Explicature - Linguistic Society
Transcript of Explicature - Linguistic Society
Explicature
Introduction to Pragmatics
2017 LSA Linguistic Institute
Gregory Ward and
Betty J. Birner
(Neo-)Gricean Tree of Meaning
U#eranceinterpreta,on(whatisconveyed)
whatissaidwhatisimplicated
TCmeaning conven,onallyconversa,onally
conven,onalforce generalizedpar,cularized
SEMANTICS PRAGMATICS
Post-Gricean Tree of Meaning
whatiscommunicated (consciouslyaccessible)
whatissaid whatisimplicated
(truth-condi,onalmeaning)
sentencemeaningwhatisexplicated (notconsciouslyaccessible)
Mo6va6on for Explicature
Determining“whatissaid”involvesmorethan“minimalaccesstocontext”forreferenceassignment,disambigua,on,andtheresolu,onofindexicalsanddeixis.
Sentencemeaningdoesnotdeterminethesetofpossibleseman,cvalues;itconstrainsthem.
So,“whatissaid”,is,inlargemeasure,pragma,callydetermined.
Example
John’sbookWhatisJohn’srela,ontothebook?
• thebookJohnwrote,owns,likes,hasnearhim,etc.
• Aspeakerintends(andahearerwouldpresumablyunderstand)asinglecontext-specificrela,on.
• Thiscanbeconsideredpartof“whatissaid”,i.e.partofthespeaker’s(truth-condi,onal)content.
Explicatures
Pragma,callydeterminedaspectsofsentence/proposi,onalmeaning
Example:
A: HowisJanefeelingaTerherfirstyearatUniversity?
B:Shedidn’tgetenoughunitsandcan’tcon,nue.• Whatwasu#ered:Shedidn’tgetenoughunitsandcan’t
con,nue. • Whatwas‘said’:amorepragma,callyenriched(and
complete)proposi,on.
A:HowisJanefeelingaTerherfirstyearatUniversity?
B:Shedidn’tgetenoughunitsandcan'tcon,nue.
Whatwassaid:JANEdidn’tgetenoughUNIVERSITYCOURSEunitsATTHEUNIVERSITYSHEISCURRENTLYATTENDINGTOQUALIFYFORADMISSIONTOHERSECONDYEAROFSTUDYandASARESULTJANEcan’tcon,nueWITHHERSTUDIES.
What was (also) meant (via implicature)
Whatwasimplicated:• Janeisnotfeelingatallhappyaboutthis. • Janeisgoingtoloseherfellowship. • Jane’sparentswillbefurious.• I’mdelightedthatwe’llfinallyberidofJane.• You’reJane’sfriendsoyoushouldgoconsole
her.
How to iden6fy explicatures?
(giventhatthey’renotexplicitlyexpressedyetseemtocons,tutepartof“whatwassaid”)
• Referenceandanaphoraresolu,on(she)anddis-ambigua,on(get,units)cons,tutepartofwhatwassaid.
• Theimplicature(whateveritis)doesnotcons,tutepartofwhatwassaid.
• Whataboutasaresult,toqualify,withherstudies?
A Classic Problem
Iftheoldkinghasdiedofahearta8ackandarepublichasbeendeclared,thenTomwillbequitehappy.Butifarepublichasbeendeclaredandtheoldkinghasdiedofahearta8ack,thenTomwillbequiteunhappy. Strictlyspeaking,thisisacontradic,onintermsoflogicalform,yetintui,velyitdoesn’t‘feel’contradictory,asin:
A:Didyouhaveagood,meattheparty? B: IdidandIdidn’t.
Another Example
EitherhebecameanalcoholicandhispartnerleAhimorhispartnerleAhimandhebecameanalcoholic.
Again,intermsoflogicalform,thisu#eranceshouldberedundant:
(p∧q)∨(q∧p)≡(q∧p)∨(p∧q)
Pragma6c Intrusion
Explicaturesnotonlyserveto‘fillout’aproposi,on,buttheycanalsoaffectthetruthcondiBonsofaproposi,on.
• Thisphenomenonisknownas“pragma,cintrusion”.• Non-truth-condi,onalmeaning‘intrudes’intothetruthcondi,onsofaproposi,on.
A Mighty Fine Paradox
Insomecases,implicaturesareneededtoestablishproposi,onalcontentandtruthcondi,ons(andthusmustbepriortothem).
Inothercases,implicaturesaregeneratedfromproposi,onalcontentandtruthcondi,ons(andthusmustbesubsequenttothem).
Solu6on: Two Types of Implicature!
Explicatures:those(cancelable)aspectsofmeaningthatcons,tutepartofproposi,onalcontent(andthusmayintrudeintotheseman,cs).* Implicatures:those(cancelable)aspectsofmeaningthatdonotenterintothedetermina,onof“whatissaid”(andthusmaynotintrudeintotheseman,cs).
* Except for conventional implicatures.
Some likely Explicatures
First,let’sconsidersomemoreexamplesoflikelyexplicatures:(Horn’s)R-Implicatures A) MarthagaveGeorgeherkeyandheopenedthedoor.[withit]B) Joneshasbeeninsultedandhe’sgoingtoresign.[asaresult]
Some Likely Explicatures
Addi,onalexamplesoflikelyexplicatures:
(Horn’s)Q-ImplicaturesA) Pathasthreechildren.[not4]B) Patisanadequatelinguist.[notbrilliant]C) Someofthestudentspassed.[notall]
The Post-Gricean Posi6on
Alloftheseinvolveexplicatures.Thebracketedmaterialiswhatthespeakerintendedtoconveyandwhats/hewouldbeunderstoodashavingmeanteventhoughitwasunexpressed.
Diagnos6cs for Explicature
MinimalistPrinciple:Apragma,callydeterminedaspectofmeaningispartofwhatissaidiffitsdetermina,onisnecessaryfortheu#erancetoexpressacompleteproposi,on(alsocalled“satura,on”).
Examples of satura6on:
A) Herantotheedgeofthecliffandjumped.[fromthecliff]
B) Shetookahammer,walkedintothegarden,andbrokeastatue.[inthegarden,withahammer]
C) Johnwentonvaca,oninAustriaandskied.[inAustria]
D) Canyouopentomorrowmorning?[thestore(vs.thele#er)]
More examples of satura6on
E) Iliketoeat.[food]F) Haveyoueaten?[themost,me-appropriate
meal]G) HeboughtJohn’sbook.[bookbearsXrela,on
toJohn]
Further examples of possible satura6on – missing argument?
A) Everybodydidwellontheexam.[everybodyintheclass]
B) I’vebeentoTibet.[inmylife]C) I’vehadbreakfast.[today]D) Ididn’tturnoffthestove.[duringthelast,meI
washome]E) Theparkissomedistancefromhere.[furtherthan
expected,ratherfar]
How Explicatures Work
Thebracketedmaterialiden,fiesaseman,cargument(ordomainofquan,fica,on)neededtobe‘filledin’or‘instan,ated’contextuallyinorderfortheu#eranceinques,ontoconveyacompleteproposi,on.Soweneedadequatetheoriesoflexicalseman,cs,argumentstructure,tense,andquan,fica,on.
Consider again . . .
Theparkissomedistancefromhere.[thedistanceinques,onisfar,greaterthanexpected,etc.]
• Thiscouldbeanalyzedasinvolvingquan,fica,onoverdistances(itsaysthatthereisadistance‘d’suchthattheparkis‘d’fromus).
• Theexplicature‘fillsin’theslotcorrespondingtothedomainofquan,fica,on.
• Restrictedonlytocertaindomains?• Thatwillcostsomemoney,takesome,me/effort/thought/room/space.• Ineedsomesleep/food/sex/air.
Availability Principle
Weshouldrelyonourintui,onsindecidingwhatissaid.
Theideaisthataprospec,veexplicatureshouldbereadilyiden,fiable,intui,ve,accessible.We'llseethatthatisnotalwaysthecase.
Scope Principle
Apragma,callydeterminedaspectofmeaningispartofwhatissaid(and,therefore,notaconversa,onalimplicature)if–and,perhaps,onlyif–itfallswithinthescopeoflogicaloperatorssuchasnega,onandcondi,onals.
Thatis,ifexplicaturescountas“whatissaid”,thentheyshouldfallwithinthescopeoflogicaloperators(sinceit’sasthoughtheexplicaturehadbeenu#ered).
Condi6onals
Consider:
a) Iftheoldkinghasdiedofahearta#ackandarepublichasbeendeclared,thenTomwillbequitehappy,butifarepublichasbeendeclaredandtheoldkinghasdiedofahearta#ack,thenTomwillbequiteunhappy.
b) Ifittakesussome,metogetthere,Johnwillbeangry.
c) Ifeverybodydidwellontheexam,Iwillbehappy.
d) IfJohnhastwoki#ensforsale,I’llbuythem.e) Ifyouleavethedooropenandthecatgetsout,I’llpunishyou.
Nega6on Consider: a) A:Itwilltakeussome,metogetthere. B:False.
b) A:Maryhashadbreakfast. B:False.
c) A:BillhasbeentoTibet. B:False.
d) A:Everybodydidwellontheexam. B:False.
So we seem to have a working set of diagnos6cs
BUT…
Whenabroaderrangeofdataisconsidered,weseethatapplyingtheseprinciplesisnotalwaysastraighnorwardma#er…
Example: The Scope Principle
• Whichexplicaturesfallwithinthescopeofnega,on?
• Whichaspectsofu#erancemeaningfallwithinthescopeofasubsequent“no”or“false”–iftheunexpressedmeaningisnegatedthenitcountsasanexplicature.
Example (a clear one):
A:Ohno,it’s6:00![implica,ng“Ihavetoleave”]
B:No/False.[doesnotmean“Youdon’thavetoleave”]
Group I
Casesofrela,velyclearintrusion–definitelyexplicatures. A:Ihaven’thadbreakfast./Ididn’tturnoffthestove. B:#False/#No.[Youdidin1994.]
A:Everybodydidwellonthefirstassignment.
B:#False/#No.[PresidentObamadidn’t.]
A:Theparkissomedistancefromhere.
B:#True/#Yes.[It'srightacrossthestreet.]
Group II
“False”istoostrong,but“no”ispossible;possiblyexplicatures A: The Smiths have three children. B: ?False/No. [They have four.]
A: John was with an older woman last night. B: #False/?No. [It was his mother.]
A: John went on vacation in Austria and did some skiing. B: #False/No. [He skied in Italy.]
A: Mathew left the door open and the cat got out. B: #False/No. [The cat got out on its own.]
A: Pat is happy. B: #False/No. [She's ecstatic.]
Group III
Neither“false”nor“no”works;evidenceofnon-intrusion,andthereforenon-explicatures.
A: Smith doesn’t seem to be seeing anybody lately. B: He’s been going to New York every weekend. A: #False/#No. [He’s been going to NY but not to “see anybody”.]
A: Does Pat like Lee and Sean? B: She likes Lee. C: #False/#No.
[She likes Sean (too).]
S6ll more…
A:DoyouspeakLadino? B:IspeakSpanish. C:#False/#No.[YouspeakCatalan(too).]
A:Smithdoesn’tseemtobeseeinganybodylately.B:He’sbeenstayingoutpre#ylatelately.A:#False/?No.[He’sbeenworkingonhisdisserta,oninthelibrary.]
The Problem “False”seemstoostrong;“no”seemstooweaksoserveasacleardiagnos,cforexplicature.
A:Ineedaridetotheairport. B:No./#False.[cf.Ican’t.]
Problem:scalarimplicaturedoesnotbehaveasaunifiedclasswithrespecttonega,on. Conclusion:Minimalistprincipleisamorepromisingdiagnos,cforexplicaturethanthescopeprinciple.
A More Serious Problem
Cardinalsandotherscalarsdonotbehaveasaunifiedclass: A:Doyouhavetwochildren? B1:No–Ihavethree.[metalinguis,cinterpreta,on]
B2:#Yes,infactIhavethree.vs. A:Aremanyofyourfriendslinguists? B1:#No,allofthemare. B2:Yes,infactallofthemare. So,ofthenon-slot-fillers,cardinalsarethebestcandidatesforexplicatures.
Coming Full-circle
Pre-Griceanview:scalarsarelexicallyambiguous. Neo-Griceanview:scalarsareunambiguousatthelevelofwhatissaid(inherent“atleast”reading):implicaturesuppliestheother(“atmost”)reading.
Post-Griceanview:scalarsarenowvague–aninherent“exactly”noran“atleast”reading;unspecifiedun,lenrichedbyexplicature.Thissameanalysiscouldbeextendedtoasymmetricand–ithasneitheraninherenttemporalnorsymmetricsense;itmustbe‘filledin’byexplicatureviasatura,on.
Final Word of Warning
Thepost-Griceanreachhasexceededitsgrasp• Theno,onofexplicature,howeverusefulitmaybe,mustbescaledback.
• Itisnotthecasethattheen,reclassofgeneralizedconversa,onalimplicaturescanberecategorizedasexplicatures.
• Eachconstruc,onisgoingtohavetoanalyzedindividuallyinordertodetermineitsproperplaceinthetreeofmeaning.