EXHIBIT. 7051.

LLM.80. Page 7; "Comrade Kruschchov has given eti 1

absolutely clear, Marxist reply to that all-import-

ait question. It is quite probable that the trans-

ition to socialism in capitalist countries will pro-

duce a great multiplicity of forms. This will be

an expression of the more favourable general situation, 5

and of the concrete specific features pertaining in

each country.

"it would be wrong, however, to assert that un-

der all circumstances the transition to socialism will

inevitably be attended by civil war. In this respect 10

very much depends on the relation of forces within

the given country and on the international scene, on

the degree of organisation and political understand-

ing of the revolutionary classes, and on the strength

of the resistance offered by the reactionary classes,

When the proletariat of Russia directed the revolution

in this country, it faced a united front of the im»

perialist powers. To-day the progressive forces in

other countries have a much more favourable prospect

before them, for new conditions have taken shape in 20

the capitalist world. The political struggle there

centres around such issues as the defence of peace,

the democratic freedoms and national independence.

That being so, the working class and its political

parties have every opportunity of uniting on the basis 25

of a common democratic platform, the overwhelming

majority of the nation - the peasantry, the lower

middle-class, intellectuals, and even the patriot-

ically minded sections of the bourgeoisie. This,

obviously, will make the victory of the working class 3q

easier.

EXHIBIT. 7052.

LLM. 80. Page 7 fcont.): "However, even in these conditions, x

in a number of capitalist countries, in those where

the reactionary forces and the military and police

machine are especially powerful, the transition to

socialism will be attended by frenzied resistance from

the exploiting classes, and, consequently, by sharp re- 5

volutionary struggle on the part of the working class.

On the other hand, in these capitalist countries where

the reactionary forces and the military and police

machine are less powerful, the possibility of a peace-

ful course of the revolution and resultant transition ^q

to socialism is not to be ruled out. In particular,

the possibility is not to be ruled out of the working

class peacefully coming to power through a parliamentary

majority and the conversion of parliament into a gen-

uine people's assembly. Such a parliament, relying

on the support of the mass revolutionary movement of

the proletariat, the working peasaitry and all pro-

gressive sections of the population, would be able to

break the resistance of the reactionary forces and

carry out the socialist transformation of society. gg

"The enemies of communism depict Communists as

confirmed believers in armed insurrection, violence

and civil war under all circumstances. That is slan-

derous nonsense, an attempt to smear the Communists,

and the working class which they represent. It stands 0cr CO to reason that the Communists and the working class

prefer the least painful forms of transition from one

social system to another. But the forms of this trans-

ition, as Comrade Krushchov has demonstrated here, de-

pend on concrete historical conditions. Moreover, the ' 30

EXHIBIT. 7053.

LLM .80. Page 7 (cont.): "application of more pe aceful or more 1

violent methods depends not so much on the working

class as on the degree and form of resistance offered

by the exploiting classes, which do not want volun-

tarily to relinquish their wealth, political power and

other privileges." 5

10

15

20

25

30

7054-

EXHIBIT - "REPORT BY N.A.BULGANIN AND SPEECH Eg N.S.KHRUSHCHOV

ON THEIR VISIT TO INDIA. BURMA AND AFGHANISTAN. Nov,

18 - Demember 19?iq55. Addressed to the Supreme Soviet

of the U.S.S.R. Session of December 26 - 29r 1955, 1

LML2J1 PaK9;

"The time when the colonialists could lord it with

impunity in the colonial and dependent countries is re-

ceding into the past. But the colonialists themselves,

naturally, do not want to give up voluntarily a system 5

which gives them an opportunity to rob whole nations.

This cannot be expected,n

"Through our statements and actions we want to ex-

press our sympathy for those peoples who have not as yet

rid themselves of the colonial yoke, and for their io

struggle for national liberation (prolonged applause)".

"We understand that the colonialists bear a grudge

against us because in our statements we discuss the

past activity of the colonialists in India and Burma."

"In attempting to justify somehow or other the 15

actions of their predecessors in oppressing the peoples

of the colonial and dependent countries, they are striv-

ing to preserve the present-day positions of the

colonialists which are still very strong. The colonia-

lists still have many c o l o n i e s 2 0

"Take, for instance, Africa. It is all divided up

among European .̂on-Ev.rjpczz. countries. There are

different ways and different methods of conducting the

colonialist policy, but the chains of colonial slavery

are no lighter because of this. These chains strangle 25

the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries and

arouse their hatred against the colonialists."

•The peoples of these countries are rising up ever

more resolutely in the struggle against the colonial

regimes. And we sympathise with this struggle and wish , n

m m i 7055-

W L 1 2 1 Page 36: (Continued)

suooess to the peoples who are waging it

applause) . "

7056.

EXHIBIT; - "MEETING OF THE SUPREME SOVIET OF THE USSR."f Feb,8th

and Qth. 1955. "Speeches by N.A.BULGANIN, V.M.MOLOTOV

AND DECLARATION"

U2LJ&L Pqfie 21; 1

"A new situation has developed in Asia as well".

"The population of Asia amounts to about 1,400

million, which make up more than naif of the population

of the globe. Today, in Asia too, slightly less than

half of the population lives in the people's democracies, 5

which have left the capitalist camp and have set them-

selves the goal of building socialism."

"It is enough to say that China, which until reoently

was a semicolonial country heavily dependent on the im-

perialist powers and deprived of the possibility of 10

securing the unity of its national territory, has now

united into a single great state, that has taken to the

path of the all-round advancement of its national cul-

ture and economy. And what is worth noting is that

this has become possible only since the time when the 1 5

Communist Party came to the leadership of the Chinese

state (applause)t It is not an accident that one of

the now most popular songs of the Chinese people says:"

"The Communists have blazed our path to victory,

Without the Communists there can be no China" (app- 20

lause) . •

"Do not these facts and the deep-going reforms

started in Korea and in Viet Nam testify to the funda-

mental changes that have occurred in Asia? Does not

all this show that revolutionary transformations of 25

the greatest historical significance have taken place

in Asia since the war?"

"Substantial too are the changes in the Near and 30

EXHIBIT 7057'

m u i i pagg 22; (Continued) 1

Middle East".

"We cannot say that in the countries of the Arab

East, for example, the national liberation movement

has already attained the power and sweep that it has

in a number of Asian states. The states existing 5

there, especially countries possessing big oil re-

sources, are still heavily dependent on the so-called

•western* countries, which have laid their hands on

local oil and other natural resources. It also

happens in these places that the formation and change 10

of governments goes ahead only at the will of American

or British petroleum companies and other foreign

capitalist firms. But there, too, the national libera-

tion movement is growing steadily,"

15

Page 25t

"Even in 195^, so many years after the viotory

of the socialist revolution in our country, Sir

Winston Churchill can think of nothing more sensible

than to speak of strangling Communism "in its 20

cradle" even though it would seem that he has been

somewhat late in this (laughter, applause)."

"He is, indeed, the one for missing the bus

(laughter, applause)."

"We are not averse now to making some fun of the 35

inanity of such anti-Soviet reasoning. We cannot

afford, however, to be naive; Communists, in common

with all the Soviet people, must not oount on the

love or sympathy of the imperialists."

"Churchill's speeches are shot through with long- 3g

m m i 7058.

LlM.l6l» Page 25-. (Continued) 1

lng for the past. Everything new is alien to him,

and he is irreconcilably hostile to everything new that

appeared with the victory of the Great October Socialist

Revolution and turned into a great movement of the

peoples for the true liberation of the working class 5

and all the labouring people, for the liberation from

bourgeois-landlord oppression (applause)."

"For about 38 years now, Sir Winston Churchill

has been calling for the overthrow of the socialist

system, wherever it has appeared, yelling about the 10

necessity of "strangling" this new system "in its

cradle". He is voicing the cherished wishes of

all imperialists who want but one thing: that is to

say, complete world domination."

"But how can this be done if the peoples them- 15

selves have already chosen another path and, making

a clean break with capitalism, have taken to the path

of socialism and people's democracy?"

"The answer to this question is the "positions

of strength" policy, the foreign political line pro- 20

claimed by both American and British imperialism.. In

expressing the striving of the most aggressive

capitalist circles, the rulers of those countries per-

sist in refusing to accept the facts. They do not

want to recognise the right of the peoples to settle 25

their destiny for themselves, and, consequently, their

right to renounce the old, to liquidate the capitalist

regime and to establish their own, new socialist system'.'

"The aggressive imperialist circles think dif-

ferently. They do not want to recognise the legiti- 3 0

EXHIBIT 7059.

LIM.161 Page 25 : (Continued) 1

mate striving of the peoples to rid themselves of the

shackles of capitalism, but are out to restore the rule

of capitalism throughout the world. This is the

reason behind the foreign policy of, for instance, the

United States of America, a policy aimed at re-estab- 5

lishing the rule of imperialism throughout the world,

overthrowing socialism, overthrowing the rule of the

working people in the people's democracies."

"It is these aims that inspire the aggressive

foreign policy of the United States. This policy can 10

mean nothing else but the preparation of a new world

war, a war for the restoration of imperialism's world

domination."

"All this means that the new comes into being in

conditions of fierce struggle against the old, that 15

socialism cannot win in one or another country other

than by hurling back and overcoming the resistance of

imperialism and its agents".

"Such is the postwar international situation,

which determines the character of the main developments 20

in recent years".

25

30

7060.

EXHIBIT - "THE SEVENTH ALL-CHINA CONGRESS OF TRADE UNIONS"

PDN.2 Page 9: "SPEECH BY LIU SHAO-CHI ON BEHALF OF THE 1

CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

OF CHBfA".

Comrades and Guests:

"On behalf of the Central Committee of the Commun-

ist Party of China I extend warm greetings and felicita-_ 5

tions to the Seventh All-China Congress of Trade Unions".

"Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party

and Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese working class has

carried out protracted and heroic struggles, and, in

the revolutionary struggles, established the closest 10

alliance with the broad masses of the peasants through

the Chinese Communist Party, thus obtaining immense help

from the peasantry. At the same time, it has estab-

lished a revolutionary united front with other democratic

classes in the country. It has thus formed a mighty 15

revolutionary force, which defeated foreign imperialism

and the counter-revolutionaries within the country, and

achieved victory in the great revolution of the people,

'After the victory of the revolution., it consolidated

the people's democratic dictatorship, supported the 20

victorious struggle to resist U.Sa aggression and aid

Korea, and completed the rehabilitation of the national

economy. All these are great historic successes. In

these great struggles, the broad masses of the Chinese

working olass have shown boundless courage and industry, 25

contributed wisdom and fulfilled the duty that history

bestwoed upon them. The Central Committee of the

Communist Party of China would like to express its

sincere gratitude to the Chinese working class,"

30

EXHIBIT 7061.

PDN.2 Page 13? 1-

"We are confident that under the brilliant leader-

ship of the Communist Party of China and of Comrade Mao

Tsetung, with the common efforts of the Chinese working

class and the entire population, and with the mighty

help of the Soviet Union, the People's Democracies and 5

the working people of the whole world, we shall be able

to overcome all difficulties and succeed in making

China a happy, socialist, industrialized and strong

nation."

"March forward under the banner of the great teach- 10

ings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and StalinJ"

"March forward under the leadership of our leader,

Comrade Mao Tse-tung'0

"Long live the unity of the whole Chinese working

classL" 15

"Long live the unity of the working class through-

out the world'."

Page 21;

"SPEECH B!f LOUIS SAILLANT ON BEHALF OF THE 20

WORLD FEDERATION OF TRAD? UNIONS".

PafiQ 21:

"Every case confirms the direct link that exists

between the workers' struggles for their demands and the 25

action of the people for national independence and the

defence of peace."

"How is one to characterize the conditions under

which the struggles of the workers and the activity of

the World Federation of Trade Unions are developing in t0

EXHIBIT 7062.

E££L1 Page 23; (Continued^

the capitalist, colonial and semi-colonial countries?

We can answer this question as follows:

Page 127: "CONSTITUTION OF THE T^AD^ UNIONS OF THE

PEOPLE 1S REPUBLIC OF CHINA". 5

Adopted by the Seventh All-China Congress of Trade

Unions. May. 10th. 1Q53.

"PREAMBLE "

"The Chinese working class, under the leadership

of the Communist Party of China and its great leader 10

Comrade Mao Tse-tung, has waged a protracted struggle

in which it established the closest alliance with the

peasants, formed a united front with all patriotic and

democratic forces to fight against imperialism, feuda-

lism and bureaucratic capitalism, and consequently 15

defeated the foreign imperialists and the internal

counter-revolutionaries, thereby achieving great vic-

tory in the people's democratic i-evolution".

"It was after the birth of the Chinese Communist

Party - a party of the Chinese working class Itself - 20

and under its direct leadership that the working-class

movement of present-day China progressed along the

road to victory."

"The trade unions of China led by the Communist

Party have rallied the broad masses of the workers 25

around the Party and have thus become transmission

belts between the Party and the masses. After the

establishment of the people's democratic dictatorship,

the trade unions under the leadership of the Party have

become a school of administration, a school of manage- 30

EXHIBIT 7065

m i * 2 pass ],g7; (Continue)

ment and a school of communism for the workers.

m m t

7064.

"KENYA" - W&iT A HE THE FACTS? BY PHILIP BO LS OVER

PEN.33 Page "Imperialism to Blame". 1

"And so to-day In Kenya. If Mau Mau and other

secret societies exist, they are the direct result of

land robbery by -white settlers suppression of trade

unions and democratic rights, and the use of violence

by the British Government against the Afrioan people. 5

"WHAT IS GOING ON IN KENYA TODAY IS A GBEAT LIBERA-

TION MOVEMENT OF THE AFRICAN PEOPLE, AND THE STRUGGIE

IS BEING WAGED BY THE ONIY METHODS LEFT OPEN TO THEM AS

A RESULT OF THE VIOLENCE AND SUPPRESSION EXERCISED EY

THE BRITISH IMPERIALISTS". 10

"And Kenya is not isolated. A little further

south the British Government is planning to impose

Central African Federation, which enables,177,000

Europeans to strengthen their grip on 6 million Africans

Refused any constitutional voice in the matter, the 15

African Congress in Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia

and Nyasaland are prepared to resist by other means.

Still further south, in the Union of South Africa, the

Malan Government, fascist in its approach to Africans

and bitterly hated, has been returned in a General 20

Election in which the Africans had no vote."

"What the British Government fears, the spectre

that haunts the Colonial Office, Is that the example

of Kenya may spread; that Africans in east, central

and south Africa may one day unite in a struggle for 25

their common liberation - that all Africa may rise with

one great demand for freedom. And at the moment Kenya

leads the way; Kenya brings the ultimate nightmare

nearer."

"For years now the national struggle of the Kenya 30

I

Q EXHIBIT 7065.

PDN.33 Page 4 ; (Continued); 1

Africans has been gaining strength in tw

EXHIBIT. 7066.

WS, 59. Page 74; "Glass Struggle as the Motive Force of So- 1

olal Change". Society develops through a series of

stages in each of wMta a definite type of property

predominates. This development is far from being a

smooth, gradual process of evolution, working itself

out through a series of small changes and adjustments, 5

without conflict, without struggle, without the for>' -

ible overthrow of the old system by the new. On the

c ntrary, society has developed through a series of

revolutions. And this development is effected by

means of classstruggle.

"The new economic system is established thanks to 10

the rise of new classes, which struggle for domin-

anceii) society, overthrow the old ruling class and

establish a new ruling class and a new system of pro-

duction relations.

"As the forces of production developm, and as new

relations of production are brought into being corres-

ponding to the development of the forces of production,

so do classes arise and develop".

Page 76: "The State and Revolution". From the end of 20

primitive communism up to the victory of socilaism,

society has always been divided into exploiters and

exploited. A minotiry of exploiters has succeeded

in living on the backs of the masses. The exploit-

ing olass has put down the resistance of the exploited; 25

and it has also defended its own mode of exploitation

from the challenge of rival exploiting classes with a

different mode of exploitation.

"But how has it been possible for a minority thus

30

EXHIBIT. 7067.

WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.); "to preserve and exercise its domin- 1

ation over the majority?

" It has been possible only because the minority

possessed and had control over a special organisation

for coercing the rest of society. That organisation

is the state. 5

"The state is not the whole society, but a spe-

cial organisation within society, armed with power to

repress and coerce, which serves the function of pre-

serving and safeguarding the given social order.

Whatever the form of the state - whether it be anaito- 10

cracy, a military dictatorship, a democracy, etc., -

its most essential components consist of the means to

exercise compulsion over the majority of society.

Such compulsion is exercised by means of special bodies

of armed men - soldiers, police, etc. It is enforced 15

by physical means - by the possession of arms; by the

possession of strong buildings, prisons, with locks and

bars; by the possession of instruments to inflict

pain and death. The state must also have a machinery

of administration, a corps of state officials. It aL - 20

so develops a legal system, with judges to interpret

and administer the law. And it also develops means

not only of coercing men physically but mentally, by

various types of ideological and propaganda agencies.

"Such a special organisation became necessary 25

only when society was divided into antagonistic classes.

Prom that time onwards the state became necessary as

a special power within society; armed with authority

and force sufficient to prevent the social antagonisms

from disrupting and destroying society. 30

EXHIBIT. 7068,

WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.); "«The state has not existed from all 1

eternity,' wrote Engela . 'There have been ©ocities

which have managed without it, which had no notion of

the state or state power. At a definite stage of

economic development, which necessarily involved the

cleavage of society into classes, the state became a 5

necessity because of this cleavage' (1)

"Further; 'As the state arose from the need to

keep classantagonisms in check, but also in the thick

of the fight between the classes, it is normei ly the

state of the most powerful, economically ruling class, 10

which by its means becomes also the politically ruling

class, and so acquires new means of holding down and

exploiting the oppressed class... .The central link in

civilised society is the state, which in el 1 typical

periods is without exception the state of the ruling 15

class.' (2)

"The state, wrote Lenin, is 'an organ of class rule,

an organ for the repression of one class by another.'(3)

1. Engels, Origin of the Family, Private Property 20 and the State, ch. 9«

2. Ibid.

3. Lenin, The State and Revolution, ch. 1.

"At each stage of social development, as we have

seen, a particular type of production relations be-

25

comes predominant in the social economy, and the cor-

responding class assumes the dominamt place in social

production. It can gain and maintain that place only

in so far as it can enforce its own interests as against

those of the rest of society. And it can enforce those 30 interests only in so far as it can gain and maintain

EXHIBIT. 7069

WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.); "control over the state. In every 1

epoch, therefore, so long as society is divided into

antagonistic classes, a particula r class holds the

state power and thereby establishes itself as ruling

class. In slave society it is the slave-owners who

hold this position, in feudal, society the feudal lords, 5

in capitalist society the capitalists, and when capi-

talism is overthrown the working class becomes the

ruling class.

" When the working class becomes the ruling class,

then there is no longer the rule of the minority of 10

exploiters over the majority of the exploited, but

the rule of the majority over the minority. The aim

of working-class rule is to abolish all exploitation

and thereby all class antagonisms. When eventually all

exploitation of man by man has been eliminated the 15

world over, then the coercive powers of the state will

no longer be needed and the state itself will finaL ly

disappear.

"In the history of class struggles every ruling

exploiting class has always defended to the last the 20

existing relations of production, the existing proper-

ty relations; for on the preservation of these has

depended its wealth and Influence and, indeed, its

very existence as a class. And it has been able to

defend them because it has possessed state power. 25

fto ruling exploiting class has ever voluntarily given

up state power or, having lost power, has ever failed

to struggle desperately and by every means available

to regain it. The a/erthrow of the existing re-

lations of production can, therefore, only be 30

EXHIBIT 7O70.

WS. 59« Page (cont.): "accomplished by overthrowing the 1

power of the ruling class.

"Consequently, all classes which stand in anta-

gonism to the ruling class, and whose interests are

bound up with the abolition of the existing relations

of production and the further development of the pro- 5

ductive forces, find themselves driven into struggle

against the ruling class and eventually to rise against

it and destroy its power.

"Every class struggle is a political struggle,'

wrote Marx and Engels. (1) . Just as, in the last ana- 10

lysis, all political struggle expresses the struggle

of classes, so the class struggle must always express

itself in a struggle to influence state, i . e . , political

affairs, and , in revolutionary periods, in a struggle

for state power. 15

"Decisive revolutionary changes in the economic

structure of society are necessitated, and the way is

prepared for them, by an economic process which de-

velops independently of men's will - by the growth of

the productive forces and the consequent incompati- 20

bility of the production relations with the new pro-

ductive forces. But such changes are actual, ly carried

through as a result of political struggles. For, what-

ever are the issues raised, and whatever forms the

struggle takes, these are in the last analysis the 25

w as in which men become consciousof the economic

and class conflicts and fight them out.

Social revolution is, therefore, the transfer of

state or political power from one class to another

class. 'The question of power is the fundamental 30

EXHIBIT. 7071.

WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.): "question of every revolution' (2) 1

"Revolution means the overthrow of the ruling

class, which defends existing relations of production,

and the conquest of power by a class which is inter-

ested in establishing new relations of production.

"Every revolution, therefore, makes forcible in- 5

roads into existing property relations, and destroys

one form of property in favour of another form of pro-

perty.

"'The abolition of existing property relations

is not at all a distinctive feature of communism', 10

wrote Marx and Engels. 'All property relations in

the past have continual, ly been subject to historical

change consequent upon the change in historical con-

ditions. The French Revolution, for example, abolishdd

feudal property in favour of bourgeois property. The 1 5

distinguishing feature of communism is not the aboli-

tion of property generally, but the cbolition of bour-

geois property.

1. Marx and Engels, Manifesto of the Communist 20 Party, ch. 1.

2. Lenin, On Slogans.

3. Marx and Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, ch. 2.

Page 197. "That means that everyone will be able to enjoy

withou t question the basic material necessities of 25

life - good housing, food and the maintenance of

health. Monotonous and arduous work will be elimin-

ated by high technique, and all will be free to work

creatively. Work will cease to be a burden and become

one of life's necessities, a matter of pride and 30

EXHIBIT. 7072.

Page 197 (oont.)

WS, 59. pleasure. Rest and leisure, education and a cul- 1

tured life, will be enjoyed by all. All will be

able to raise their qualifications and developtheir

various abilities. - Such are the truly human con-

ditions of existence which it is the goal of socialism

to establish. 5

"(2) Socialism can be established only through

the action of the revolutionary class in modern so-

ciety, the working class, in its truggle with the

capitalist class.

"Socialism cannot possibly be achieved by any 10

gradual transition based on class collaboration, since

by its very conditions of existence the capitalist

class is bound to resist to the end the introduction of

socialism, which would deprive it of its power and pro-

fits. On the contrary, it can be achieved only by 15

the struggle of the working class to emancipate it-

self from capitalist exploitation the working class will

thereby emancipate society at lai-ge from all exploitation.

"To achieve socialism the working class must unite

its ranks and lead all the working people to struggle 20

to end capitalist rule and establish a new democratic

state, based on the rule of the working class in alliance

with all the working people0 The task of the people's

state is then to defeat the resistance of the former

opperssors and gradually to build socialism. 25

"(3) To defeat capitalism and build socialism the

working class must have its own political party, the

Communist Party, equipped with scientific socialist

theory and able to apply it. 'Without a revolutionary

theory there can be no revolutionary movement . . . . The ~n

EXHIBIT. 7073

WS. 59. Page 197 (cont.); "role of vanguard can be fulfilled 1

only by a party which is guided by an advanced theory'.(1)

"In the struggle of the working class against

capitalism a major role is still played by the spon-

taneous movement which arises as a result of the

pressure of econ omic and political events. But 5

this spontaneous movement of the masses must be guid-

ed, organised and directed - in other words, made in-

to a conscious movement, aware of its Immediate de-

mands and aims and of the revolutionary goal of

socialism. Otherwise It is inevitably defeated or 10

dies out or is diverted into channels acceptable to

the capitalists. Consequently, the party can never

rely upon the spontaneous movement but, on the con-

trary, must work to arouse and organise the mass move-

ment and to provide it with socialist theory. 1 5

"Through the experience of mass struggles the

workers begin to be conscious of the antagonism of

their interests with those of the employers, of the •

need to unite and organise. But this consciousness

can become socialist consciousness only with the aid 20

of theory, of science. Only with the aid of socialist

theory can the working class see the need not only to

fight for better wages but to end the wages system,

and realise how to carry this fight through to

victory. Thus what is necessary for the waging of 25

the struggle for socialism is above all, as Marx and

Engels taught, the union of scientific socialism with

the mass working class movement.

"(4) To-day the scientific socialist theory of

Marxism-Len Insm is tried and tested and has proved , n

EXHIB IT. 7074.

WS. 59. Page 197 (cont.); "its truth in practice. Guided 1

and inspired by its socialism has been built in the

Soviet Union, and the shape of the future communist

society is becoming clear. Great works of peaceful

construction are under way, man is remaking nature,

and new socialist people are at work, more proud and 5

free than any who have trod the earth before. In

Europe and in Asia millions more have established

people's democracy and are advancing to socialism.

A new world has come into existence whose growth

the forces of the old are utterly powerless to pre-

vent.

"Completely different is the world of dying

capitalism, torn by insoluble crisis and conflict.

Here the ruling monopolies strive to solve their

problems and increase their profits by forcirg down

the people's standards, by deceiving the people and

undermining their liberties, by piling up armaments

and waging and preparing towage aggressive wars of

conquest. They pin their hopes for the future on

the atom bomb, on napalm and bacteriological weapons.

Their final accomplishment is the means for mass de-

struction.

"Our final conclusion, then, is clear. All

over the world the common people can and must unit

to preserve peace. We must strive for co-operation

with the countries which are already building social-

ism and guard their achievements. We must work for

the ending of capitalism and establishment of social-

ism in our own country.

20

25

(1) Lenin, What is to be done?, ch. 1 , D. 30

7075.

EXHIBIT - "THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION". SYLLABUS

FOR SIX LECTORES ON THE HISTORY OF THE C.P.S.U.

(August. 1942)

TT.20 Page 1

"The third struggle carried on by Lenin was against

the so-called "Economists": a tendency inside the

ranks of the Social Democrats thao wanted to ccpnfine

revolutionary work to the economic struggle ( i .e . trade

union work), and emphasised agitation on immediate 5

issues in the factory to the exclusion of Socialist

propaganda and general political campaigns (e .g . , the

campaign against Tsardom for democratic rights, free

speech, etc,) . The political struggle, they argued,

did not interest the workers, and could be left to 10

the middle class and the liberals. Lenin argued against

the "Economists*:-

(1) That in over-emphasising the "spontaneity" of the

masses in economic activity (and hence their

"spontaneous" political development), they be- 15

littled the role of political education and leader-

ship of economic struggles by the politically-con-

scious vanguard of the working class (the Party)."

(2) This produced a tendency for the leadership to

adjust itself to the level of the average, or even 20

the more backward sections of the workers; and so

to follow the working class instead of leading it

(Khvostism, or "Tailism")„"

(3) They tended to confuse the broad (mass) organiza-

tion with the narrow (revolutionary) one. Con- 25

fining themselves to the level of "trade union

consciousness" and sectional struggles, the

"Economists" would inevitably have made the Party

one of "social reform'' inside capitalist and not

a party of social revolution. By belittling the 30

EXHIBIT 7076

TT.20 Page 5: (Continued) 1

importance of politioal theory and political ideas, they

were leaving the workers a prey to bourgeois ideas."

(4) They neglected the need for the working class to

seek allies among all sections of the people, and

for a revolutionary party to lead the struggle of 5

all these sections against political and economic

oppression„"

"It was largely in order to carry on the fight a-

gainst the Economists that Lenin now realised the need

for an All-Russian Marxist newspaper. Such a paper was 1 0

Iskra, published abroad by Lenin and his followers and

smuggled illegally into Russia. But Iskra was much more

than a propaganda organ for achieving ideological

clarity in the working-class movement. It placed before

the workers the need for a Party, "of an entirely new 15

type"; a highly disciplined Party, based on the revo-

lutionary teachings of Marxism and capable of leading

the entire working class in action. Moreover, as a

result of its network of agents and readers throughout

Russia, Iskra was able to lay the foundations of such a 20

Party. It therefore served a dual purpose: both as

a propagandist and as an organiser,"

Page 7: "On these matters there had been disagree-

ments, especially over the dictatorship of the pro- 25

letariat and the inclusion of peasants' demands in the

Minimum Programme. But the sharpest disagreement came

over a clause in the Rules of the Party, The section

of opinion led by Martov wanted to make it sufficient

for a member to accept the Programme and pay Party dues* 30

EXHIBIT 7077.

TT.20 Page 7: (ConUnrea) 1

Lenin insisted that a member should be required also to

work in an organized group of the Party. Here was

summed up the whole difference between a loosely-knit

party of propaganda and a party of aotlonT and hence a

party of "democratic centralism." 5

Page 10; "THE LESSONS OF BETKEAT".

"A period of reaction followed; for the revo-

lutionary forces a period of retreat. Tsarist policy

focussed on repression, on the one hand, and on en- 10

couraging the growth of a kulak class or small capitalist

farming in the village (Stolypin policy). In 1906 the

Tsar announced the summoning of a New Duma, the Witte

Duma, but it was not docile enough, and was dispersed.

The Bolsheviks decided to boycott this Duma. Lenin 15

afterwards showed this to have been a mistake. A

second Duma was summoned in the summer of the same year,

and this time, in the changed situation, Lenin insisted

on the need to take part in the Duma elections. In

the period of savage repression against the working 20

class which followed, it was necessary to use every

means, both legal and illegal, to forward the interests

of the revolution."

"As regards the tactics to be pursued in the Duma,

Lenin's policy was as follows; The Cadets (or Liberals) 25

were becoming increasingly the party of the bourgeoisie

and of reaction. Not only were they adopting a posi-

tion of compromise with Tsarismj they were showing

signs of being actually counter-revolutionary. Between

them and the Social Democrats was a sort of Radioal or

EXHIBIT 7078,

TT.20 Page 10 : (Continued) 1

Labour Party, called the Trudovlki. These were

essentially a petty-bourgeois party, and hence vacilla-

ting; but they represented the masses (essentially

the peasant masses). The Bolsheviks must "help the

weak petty-bourgeois democrats, wrest them from the 5

influence of the Liberals, rally the democratic camp

against the counter-revolutionary Cadets, and not on^y

against the Hights".

"At this time two tendencies showed themselves

within the Social-Democratic ranks, against both of 10

which Lenin fought vigorously. On the one hand, the

Liquidators wanted to liquidate the illegal revo-

lutionary organization and to concentrate on legal

(or semi-legal) work in the broad organizations (trade

unions, the Duma, etc . , ) . This, Lenin showed, meant 15

the death of the Party and to give up the revolutionary

struggle in favour of reformism. On the other hand,

a group of Bolsheviks, called Boyoottlstsf wanted to

abandon broad mass work, to boycott the Duma elections,

and to concentrate on intensive training and theoretl- 20

cal discussion in small groups. Against both these

tendencies Lenin emphasised the principle of combin-

ing legal with Illegal work - taking advantage of every

opportunity for broad, open work, while keeping the

illegal Party organization in being, developing its 25

•cadres," etc."

•To fight the Liquidators, Lenin formed a bloo

with a group of Menshevlks round Plekhanov who were

anti-Liquidator. Trotsky, on the other hand, formed

what was known as the August "bloc", combining both 30

EXHIBIT 7079

TT." 20 Page 10: (Continued) 1

Liquidators and Boycottlsts against Lenin."

"At the Sixth Party Conference (at Prague) in

1912 a break was finally made with the Menshevlks.

A Bolshevik central committee was elected; and the

Bolsheviks continued to use the name of the Russian 5

Social-Democratic Labour Party until 1917 (when the

name was changed to that of Communist Party). At

the same Conference a purge of opportunist elements

from the party was carried out, to make its composition

really worthy of the "party of a new type." A 1 0

programme of immediate demands was adopted, centring

round the slogans of the Democratic Republic, the

Eight-Hour Day, and the Confiscation of the Large

Landed Estates for the benefit of the peasantry.

Pravda was founded as the newspaper of the Party; and 15

in the ensuing Duma elections six out of the nine

deputies elected from the "workers' constituencies"

were Bolsheviks, elected on the basis of the above

programme of immediate demands."

20

25

30

EXHIBIT. 7080.

TT. 22. Page "APPENDIX. Extracts from Statements Issued 1

by the Central Committee o f the Communist Party of

South Africa. June 22nd. lQ4l - December. 19*12.

"(1) June 22nd. IQ^l: On t.e day Soviet Russia

was attacked, the Central Committee issued a statement

defining our attitude to the new situation that had been 5

oreated;-

"Soviet Russia has been attacked by the Fascist

Alx without the slightest justifiable reason. The

Soviet Union is to-day not only defending the home of

socialism, but is fighting for the cause of freedom io

of all other nations and peoples".

"The Com munist Party of South Africa calls upon the

working class and all democratic and freedom-loving people

to give their unqualified and wholehearted support to

the Soviet Union in its struggle against the Nazi i5

aggressors."

"The Communist Party has up to now declared tha t the

war between British and German imperialism is a war for

the redlvision of the world's max,kets; colonies, spheres

of influenoe. raw materials and fields of investment". 20

"This attitude was based on the policies and

war alms of the governments engaged in the war. The

appeasement policy followed by the British ruling class

before the war, their betrayal of the Abyssinian, Spanish

and Czech®lovakian peoples, their consistent support 25

for the Fascist aggressors, their refusal to enter into

a peace front with Soviet Russia, and the oppressive

policies pursued in their own colonies and in India -

all these factors could provide no other conclusion

than that the British capitalists had entered the war,

EXHIBIT. 7081. t

TT. 22. Page^fi (cont.); "not to 'save democracy', not to 1

•defend the rights of small nations', but to pre-

serve their colonies, markets and profits!"

"The Communists have always been the most con-

sistent and b itter opponents of Facism. They have

always recognised the Hitler-Mussolini gangsters as 5

being the representatives of the German and Italian

capitalist robbers and warmongers".

"The Soviet Union is not an imperialist power and

is not waging an imperialist war. The Communist Party

has no hesitation in calling upon the people to stand 10

by the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union is the first

Socialist State, the first country in which the work-

ers have taken overthe factories, the m lnes and the

land. It Is the first country in which men and women

work for themselves, not for the profit of a small 15

olass of bankers, landlords and capitalists. In the

Soviet Union the workers govern themselves. Freedom,

education, culture,, social .justice and security are

the heritage of all citizens of the Soviet Union with-

out distinction of race or colour.". 20

"The Soviet Union desires no colonies, no terri-

tory belonging to other peoples, but stands for the

right of self-government and national liberation for

all those who are oppressed.

"The defeat of the Soviet Union would be the 25

greatest triumph that Capitalism could achieve over

the workers and opporessed people of all nations. It

would strengthen the hands of Fascists and pro-

Fascist elements everywhere and retard the final vic-

tory of Socialism."

EXHIBIT. 7082.

' \

TT. 22. Page 36(oont.): "The victory of the Soviet Union would 1

bring about the destruction of Fascism, the liberation

of the oppressed people of Europe and other countries,

and the rapid transition to world Socialism".

"The Communist Party, bearing in mind the past

record of all Capitalist Governments in their relations 5

with the Soviet Union, is of opinion that this deep-

seated hatred of Socialism and the Workers' State per-

sists in ciroles of big monopoly and finance capital

in all countries, including those which are now engaged

in war against the Nazi-Fascist Axis". 10

15

20

25

30

EXHIBIT. 7083.

TT. 24. Page 4s "BUT THE YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE KNOWS THAT 1

THE IRON HEEL OP CAPITALISM UNDER WHICH SOUTH AFRICA

IS CRUSHED WILL NOT BE LIFTED UNTIL THE PEOPLE - AND

IN THE VANGUARD, THE YOJTH - DESTROY IT. THE YOUTH

OF SDUTH AFRICA MUST CEASE TO WRITHE - MUST UNITE,

FIGHT, FIGHT, ATTACK, WE N - AND THE YOUNG COMMUNIST 5

LEAGUE OFFERS TO THE YOUTH THE LEADERSHIP AND THE

ORGANISATION IN WHICH TO UNITE, FIGHT, ATTACK, AND

WIN!"

Page 12; "SOUTH AFRICA. We, the youth of South 10

Africa, have a great deal to learn from the youth of

the Soviet Union.

"We must learn our lesson from the great workers'

revolution of 1917? when the youth and the workers of

Russia rose up together and took the power into their 15

own hands.

"We, the youth of all colours and creeds must

unite together for our own South Africa "October Re-

volution" .

"The Young Communist League calls upon the youth 20

of South Africa to respond - to join in with us in our

march to light.

"YOUTH - let your watchword specially be "We have

nothing to lose but ,-our chains - We have a world to

vtn , M . 25

30

EXHIBIT. 7084.

HB. 32. Page 29: "PACIFISM AM) THE WORKERS. In Holland, 1

Scandinavia and Switzerland , voices are heard among the

revolutionary Social-Democrats - who are combating the

social-chauvinist lies about 'defence of the father-

land' in the present imp; rialist war - in favour of

substituting for the old point in the Social-Democratic 5

minimum programs 'militia, or the armed nation', a

new one; 'disarmament1. The Jugend Internationale

has inaugurated a discussion on this question and has

published in No. 3 an editorial article in favour of

disarmament. In R , Grimm's latest theses, we regret 10

to note, there is also a concession to the "disarma-

ment" idea. Discussions have been started in the

periodicals News Leben and Vorbote.

"let us examine the position of the advocates of

diearmament. 15

"The main argument is that the demand for dis-

armament is the clearest, mose decisive, most consistent

expression of the struggle against all militarism and

against all war.

"But this main argument is precisely the principal 20

error of the advocates of disarmament, Socialists

cannot, without ceasing to be Socialists, be opposed to

all war.

" In the first place, Socialists have never been,

nor can they be, opposed to revolutionary wars. The 25

bourgeoisie of the imperialist 'Great' Powers has be-

come thoroughly reactionary , and we regard the war

which this bourgeoisie is now waging as a reactionary

slave-owners' and criminal war. But what about a war

against this bourgeoisie? For example, a war for 30

EXHIBIT. 7085.

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); "liberation waged by people who are 1

oppressed by and dependent upon this bourgeoisie, or

by colonial peoples, for their independence? In the

theses of the Internationale group, section 5» we read:

'In the era of this uhbridled imperialism there can be

no more national wars of any kind'. This is obviously 5

wrong.

"The history of the Twentieth Centuiy, this cen-

tury of 'unbridled imperialism1, is replete with col-

onial wars. But what we Europeans, the imperialist

oppressors of the majority of the peoples of the WDrld, 1.0

with our habitual, despicable European chauvinism, call

'colonial wars' are often national wars, or national

rebellions of those oppressed peoples. One of the

main features of imperialism is that it accelerates

the development of capitalism in the most backward 15

countries, and thereby extends and intensifies the

struggle against national oppression. This is a fact.

It inevitably follows from this that imperialism must

often give rise to national wars. Junius, vfo o , in

her pamphlet defends the above quoted 'theses', says 20

that in the imperialist epoch every national war against

one of the imperialist Great Powers leads to the in-

tervention of another competing imperialist Great Power

and thus, every national war is converted into an im-

perialist war. But .this argument is also wrong. 25

This may happen, but it does not always happen. Many

colonial wars in the period between 1900 and 1914 did

not follow this road. And it would be simply ridicu-

lous if we declared, for instance, that after the pre-

sent war, if it ends in the extreme exhaustion of all 30

EXHIBIT. 7086.

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.)s "the belligerents, 'these can be 1

no' national, progressive, revolutionary wars 'what-

ever', waged, say, by China in alliance with India,

Persia, Siam, etc.,against the Great Powers.

"To deny all possibility of national wars under

imperialism is wrong in theory, obviously mistaken his- 5

torically, and in practice is tantamount to European

chauvinism; we who belong to nations that oppress

hundreds of millions of people in Europe, Africa,

Asia, etc., must tell the oppressed peoples that it

is 'impossible' for them to wage war against 'our 10

nati onsI

"Secondly, civil wars are also wars. Anyone who

recognizes the class s truggle cannot fail to recognize

civil wars, which in every class society are the natural,

and under certain conditions, inevitable continuation, 15

development and intensification of the class struggle.

All the great revolutions prove this. To repudiate

civil war, or to forget about it , would mean sinking

into extreme opportunism and renouncing the Socialist

revolution. 20

"Thirdly, the victory of Socialism in one country

does not at one stroke eliminate all war in general.

On the contrary, it presupposes such wars. The develop-

ment of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in the

various countries. It cannot be otherwise under the 25

commodity production system. Prom this it follows

irrefutably that Socialism cannot achieve victory sim-

ultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory

first in one or several countries, while the others

will remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois for some time. JO

EXHIBIT. 7087,

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); "This must not only create friction, 1

hut a direct striving on the part of the bourgeoisie of

other countries to crush the victorious proletariat of

the Socialist country. In such cases a war on our

part would be a legitimate and just war. It would be a

war for Socialism, for the liberation of other nations 5

from the bourgeoisie. Engels was perfectly right when,

in his letter to Kautsky, September 12th, 1882, he open-

ly admitted that it was possible for already victorious

Socialism to wage 'defensive wars'. What he had in

mind was defence of the victorious proletariat against 10

the bourgeoisie of other countries.

"Only after we have overthrown, finally vanquished,

and expropriated the bourgeoisie of the whole world, and

not only of one country, will wars become impossible.

And from a scientific point of view it would be utter- 15

ly wrong and utterly unrevolutionary for us to evade

or gloss over the most important thing, namely, that the

most difficult task, the one demanding the greatest

amount of fighting in the transition to Socialism, is

to crush the resistance of the bourgeoisie. 'Social' 20

parsons and opportunists are always ready to dream

about the future peaceful Socialism; but the very

thing that distinguishes them from revolutionary Social-

Democrats is that they refuse to think about and reflect

on the fierce class struggle and class wars that are 25

necessary for the achievement of this beautiful future.

"We must not allow ourselves to be led astray by

wards. The term 'defence of the fatherland', for in-

stance, is hateful to many, because the avowed oppor-

tunists and the Kautskyites use it to cover up and gloss 30

EXHIBIT. 7088,

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.): "over the lies of the bourgeoisie in l

the present predatory war. This is a fact. It does

not follow from this, however, that we must forget to

ponder over the meaning of political slogans. Recog-

nizing 'defence of the fatherland' in the present war

is nothing more nor less than recognizing it as a 'just' 5

war, a war in the interests of the proletariat; nothing

more nor less, because invasions may occur in any war.

It would be simply foolish to repudiate 'defence of the

fatherland' on the part of the oppressed nations in

their wars against the imperialist Great Powers, or on 10

the part of a victorious proletariat in its war against

some Gallifot of a bourgeois state.

"Theoretically, it would be quite wrong to forget

that every war is but the continuation of politics by

other means; the present imperialist war is the con- 15

tinuation of the imperialist politics of two groups of

Great Powers, and these politics were engendered and

fostered by the sum total of the relationships of the

imperialist epoch. But this very epoch must also

necessarily engender and foster the politics of struggle 2)

against national oppression and the politics of the

proletarian struggle against the bourgeoisie, and there-

fore, also the possibility and the inevitability, first,

of revolutionary national rebellions and wars; second,

of proletarian wars and rebellions against the bour- 25

geoisie; and, third, of a combination of both kinds

of revolutionary war, etc.

"To this must be added the following general con-

xsiderations:

"An oppressed class which does not strive to learn 30

EXHIBIT. 7089.

HB. 33. Page 29 tcont.); "to use arms, to acquire arms, de- 1

serves to be treated like slaves. We cannot forget,

unless we become bourgeois pacifists or opportunists,

that we are living in a class society, that there is

no way out of this society, and there can be none, ex-

oept by means of the class struggle. In every class 5

society, whether it is based on slavery, serfdom, or, as

at present, on wage labour, the oppressing class is

armed. The modern standing army, and even the modern

militia - even in the most democratic bourgeois re-

publics, Switzerland, for example - represent the ^

bourgeoisie armed against the proletariat. This is

such an elementary truth that it is hardly necessary

to dwell upon it. It is sufficient to recall the use

of troops against strikers in all capitalist countries.

"The fact that the bourgeoisie is armed against 15

the proletariat is one of the biggest, most fundamental,

and most important facts in modern capitalist society.

And in face of this fact, revolutionary Social-Demo-

crats are urged to 'demand' disarmament'! This is

tantamount to the complete abandonment of the point 20

of view of the class struggle, the renunciation of

all thought of revolution. Our slogan must be; The

arming of the proletariat for the purpose of van-

quishing, expropriating and disarming the bourgeoisie.

These are the only tactics a revolutionary class can 25

adopt, tactics which follow logically from the whole

objective development of capitalist militarism, and

dictated by that development. Only after the pro-

letariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie will it be able

without betraying its world historical mission, t

EXHIBIT. 7090.

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.): "throw all armaments on the scrap- 1

heap; the proletariat will undoubtedly do this, but

only when this condition has been fulfilled, certainly

not before.

" I f the present war rouses among the reactionary

Christian Socialists, among the v\himpering petty bour- 5

geoisie, only horror and fright, only aversion to all

use of arms, to bloodshed, death, etc., then we must

says Capitalist society has always been an endless

horror. And if this most reactionary of all wars is

now preparing a horrible end for that society, we have 10

no reason to drop into despair. At a time when, as every

one can see, the bourgeosie, the objective significance

of the 'demand' for disarmament, or more correctly, the

dream of disarmament, is nothing but an expression of

despair. 35

"We should like to remind those who say that this

is a theory divorced from life, of two world-historical

facts: the role of trusts and the employment of wmen

in industry, on the one hand; and the Paris Commune

of 1871 and the"1 December insurrection of 1905 in Russia,20

on the other.

"The business of the bourgeoisie is to promote

tursts, to drive women and children into the factories,

to torture them there, to corrupt them, to condemn them

to extreme poverty. We do not 'demand' such a develop-25

ment. We do not 'support' it; we fight it . But how

do we fight? We know that trusts and the employment

of women in industry are progressive. We do not want

to go back to the handicraft system, to pre-monopolistic

capitalism, to domestic drudgery for women. Forward 30

EXHIBIT 7091.

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); "through the trusts, etc., ard be- 1

yond them to Socialism!

"This argument, is, mutatis mutandis, applicable

also to the present militarization of the people. To-

day the imperialist bourgeoisie militarizes not only

the adults, but also the youth. Tomorrow, it may 5

proceed to militarize the women. To this we must say;

All the better! The quicker it does this the nearer

shall we be in the armed insurrection against capitalism.

How can Social-Democrats allow themselves to be fright-

ened by the militarization of the youth, etc., if they 10

have not forgotten the example of the Paris Commune?

This is not a 'theory divorced from l i f e ' . It is not

a dream, but a fact. It would be very bad indeed if ,

notwithstanding all the economic and political facts,

Social-JDemocrats began to doubt that the imperialist 15

epoch and imperialist wars must inevitably bring about

a repetition of such facts.

"A certain bourgeois observer of the Paris Commune,

writing to an English newspaper, said: ' If the French

nation consisted entirely of women, what a terrible 20

nation it would bei' Women and children of thirteen

fought in the Paris Commune side by side with the men.

Not can it be different in the forthcoming battles

for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. The proletarian

women will not look onpassively while the well-armed 25

bourgeois shoot down the poorly armed or unarmed WDrkers.

They will take to arms as they did in 1871, and from

the cowed nations of to-day - or more correctly, from

the present-day labour movement, which is disorganized

more by the opportunists than by the governments - there 30

EXHIBIT. 7092.

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.): "will undoubtedly arise, sooner or 1

later, but with absolute certainty, an international

league of the 'terrible nations' of the revolutionary

proletariat.

"Militarism is now permeating the whole of social

life. Imperialism is a fierce struggle of the Great 5

Powers for the division and redivision of the world -

therefore, it must inevitably lead to further militar-

ization in all countries, even in the neutral and small

countries. What will the proletarian women do against

it? Only curse all war and everything military, only 10

demand disarmament? The women of an oppressed class

that is really revolutionary will never consent to play

such a shameful role. They will say to their sonss

"'You will soon be a man. You will be given a gun.

Take it and learn to use it . The proletarians need ]5

this knowledge not to sjhoot your brothers, the workers

of other countries, as they are doing in the present

war, and as you are being told to do by the traitors to

Socialism, but to fight the bourgeoisie of your own 20

country, to put an end to exploitation, poverty and war,

not by means of good intentions, but by vanquishing the

bourgeoisie and by disarming i t ' .

" I f we are to refrain from conducting such propa-

ganda, precisely such propaganda, in connection with 25

the present war, then we had better stop using high-

falutin phrases about international revolutionary Social-

Democracy, about the Socialist revolution, and about

war against war.

"The advocates of disarmament oppose the point in 30 the program ± out the 'armed nation', for the reason,

EXHIBIT. 7093.

HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); 11 among others, that this demand, they 1

allege, easily leads to concessions to opportunism.

We have examined above the most important point, namely,

the relations of disarmament to xhe class struggle and

to the social revolution. We will now examine the re-

lation between the demand for disarmament and oppor- 5

tunism. One of the most important reasons why this

demand is unacceptable is precisely that it , and the

illusions it creates, inevitably weakens and devializes

our struggle against opportunism."

10

55

20

25

30

EXHIBIT. 7094.

HB. 34. Page 13 : "CLA.SS STRUGGLE. That in any given society 1

the strivings of some of the members conflict \sLth the

strivings of others; that social life is full of con-

tradictions; that history discloses to us a struggle

anong nations and societies, and also within each nation

and each society, manifesting in addition an alternation 5

between periods of revolution and reaction, peace and

war, stagnation and rapid progress or decline - these

facts are generally knowi . Marxism provides a clue

which enables us to discover the reign of law in this

seeming labyrinth and chaos; the theory of the class 10

struggle. Nothing but the study of the totality of

the striving of all the members of a given society, or

group of societies, can lead to the scientific defin-

ition of the result of these strivings. Now, the

conflict of strivings arises from differences in the 15

situation and modes of life of the classes into which

society is divided.

" 'The history of all hitherto existing society is

the history of class struggles' - wrote Marx in the

Communist Manifesto (except the history of the pri- 20

mitive community - Engels added.). 'Freeman and

slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-

master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and opp-

ressed, stood in constant opposition to one another,

carried on m uninterrupted, now hidden, now open 25

fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a re-

volutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in

the common ruin of the contending classes . . . The

modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the

ruins of feudal society has not done away with class 30

EXHIBIT. 7095

HB. 34.. Page 15 (oont.); "antagonisms. It has but est&lished

new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of

struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch

of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinc-

tive feature; it has simplified the class antagonisms.

Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into 5

two great hostile camps, into two great classes dir-

ectly facing each other - bourgeoisie and proletariat'"

Page 61: "Now Marx considered that the whole value of

his theory lay in the fact that is is 'in its very ]_q

essence a critical and revolutionary theory'. And this

latter quality is indeed entirely and absolutely inher-

ent in Marxism, because the immediate task of this

theory is to reveal all the forms of antagonism and ex-

ploitation in modern society, to trace their evolution,

to prove their transitory nature, the inevitability of

their transformation into another form, and in this

way to s erve the proletariat so that it may put an end

to every kind of exploitation as quickly and as easily

as possible. The irresistibly attractive force which 20

draws the socialists of all countries to this theory lies

just in this, that it combines rigid learning at its

highest (being the last word of social science) with re-

volutionism, and this combination is not an accident;

not only because the founder of the doctrine combined 25

in his person both the scientist and the revolutionary,

but this combination is welded together internally and

inseparably in the theory itself. Indeed, the task

of the theory and the aim of the science is here put plain-

ly - to assist the class of the oppressed in the actual 30

e c onomi c s t ruggle."

EXHIBIT. 7096

HB. 36. Page 76: "C. The Exposure and Extermination of Every 1

Manifestation of a Breach Between Word andDeed in the

Ranks of the Comintern.

"Neither of the resolutions of the longuetists are

of any value. Or rather, they are of great value for

one special purposes as an illustration of perhaps the 5

most dangerous evil for the workers' movement in Wes-

tern Europe at the present moment. This evil consists

of the fact that the old leaders, seeing the irresis-

tible inclination of the masses toward Bolshevism and

the Soviet power, seek (and often find!) an escape in 10

verbal recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat

and the Soviet power, while actually remaining cither

enemies of the dictatorship of the proletariat or per-

sons unable or not desiring to understand its signi-

ficance and carry it out in life . 15

"How enormous, how immeasurably great is the danger

from such an evil was made especially clear by the down-

fall of the first Soviet Republic in Hungary (this first

republic which perished will be followed by a victor-20

ious second). A series of articles in Die Rote Palme

of Vienna, the central organ of the Austrian Communist

Party, disclosed one of the main reasons for this down-

fall, v iz . , the treachery of the 'Socialists', #10 in

words went over to the side of Bela Kun and declared 25 themselves to be Communists, but ih o in deeds did not

1

put into practice the policies which are in conformity

with the dictatorship of the proletariat, were wavering

and pusilanimous, aontinually running to the bourgeoisie,

and at times directly sabotaged and betrayed the prole-30

tarian revolution. The all-powerful imperialist

EXHIBIT. 7097

HB. 36. Page 76 (cont.)s "robbers, ( i . e . , the bourgeois govern- i

ments of England, France, etc.) , surrounding the Hungar-

ian Soviet Republic, kne^, of course, how to make use of

these vacillations within the Government of the Hungar-

ian Soviet power and brutally strangled it by the hands

of the Rumanian hangmen. 5

"There is no doubt that part of the Hungarian

Socialists sincerely went over to Bela Kun's side and

sincerely declared themselves to be Communists. But

this does not change the crux of the matter in the least.

A man who 'sincerely' declares himself a Communist, but 10

who im actual practice, instead of adopting a. mercilessly

firm, steadfastly determined, unreservedly bold and her-

oic policy(only such a policy is in conformity with re-

cognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat), is

vacillating and pusillanimous - such a man by his lack 15

of character, his vacillations, his indecisiveness,com-

mits the same treachery as an actual traitor. Personally

the difference between a traitor through weakness and a

traitor by design and calculation is very great; poli-

tically there is no such difference, for politics de- 20

cides the actual fate of millions of ]® ople, and this

fate is not altered according to whether millions of

vd rkers and poor peasants are betrayed by traitors

through weakness or traitors through self-interest.

25

"As to what portion of the longuetists who signed

the resolutions which we have under consideration are

persons of the first or of the second category mentioned,

or of any third category, is impossible to ascertain at

present, and it would be futile to attempt to decide 30 such a question. What is important is that these

EXHIBIT. 7098.

HB. 36. Page 76 (cont.)s "Longuetists, as a political trend, 1

are carrying on now precisely the same policy as that

of the Hungarian 'Socialists' and 'Social-Democrats'

who caused the downfall of the Soviet power in Hungary.

The Longuetists are carrying on precisely this policy,

for in words they declare themselves supporters of the 5

dictatorship of the proletariat and the Soviet power,

while in practice they continue to conduct themselves

as of old, continue both to defend in their resolutions

and to put into effect in actual life the old policy

of petty concessions to social chauvinism, opportunism, 10

and bourgeois democracy, of vacillation, indecision,

evasion, subterfuge, hushing up matters, etc. All these

petty concessions, all this vacillation, indecision,

evasion, subterfuge and hudbLrg up* in their sum total,

inevitably result in treason to the dictatorship of the 15

proletariat.

"Dictatorship is a big word, a harsh, bloody word,

which means a merciless struggle, a life-and-death

struggle between two classes, two worlds, two world-

historic epochs. 20

"Such words cannot be trifled with.

"To put on the order of the day the realization of

the dictatorship of the proletariat, and at the same time

to be "afraid of offending" Albert Thomas, Messrs.Bracke,

Sembat and other knights of the most base French So- 25

cial-chauvinism, the heroes of the traitorous paper

'lHumanite,LaBataille, and so on - this means to prac-

tice treason on the working class, whether through light-

mindedness, laclcof consciousness, lack of character, or

other causes, but in any case it means to practice • 30

EXHIBIT. 7099.

HB. 36. Page 76 (cont.): "treason on the working class. 1

"Divergence of word and deed destroyed the Second

International. The Third International is not yet a

year old, but it has already become the fashion, the

centre of attraction for politicians who go where the 5

masses go. The Third International is already being

threatened by a divergence of word and deed. Regardless

of everything, everywhere we must unmask this danger,

must tear out by the roots any ma nifestation of this

evil. 10

Psg e 81: " 5 . Reorganisation of All" Party Work to

Train and Prepare the Masses for the Revolutionary

Struggle.

"The Third, Communist, International was formed pre-15

cisely for the purpose of preventing 'socialists' from

getting away with the verbal recognition of revolution,

as an example of which Is provided by Ramsay MacDonald

in his article. (appearing in L'Humanite, at that time

the organ of the Frwnch Socialist Party, on April 14, 20

1919.) The verbal recognition of revolution, which

in fact concealed a thoroughly opportunist, reformist,

nationalist and petty-bourgeois policy, was the funda-

mental sin of the Second International, and against this

evil we are waging a war of life and death. 25

"When it is said: The Second International died

after suffering shameful bankruptcy - one must be able

to understand what this means. It means that oppor-

tunism, reformism, petty-bourgeois socialism, became

brankrupt, and died. For the Second International has 30 rendered historical service, it has won achievements

EXHIBIT. 7100.

HB. 36 Page 61 (cont.); "(for ever), which the class-con- 1

scious worker will never renounce, namely: the creation

of mass labour organisations - co-operative societies,

trade unions and political organisations, the utili-

sation of bourgeois parliamentarism as well as all the 5

institutions of bourgeois democracy generally, etc.

" In order utterly to defeat the opportunism which

caused the shameful death of the Second International,

in order to render effective aid to the revolution, the

approach of which even Bamsay MacDonald is obliged to 10

admit; it is necessary:

"First, to carry on all propaganda and;.agitation

fromthe point of view of revolution as opposed to re-

forms, systematically to explain this difference to the

masses theoretically and practically at every step of 15

parliamentary, trade union, co-operative work. Under

no circumstances to refrain (except in special cases as .

an exception) from utilising parliamentarism and all

the {liberties' of bourgeois democracy; not to reject

reforms, but regard them only as a by-product of the re-20

volutionary class struggle of the proletariat. Not a

single party affiliated to the "Berne" International(l)

meets these requirements. Not a single one of them

betrays even an irifcling of how all propaganda and agi-

tation should be conducted ile explaining the differ- 25

ence between reform and revolution, how both the party

and the masses must be undeviatingly trained for re-

volution .

"Secondly, legal work must be combined with illegal

work. The Bolsheviks always taught this, and did so 30 with particular insistence during the war of 1914-1918.

Collection: 1956 Treason Trial Collection number: AD1812

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