that required "reining in" and domestication. Such stereotyping, I would
add, is perhaps even greater when middle school students do not look, dress, talk, or walk in a manner that is familiar or acceptable to middle school teachers. Middle school teachers, even those with the best of intentions, may tend to view ELL students as members of particular cultural groups rather than as complex individuals. They may assume erroneously that lan-
guage development is homogeneous from individual learner to individual learner within cultural groups.
Other researchers have pointed out teachers' negative assumptions of English language learners as well as the various structural conditions of schools that inevitably constrain the interactions between teachers and ELLs
(Gutierrez, Baquedano-Lopez & Alvarez, 2000; Rubinstein-Avila, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). Exploring teacher-student relationships at a middle school with a large Latino student body and many ELLs, Ratz (1999) found that
The assumptions and attitudes about adolescents held by
many middle school preservice teachers, coupled with the
often limited preparation middle school teachers receive
in literacy and second language acquisition, are likely to spell
disaster for ELLs.
128
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality
Latino students felt discriminated against and often unfairly blamed. Ratz noted that teachers in the middle school in which she taught associated
being a "good student" with many dominant white mainstream values be- sides just good grades: politeness, neat grooming, acceptable traditionalist
clothing, and use of standard English, values which were adhered to by most of the Asian American and European American students in her school. Ratz learned that some teachers mistakenly interpreted fashion and behavioral fads among Latino students as signs of gang membership. Eight focal ELL
participants, who were labeled "at risk" due to low test scores, were placed in the lowest track, where teachers were more likely to disinvest and chan- nel their energy toward students who were doing well.
Nevertheless, teachers who are open to learning from their students, do. For example, teachers are often unaware, until they look and listen
closely, that many immigrant students spend years away from either par- ent, sometimes both (see Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). Other teach- ers I met in California were astounded at the first-hand information they obtained from their students about the atrocities committed in El Salvador.
Consequently, they took a greater critical stance in questioning their own
political alliances as they realized the importance of seeking additional, and
alternative, sources of information other than the mainstream news. Still other teachers I knew in the Greater Boston Area began to reflect on the similarities and differences in the challenges faced and opportunities avail- able to their Puerto Rican vs. Dominican students and their families. All these teachers who believed they could learn from their students, listened- and did.
Strategies for Instruction: Effective Integration of ELLs in Mainstream Classes
Being sensitive to English language learners' needs does not entail feeling sorry for them, lowering expectations, or "watering-down" one's language or the curriculum. Quite the contrary, it is best reflected by conveying to students that we have high expectations for all learners. There are several
things teachers can do to support ELL learners. Some adaptations, Echevarria and Graves (1998) suggest, are as simple as slowing down, even if slightly, one's verbal output and being conscious of enunciating clearly. They also
suggest that long and complex explanations should be shortened, especially when posing a problem or providing directions. Displaying lessons on the board or on an overhead provides students with additional visual scaffolding.
The role of talk and face-to-face interaction is vital for language learn-
129
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education , V35 N2, January 2003
ing. It is imperative that ELLs be given ample opportunities to interact aca-
demically with peers as often as possible. They should be encouraged to work with fluent English-speaking peers through various cooperative learn-
ing tasks, peer-led discussions, and reading circles. ELLs need to be allowed, and even encouraged, to use their dominant language during small group discussions as a bridge to developing greater understanding of new concepts presented in English. Occasional translation of conversation between the teacher and ELLs by more proficient bilingual students in the classroom
may also facilitate meaning making of complex concepts, especially where the language barrier is likely to hamper comprehension (Rubinstein-Avila, 2002). Moreover, these situations are excellent opportunities to model to all students the authentic functions of bi/multilingualism.
When middle school teachers activate prior knowledge within a con- text-rich environment, students can more readily develop rich language skills. Carroll and colleagues (1996) maintain, "Writing about what one knows best helps reduce the cognitive overload that interferes with [ELL] writers' ability to express themselves in a non-native language" (p. 27). Iso- lated drills are even less meaningful for ELLs, since they are unlikely to be familiar with the cultural and linguistic context in order to link the broader
purpose or usefulness of the particular skill being taught. A context-rich environment includes providing a rich array of materials that tap students' interests and are deemed age-appropriate by peers. Even teachers who do not speak their ELLs' primary language (an impossible feat in Los Angeles, for example, where 125 languages are spoken) can explore the potential cognates in key content vocabulary in a given lesson.
Providing supplemental resources, especially visual aids, are other
important strategies. Since ELLs strongly rely on contextual clues to con- struct content area meaning in a language they do not fully master, the use of realia (pictures, symbols, illustrations and objects) should not be limited to the elementary grades; this includes reading symbols, graphs, maps, multimedia such as videos, CD-ROM programs, interactive computer dis-
plays, and relevant web sites (Egbert & Simich-Dudgeon, 2001). Visual aids such as semantic mapping and graphic organizers are also useful to build content area vocabulary across the curriculum. Hadaway and Mundy (1999) devised a type of graphic organizer for their "visual-verbal technique," where
vocabulary words were placed on a continuum to visually illustrate not only their variety, but also to underscore their intensity. For example, with the word "rain" a word like "drizzle" was placed on one extreme of the con- tinuum while "flood" was placed at the other. Similarly, for describing wind, the words "breeze" and "hurricane" were placed in the extremes of the
130
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality
continuum. This technique, useful across all content areas, encourages the use of synonyms, but it also underscores that since the terms may vary by level or intensity, they are not always interchangeable.
Informational picture books of various reading levels as well as films also supplement the development of many concepts in a visual manner. They can be especially effective when unfamiliar concepts are being introduced. Informational picture books containing vivid pictures, illustrations, and informative text can provide ELLs with input for scaffolding their meaning making in content area classes (Carr, Buchanan, Wents, Weiss, & Brant, 2001). English language arts teachers also may use picture books to provide ELLs with background information of an unfamiliar historical period or events as well as to aid in the comprehension of and engagement with more
complex texts being used in class. Golden (2001) reveals how adjusting one's
English curriculum to incorporate, and even focus on, film can encourage the development of visual and academic literacies in the middle grades. Many ELLs may rely strongly on visual stimuli along with collaborative peer discussions in the processes of meaning making.
Effective middle school teachers already employ strategies such as
modeling and eliciting students' prior knowledge. Explicit modeling of the
processes a certain task entails as well as the expected end product can greatly reduce the anxiety of ELLs. For example, before eliciting a list of character- istics describing fictional characters, language arts teachers can first ask students to describe a friend, an evil person, the ideal person, and so on.
Suggestions can be written on the board or an overhead. Thus, when re-
turning to the characteristics of the fictional characters, ELLs who may not have been familiar with these concepts (or equipped with a vast vocabulary of adjectives) are more likely to engage meaningfully. Similarly, since ELLs are likely to be unfamiliar with many additional words in the text, beyond the "key vocabulary words," English language arts teachers can encourage students to take charge of their own learning and highlight the words with which they may not be familiar. After comparing individual lists, which will inevitably display some overlap, students can be divided into small groups (heterogeneous by English proficiency) to discuss the meaning of the words, attempt to define them, and provide a couple of examples in group com-
posed sentences.
O'Byrne (2001) points out that ELLs are likely to continue needing English as a second language assistance after they are "mainstreamed" or "transitioned." Such students may have difficulties supporting their state- ments with examples from texts; in fact, they tend to use a great deal of factual information, even copied verbatim from the text. Even ELLs with
131
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education, V35 N2, January 2003
solid academic backgrounds in their native language may have difficulty grasping implicitly the text structure conventions valued and expected in US educational institutions; therefore, they benefit from modeling of orga- nization, sequencing and referencing, since these elements vary across lan-
guages and are by no means universal (Peregoy & Boyle, 2000). English teachers also can support ELLs by providing prompt and help-
ful feedback. Reyes (1995) as well as Carroll and colleagues (1996) claim that ELLs both expect and appreciate explicit feedback on their written lan-
guage. When editing ELLs' written work, Carroll et al., (1996) recommend that teachers comment on the strengths of their students' rich, colorful or humorous descriptions, and compliment them on risk-taking attempts such as producing longer and more complex sentences or improving the organi- zation of their essays. These authors underscore the importance of keeping continuous track of the patterns of errors students make, as individuals and as a group, in order to later focus on those during mini-lessons (Carroll et
al., 1996). Reyes (1995) claims that teachers should not assume that ELLs will automatically understand and incorporate corrections unless they are made in a direct and explicit fashion. English teachers are strongly encour-
aged to require students to edit their final assignments, following the peer- and teacher-edited drafts. This last step encourages ELLs to become more
cognizant and gain greater awareness of the patterns of their errors, as well as of their strengths (Carroll et al., 1996).
Although it is imperative to adapt the mainstream curriculum and use multiple strategies to scaffold ELLs' learning of the content as they de-
velop English literacy skills, we cannot ignore the role of teachers' ideologi- cal and affective stances toward their English language learning students. In the past, the general lack of inclusion of the experiences of students of color and of the working class prompted widespread criticism of attempts to reform the curriculum. While we have experienced greater inclusion of "multicultural" texts in teacher preparation programs and consequently in
English middle school classrooms, Wong-Fillmore and Meyer (1992) warn educators to look out for adaptations and inclusions that are "merely cos- metic" (p. 651). The authors rightfully claim that superficial attempts only serve to perpetuate, rather than challenge, unidirectional, ethnocentric, assimilationist values.
Another important component of teaching immigrant students/ ELLs, as Valenzuela (1999) so aptly reminds us, is caring, and caring entails empa- thy and understanding. While most students are generally sensitive to the
ways in which their teachers perceive and relate to them as human beings, empathy and understanding are essential for students who are members of
132
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein - Av i la > Facing Reality
subordinate groups (Ratz, 1999; Nieto, 2000; Valdes, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2001). In fact, the bond ELLs create with their teachers has a great impact on their achievements (Ratz, 1999; Nieto, 2000; Valenzuela, 1999). For example, Miguel, an 8th grade ELL from Mexico, struggled for years to make meaning from school texts; he had become dis-
couraged (by grades and prior teachers' attitudes) and considered not con-
tinuing his education. But the bond woven between him and his two sheltered
English content teachers, and the on-going scaffold that they provided him, resulted in the rekindling of Miguel's enthusiasm for school (Rubinstein- Avila, in press). His two teachers' pervasive caring- their carino- and their
unwavering belief in him renewed his interest, his belief in himself, and his efforts to develop his limited literacy skills and continue on to high school. As Miguel confided in me: "When they [teachers] care, you know, then I
care; I really try to do it a lot more better" (Rubinstein-Avila, in press). Eighth grade felt like family for Miguel, and he expressed concern about moving on to a new, and larger, school where he feared he would most likely be invis- ible to the teachers.
Caring also entails acknowledgement and respect for immigrant/ELL students, their families, their experiences and the language they use at home and in their communities. Zentella (2002) claims that due to a narrow view of bilingualism, and idealized (and archaic) views of linguistic purity, it is not uncommon for teachers to voice pejorative attitudes toward forms of communication used among many second-generation Latino youth, what he calls "Spanglish bashing" (Zentella 2002, p. 328). Zentella, a sociolinguist, posits that these newly created forms of communication creatively reflect the post-migratory daily lives of first- and second-generation immigrants. As she poignantly writes, "It is, after all, in the borrowing and criss-crossings of forms and meanings that the hybrid identity of Latinas is most manifest"
(Zentella, 2002, p. 329).
Conclusion
Unfortunately, the few existing published ethnographies about low-income adolescent English language learners portray their educational experiences as rather grim. The common denominator across studies seems to indicate that students' academic and emotional needs are consistently being either denied or ignored (Ratz, 1999; Valdes, 2001; Valenzuela, 1999). As Valenzuela
(1999) reminds us, "Programs may provide an illusion of inclusion" (p. 162), but the real message conveyed is that there is no support or encouragement for multilingualism or multiculturalism.
133
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education, V35 N2, January 2003
Middle school ELLs often are being denied access to challenging, grade- appropriate content area instruction, due to their perceived linguistic handi-
cap (see Valdes, 2001). Contrary to the growing interest in effectively embracing ELLs in elementary curriculum, middle school ELLs are isolated, frequently not included, or even acknowledged, in school-wide initiatives. The continuous educational neglect and miseducation of such a large and growing segment of the population comes at a high finan- cial and moral price. The educational needs of ELLs ought to be addressed throughout teacher
preparation courses and programs, not only in courses designated as "bilin-
gual/ESL or multicultural." We must finally realize that not only are we "not in Kansas anymore!" as Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco (2001, p. 28) aptly remind us, but that Kansas itself is no longer the same. Valdes' (2001) advice is pertinent here: "We must plan carefully, and we must work quickly" (p. 159). We as a nation can no longer afford to ignore the academic literacy needs of such a large segment of our future citizenry. As my colleague Rich- ard Ruiz says bluntly, "The idea that one can prepare teachers for class- rooms in which all students speak English is a fantasy, yet we continue
developing programs as if the fantasy were true" (Gutierrez, Asato, Pacheco, Moll, Olson, Lai Horng, Ruiz, Garcia, & McCarty, 2002, p. 340).
It is time we face reality; English language learners are the responsi- bility of all educators across educational institutions. Rather than prepar- ing ELLs to enter the bottom of the hourglass economy, we should be
providing all students the necessary tools to become the future shapers of new possibilities. No one institution can do it alone. Teachers and teacher educators need on-going federal, state, university, and district support and collaborations in order to meet the educational needs of ELLs and provide them the chances to engage in a variety of fields and pursue a wider range of employment. As a nation that honors and celebrates diversity, we have a moral obligation to begin investing systematically in the growth and devel-
opment of preservice and inservice middle school teachers, in order to pro- vide for the successful transition of ELLs from elementary school to high school and beyond. Facing reality means acknowledging the impact of larger societal ideologies on our programs and curricula, becoming alert and vigi- lant of our own blind spots. Ultimately, facing reality means investing sys- tematically in the growth and development of English language arts teachers to ensure their middle school ELL students' success. Our thoughtful and
The educational needs of ELLs
ought to be addressed
throughout teacher preparation courses and programs, not only
in courses designated as
"bilingual/ESL or multicultural."
134
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Rubinstein-Avila > Facing Reality
sound teaching of English language learners and their middle grades teach- ers should become a national priority.
References
Butler, F. A., & Stevens, R. (2001). Standardized assessment of the content knowl- edge of English language learners R-12: Current trends and old dilemmas. Language Testing, 18(4), 409-427.
Carr, K. S., Buchanan, D. L., Wents, J. B., Weiss, M. L., & Brant, R. J. (2001). Not just for the primary grades: A bibliography of picture books for secondary content teachers. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 45(2), 146-153.
Carroll, P. S., Blake, R, Camalo, R. A., & Messer, S. (1996). When acceptance isn't enough: Helping ESL students become successful writers. English Journal, 85, 25-33.
Echevarria, J., & Graves, A. (1998). Sheltered content instruction: Teaching English- language learners with diverse abilities. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Egbert, J., & Simich-Dudgeon, C. (2001). Providing support for non-native learners of English in the social studies classroom. The Social Studies, 92(1), 22-25.
Finders, M. J. (1998/99). Raging hormones: Stories of adolescence and implications for teacher preparation. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 42(4), 252-263.
Gandara, P., & Maxwell-Jolly, J. (2000). Preparing teachers for diversity: A dilemma of quality and quantity. Center for the future of Teaching and Learning, Santa Cruz, CA. ED458201.
Golden, J. (2001). Reading in the dark: Using film as tool in the English classroom. Urbana, IL: National Council of Teachers of English.
Gutierrez, R., Baquedano-Lopez, P., & Alvarez, H. (2000). The crisis in Latino education: Challenging the current debate. In C. Tejeda, C. Martinez, & Z. Leonardo (Eds.), Demarcating the borders of Chicana(o)/Latina(o) education (pp. 213-233). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press Inc.
Gutierrez, R., Asato, J., Pacheco, M., Moll, L. C, Olson, R., Lai Horng, E., Ruiz, R., Garcia, E., & McCarty, T. L. (2002). Conversations: "Sounding American": The consequences of new reforms on English language learners. Reading Research Quarterly, 37(3), 328-343.
Hadaway, N. L., & Mundy, J. (1999). Children's informational picture books visit a secondary ESL classroom. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 42(6), 464-475.
Ratz, S. (1999). Teaching in tensions: Latino immigrant youth, their teachers, and the structures of schooling. Teachers College Record, 100 (4), 809-840.
Moore, D. W., Bean, T. W., Birdyshaw, D., & Rycik, J. A. (1999). Adolescent literacy: A position statement. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 43, 97-112.
Mora, J. R., & Grisham, D. L. (2001). i What deliches tortillas! Preparing teachers for literacy instruction in linguistically diverse classrooms. Teacher Education Quarterly, 28, 51-70.
Nieto, S. (2000). Affirming diversity: The sociopolitical context of multicultural education. Boston, MA: Addison-Wesley.
135
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
English Education, V35 N2, January 2003
O'Byrne, B. (2001). Needed: a compass to navigate the multilingual English classroom. Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy, 44(5), 440-449.
Peregoy, S. F., & Boyle, O. F. (2000). English learners reading English: What we know, what we need to know. Theory Into Practice, 39, 237-247.
Reyes, M. de la Luz. (1995). Challenging vulnerable assumptions: Literacy instruction for linguistically different students. In G. R. Capella Noya, R. Geismar, & G. Nicoleau (Eds.), Shifting histories: Transforming schools for social change (pp. 79-89). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Educational Publishing Group.
Rubinstein-Avila, E. (2001). From their points of view: Literacy practices among Latino immigrant students. Unpublished dissertation. Harvard Graduate School of Education, Cambridge, MA.
Rubinstein-Avila, E. (2002). Problematizing the "dual" in dual-immersion: A portrait. Linguistics £ Education, 13(1), 65-87.
Rubinstein-Avila, E. (in press). Conversing with Miguel: An adolescent English language learner struggling with later literacy development. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy.
Sudrez-Orozco, C, & Sudrez-Orozco, M. (2001). Children of immigration. Cam- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Valde*s, G. (2001). Learning and not learning English: Latino students in American schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.
Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S. -Mexican youth and the politics of caring. New York: SUNY.
Wong-Fillmore, L., & Meyer, L.M. (1992). The curriculum and linguistic minorities. In P. W. Jackson (Ed.), Handbook of research on curriculum (pp. 626-658). New York: MacMillan Publishing.
Young, M. W. (1996). English (as a second) language arts teachers: The key to mainstreamed ESL student success. English Journal, 85(8), 17-24.
Zentella, A. C. (2002). Latin® languages and indentities. In M. Sudrez-Orozco, & M. P6ez (Eds.), Latinos remaking America (pp. 321-338). Berkeley: University of California Press.
Eliane Rubinstein-Avila is an assistant professor in the Department of Lan-
guage, Reading and Culture, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ.
136
This content downloaded from 103.229.203.204 on Mon, 17 Aug 2015 07:53:15 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions