T I M E SSpring 2014

times.eui.eu

PROFILES OPINIONS EVENTS

The 2014 European Parliamentary Elections

Seceding in the Union

After the Arab Spring

|ntroduction

Welcome to the Spring 2014 issue of EUI Times.In this issue’s Feature section we take a look at the upcoming European Parliament elections, what they mean for Europe, and the EUI’s new voter advice application euandi. Our second feature explores the issues around secession and the effect the European Union is having on local debates in areas such as Scotland and Catalonia. Finally, we look back on the events of the Arab Spring and ask what is the situation on the ground, and where do we go from here? The EUI Times’ Profiles feature Jennifer Welsh, Professor in Interna-tional Relations who discusses her career and current work with the UN and her upcoming project 'The Individualisation of War'. We also speak with Besir Ceka, Max Weber Fellow with the Department of Po-litical and Social Science about what Europeans mean by democracy, and finally to Clément Malgouyres, a third year researcher in econom-ics who is studying how global trade affects local politics.Our Opinion section has contributions from Professor Loïc Azoulai on what it legally means to be a European. Andrea Calderaro gives us his take on the latest internet restrictions imposed in Turkey, and Markus Gastinger suggests students might hold sway in the European Parlia-ment elections, with Erasmus as their motivation.We have a special report on the Innovation and Creativity in Textiles conference recently held at the EUI and highlight some of our upcom-ing events.Lastly we turn our attention to recent EUI Publications, interviewing Professor Stephan Van Damme about his new book A toutes voiles vers la vérité : une autre histoire de la philosophie au temps des Lumières.As ever your thoughts and comments are welcome and can be sent to times@eui.euI hope you enjoy this issue.

Stephan AlbrechtskirchingerDirector, Communications Service

T I M E S

The EUI Times is an online magazine. Printed copies of the Spring 2014 issue were exceptionally produced for distribution at the STATE OF THE UNION 2014 conference.

Features

4 THE 2014 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS EUI political scientists give their views on this May’s elections

Features

7 SECEDING IN THE UNION What does secession mean in today's world?

Features

10 AFTER THE ARAB SPRING A look at the influences on the outcomes of the Arab Spring, one year on

Profiles13 Faculty

A RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT

Jennifer Welsh

Opinions16 WHAT IS A EUROPEAN? Loïc Azoulai

Profiles14 Fellow

WHAT DO YOU MEAN BY DEMOCRACY? Besir Ceka

23 Publications

Profiles15 Researcher

SPACE, MONEY AND POLITICS Clément Malgouyres

Opinions17 THREATS AND PERSPECTIVES

OF INTERNET FREEDOMS IN TURKEY

Andrea Calderaro

EUI TIMESSpring 2014

Director: Stephan Albrechtskirchinger Editor: Jackie GordonWriting: Mark BriggsWeb: Francesco Martino, Raul Pessoa, Federico GaggeroOnline: times.eui.euEmail: times@eui.eu

on the cover and inset: eui rowers, the de gasperi- schuman cup, florence

Spring 2014

Published in May 2014 by the European University Institute© European University Institute, 2014

European University InstituteBadia Fiesolana - Via dei Roccettini, 9 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) - Italy+39 055 4685266 www.eui.eutwitter: @europeanuni

Opinions18 STUDENT’S (POTENTIAL)

SWAY OVER THE 2014 EP ELECTIONS

Markus Gastinger

Events19 SPECIAL EVENT: CREATIVITY

AND INNOVATION: THE TALE OF TEXTILES

Mark Briggs

4 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Features THE 2014 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

At the end of May the population of the European Union will go to the polls and elect 751 MEPs to the European Parliament, to represent 500 million citi-zens in 28 member states. This will be the first elec-tion since the accession of Croatia, the first election since the Eurozone crisis swept the continent, and the first election under the auspices of the Lisbon Treaty giving the electorate a direct say in the presi-dency of the European Commission.

Why these elections are crucialWhen people go to the polls to cast their vote eve-ryone understands they are voting for a MEP, giving the populace a direct say in what they want the fu-ture of Europe to look like. However, the question of what people want from the European Union remains an open ended one with the electorate still adjusting to the concept of supra-national democracy.“The EU isn’t a nation state but people tend to think in terms of scaling up to the European level, project-ing onto the European level our national systems,” says Brigid Laffan, Director of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the EUI. “Democrat-ic institutions, processes and procedures are likely to be thinner at European level than they are at national level for reasons of scale, and because the national container still matters in politics.”

Such an undefined identity can play into a percep-tion of shadowy technocrats playing politics far away from the problems that affect the continent.

“I think we need much stronger accountability structures for what is done collectively at European level.”“There needs to be more political choice at European level,” says Laffan. “I think we need much stronger accountability structures for what is done collective-ly at European level. More transparency over the way decisions are taken, how deliberative they are, how inclusive they are, who has voice, all that matters.”Encased in the Lisbon Treaty is the requirement for the President of the European Commission, currently José Manuel Barroso, to be endorsed by a parliamentary vote, increasing the level of democratic accountability between top power brokers in Brussels and the electorate. Although not specifically catered for in the Treaty the political groups in the European Parliament have (almost) all put forward their candidate ahead of the elections. The candidates will take part in a debate at the EUI’s State of the Union conference on 9 May, which will be broadcast live on RAI News 24. The idea is the group that wins the election will have their candidate chosen as Commission President.

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“Who wins is a big question because there isn’t a government being formed. So it is more difficult to argue if it’s narrow,” says Laffan. “If it’s clear and one of the big parties wins by a substantial majority then the winner is clear, but if you end up with five or six seats between the main parties then you don’t have a winner; at least in my view.” Without a majority, and having already stated their preferred candidate for the post of president there could follow a long ses-sion of horse trading before we know who gets the post of President and the other jobs in his cabinet – Presidency of the European Council and High Rep-resentative for Foreign Affairs. Following the Eurozone crisis there is likely to be a significant Eurosceptic vote come the elections. What this means for the parliament will ultimately depend on the percentage of that vote. Polls suggest anywhere between 20-30 percent, with that vote split between the far left – who focus more the economics of the EU, and the far right – who care more about immigration policies. That might be what the polls say, but the great un-known of this election is the turn out. Changes in the Lisbon Treaty are aimed to give more power to the directly-elected component of the EU – the parlia-ment. However if turn out is low that may render the change a mere technicality. “If these elections just hold the turn out or there is a decline in my view that is bad for the parliament because it makes it harder for the parliament to claim they are the voice of the people,” says Laffan.

It is not just these elections where turn out is fall-ing. Across much of the developed world fewer and fewer people are going to the polls each elec-tion day. “Voting is low cost, low benefit. Low cost – you walk to the polls and cast your vote. Low benefit – if you live in democratic country where you get your vote and you don’t have to fight for it, often you don’t quite know what you are voting for,” says Laffan. A distrust of politicians and politics plays a part in declining participation. As does apathy and a feeling that with 500 million people in the Euro-pean Union, how much effect can one vote actu-ally have? “It’s a well-known paradox that if you know your one extra vote doesn’t change anything why would you vote, it’s a rational stance,” says Alexander Trechsel, Head of the Department of Political and Social Sci-ence and a Director at the European Union Democ-racy Observatory. Motivations to actually go to the polls range from a sense of civic duty, to a desire to articulate their satisfaction or dissatisfaction, and the knowledge that occasionally, an extremely small number of votes can actually make the difference. “Elections remain the single most important event in democratic life,” says Trechsel. “But they only work if people vote.”

Why vote?

“Elections remain the single most important event in democratic life but they only work if people vote”Brigid Laffan Alexander H. Trechsel

6 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

euandiAhead of the European elections the EUDO team has developed euandi, an online tool to help voters iden-tify the party that most closely matches their views. The team analysed 250 political parties across the whole of the European Union extracting information from manifestos and liaising with the parties them-selves to code their positions. The tool asks users to respond to 28 statements on a range of issues and matches their answers to po-litical parties both in their local political vicinity, and across Europe. The tool is available for every member state of the EU, in the 24 official languages of the Un-ion. As well as statements that apply to the European elections generally there are two country specific questions for each user. “If you want to capture this campaign you also need to be attentive to differences from one national con-text to another,” says Trechsel. “For this you need experts and this is the unique thing about the EUI, here we have the world’s best pool of European social scientists working in the same place.” Trechsel headed a similar project in 2009, and since then voter advice applications (VAAs) have become increasingly widely used in domestic elections. In the last German Bundestag elections VAAs were used by 12 million people, which represents around a quarter of the electorate. “We did it in 2009 and learnt a lot from the scien-tific information that came out of it,” says Trechsel. “What drives me as a professor in SPS is I want to learn something about the link between information and political attitudes, voting behaviour, the internet and campaign mechanisms that are not initiated by parties and top down behaviour.”

What is unique about euandi is that as well as match-ing their views with political parties users can match with each other using social media. “Previously you could match yourself to a party but what nobody had ever tried is to allow users to find out where they stand politically vis a vis all the other users. We use the same algorithms for matching people to parties to match people to people and find out where their political alter egos live in Europe.”By matching and connecting people with similar po-litical views users can create a de facto political par-ty. Unlike other VAAs that expire after the election euandi will allow researchers at the EUI to track any new communities created allowing them to test some long standing theories about mobilisation in the con-text of digitisation and the internet. “Interest in politics has remained high, they are just not necessarily interested in electoral politics and parties and the way they work. This satisfies the cu-riosity, people are feeling lost, they don’t find them-selves as easily anymore in the political landscape,” says Trechsel.“Here we give them a tool in their hands that they can use for free and at their leisure that can help them find out more about themselves.”

euandiwww.eui.eu/Projects/EUDO/EUandIwww.euandi.eu

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FeaturesThis year referenda will be held in Scotland and Catalonia on the regions’ independence. Despite an increasingly globalised world secession debates remain active in the Basque country, Flanders, Veneto and other regions across the European Un-ion. What do secession and independence mean in today’s world, what drives regions in a globalised world to put up additional borders? What do these regions want when they talk of secession, and what are the potential pitfalls of becoming an in-dependent nation? “In the most basic constitutional form secession means that what we understand as the territory of a polity is changing,” says Regina Grafe, pro-fessor of Early Modern History of Europe. For Grafe, the issue of secession is merely part of the ongoing process that has seen the political map of Europe re-drawn by each generation. “If you think about it from an historical perspec-tive states have changed shape, have changed borders and political systems […] It’s nothing new; anyone surprised about territorial changes would do well to have a historical map of Europe to hand.”Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, East and West Ger-many, have all passed into history in the last 25 years creating new borders and countries in the process while German and Italian unification only occurred in the nineteenth century. It is an ongoing process, and one that shows little sign of abating.

Scotland and Spain The two highest profile secession movements cur-rently in progress are both seeking a democratic route to independence. Three years ago the Scottish National Party (SNP) won a majority in the devolved Scottish Parliament and included a referendum for independence in their manifesto. The vote will take place on 18 September, although currently the polls show the majority of voters intend to vote against in-dependence.Catalonia is also planning its own referendum for 9 November; however unlike the Scottish vote it does not have the legal backing of the state from which they wish to secede. The Edinburgh Agreement consented to the terms of the referendum in Scotland but a re-cent vote in the Spanish parliament ruled the Catalan vote unconstitutional on the basis that changing the borders of the country required a nationwide vote. According to Grafe the current debate in Spain stems largely from the transition to democracy following the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975.In a bid to rebuild a stable democratic state, the exact status of the regions was left deliberately ambiguous. Instead each region negotiated directly with the cen-tre for the powers they wanted for their own prov-ince. “The result was what is known as ‘café para to-dos’, every provincial politician in every autonomia had an obvious interest in asking for more and more areas of public administration to be turned over.”

SECEDING IN THE UNION

8 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

“This led to a deeply dysfunctional political model. Spain has no federal structure constitutionally, but has devolved more power to the level of the autono-mias than the federal FRG devolves to its Länder.”With the regions negotiating directly with Madrid and not with each other to find collective solutions political discourse has become increasingly antago-nistic. Local politicians can easily lay the region’s problems at the door of Madrid, claiming if only they were given more autonomy or more support, things would be different. A similar debate can be heard in Scotland. The in-dependence argument suggests that since the Sec-ond World War, Scotland has too often been gov-erned by a party in Westminster that didn’t have a majority north of the border. Invariably these gov-ernments were led by the Conservative Party and seen as representing the wealthy elite of southern England. Currently although the Conservatives have 303 MPs in parliament there is only one elect-ed from Scotland. The SNP claims independence would allow them to create a Scandinavian style social democracy. “It is not clear, in which way the project of an inde-pendent Catalonia would create a new state with a different social, political or economic project. Politicians’ promises concentrate on the fact that it will not belong to Spain,” says Grafe. “The Scots seem to have a clearer idea of how that new state would be different.”

Secession and the EU“That is in part a consequence of the economic crisis. In Spain and Catalonia - as elsewhere in Europe – nationalist [and sub-nationalist] sentiment became one of the ways in which politicians respond to the crisis,” says Grafe.There is a double edged irony to these growing sub state nationalisms. The Conservative Party in the UK is determined to repatriate powers from the EU, while at the same time fighting against the same de-sire in the Scots. Both the Catalans and the Scots wish to remain in the EU should they achieve independence. “Sub-state nationalists have long looked towards the EU as a guarantor of minority rights,” says Grafe. “But their nationalist ideology is at odds with the Euro-pean project insofar as the latter is meant to reduce the role of the nation state.”“There are a number of other member states who are having secession problems,” explains Stefano Barto-lini, Peter Mair Chair in Comparative Politics at the EUI. “Do they want to legitimate the principle that under the umbrella of Europe you can split?”President of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso has previously told the BBC it would be “extremely difficult, if not impossible, for Scotland to join.”

However, Alex Salmond, leader of the SNP has claimed that if Scot-land were not allowed into the EU it would amount to the “removal of 5 million EU citizens against their will because they have taken part in a legal, democratic vote on how they should be governed.”The free movement of people and goods around the EU as well as the single currency means many

Stefano BartoliniRegina Grafe

9 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

of the traditional threats of secession have been removed. While certain border effects do remain, they have been reduced in potency. “The strengthening of the European framework re-duced the cost of secession,” says Bartolini. “In a sense the EU has taken away the high political signif-icance of the state and in that sense it could be con-sidered as fostering increasing claims to autonomy.”The union has over the course of its history actively sought to remove economic and mobility bounda-ries, inadvertently threatening the remaining po-litical ones.

The end of the nation state?“The best way to think about secession move-ments is to think about the way that states are formed. We tend to start from a status quo…anything that changes that order is abnormal, is secession, and is breaking the natural order of things,” suggests Grafe.

According to Grafe we have come to regard the na-tion state as the accepted form of governance, with the current collaboration of borders seen as the natu-ral order. “The crucial point is that all debates about a rewriting of borders at the moment have reverted to a discourse that reifies the nation as the only legiti-mate form of political organisation.”Global issues such as global warming, the economy, and migration increasingly draw the attention of elected officials. This has left a vacuum of representa-tion increasing the desire for more regional repre-sentation to focus on local issues.“As voters feel increasingly anxious about a more globalised world many come to believe that small-er ‘historical’ polities would represent them better,” suggests Grafe. “From the historian’s perspective, however, that just obscures the real issues. The nation state was never more than one form of political organisation. Its rei-fication has been and continues to be overwhelming-ly the source of political conflicts, not the solution,” concludes Grafe. “There isn’t any reason to assume that a change of borders will solve any of the issues.”

“In a sense the EU has taken away the high political significance of the state and in that sense it could be considered as fostering increasing claims to autonomy”

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FeaturesThree years ago fruit seller Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in the middle of a Tunisian street. His actions unleashed a wave of protests against state in-justice which toppled President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, before spreading across the Middle East.The events became known as the Arab Spring and forced a host of undemocratic leaders from office across the region, greeted by jubilant crowds from Tripoli to Tahir Square and beamed around the globe by the world’s media. Now the dictators and the news crews have gone, the hard work of rebuilding countries after years of monopolised power has been met with a mixture of success and shortcomings.Some countries have forged a new path towards democratic rule, while for others the future remains less than clear.

The good the bad and the uglyPerhaps the most successful revolution took hold in the country where it all began. “I think Tunisia exem-plifies what could happen if there were no external in-terferences in the Middle East,” says Olivier Roy, Chair in Mediterranean Studies at the EUI. “Tunisia is a very interesting case, there is no geopolitical stake; there is no oil, no big army no big neighbour and little inter-ference from the former colonial power and the west.”

Essentially left to their own devices Tunisians were forced to negotiate amongst themselves. The result, according to Roy, is the most democratic constitu-tion in the Middle East, which safeguards freedoms of consciousness and women’s rights.In Egypt, after initial early progress the situation has regressed. After the ousting of Hosni Mubarak and initial elections, the elected president, Moham-ed Morsi, was removed by the army with popular support after being accused of a power grab. It now appears the armed forces are trying to reassert con-trol by putting their own candidate forward for the presidency. “In the end we have a new dictatorship in Egypt. But we are not back to square one,” says Roy. “The society has profoundly changed, the political structure has changed. I expect another round in Egypt.”Whereas in Tunisia and Egypt the essential day to day infrastructure of the state remained, in Libya, with the fall of Gaddafi, the state fell into dys-function. “Libya is an interesting case in the Arab Spring be-cause it was the only one where foreign intervention was decisive,” says Nehal Bhuta, Professor of Public International Law. While such action undoubtedly quickened the downfall of Gaddafi such interven-tions bring their own challenges.“The problem in Libya is the political process has been sped up by foreign military intervention,” explains Roy. “Here we have the rule that any time you have foreign military intervention things go bad because you have no internal domestic political process.”

AFTER THE ARAB SPRING

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There is a democratic process underway in Tripoli, but militias across the country are staking claims to power, territory and oil ignoring the ballot box for the barrel of a Kalashnikov. Currently the militias are relatively balanced in terms of resources, which may have stopped the descent into civil war: no side has the power to overwhelm the others. “Right now there is an equi-librium of forces that means you have a constant low level of conflict, but not a massive conflict. This means it could go along like this for quite some time,” says Bhuta. The country that has suffered most from the Arab spring is Syria. An armed struggle against an obsti-nate regime has become not just a civil war, but a proxy war between vested interests from throughout the Middle East and beyond. “No one expected there to be a civil war in Syria,” says Nida Alahmad, a research associate at the De-partment of History and Civilization. “Now, most people expect it to continue.”

Beyond the Arab SpringDespite appearing to sweep across the region, many countries including Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Israel and Palestine avoided the upheaval wrought on their neighbours by popular uprising. However, they have not remained unaffected by develop-ments across the region.

The monarchy of Morocco announced democratic re-forms before protests picked up momentum in the coun-try. Elections have been held but ultimately power still rest with the royal family. “The situation is not solved in Morocco,” says Roy. “Tension might grow, but I don’t think in a violent way. You have a specific historical tem-po with Morocco (the only Arab Nation not ruled by the Ottomans). The society is changing and modernising and democratic demand will come back sooner or later.”Despite the turmoil erupting in what would have ap-peared the most unlikely places, the territory long considered the most unstable in the region appears unaffected by the events. “The Palestinian leaders missed every opportunity,” states Roy. “The worst thing for Israel would have been an Arab Spring in the West Bank, but it didn’t happen.”Once the strategic issue of the region it has now moved to the periphery, as others move centre stage. “What remains of the Arab Nationalists who con-sider the Palestinian struggle the Arabian people’s struggle have no impact on public opinion.”

Ramifications and Geo-politics“The geo-politics is a mess,” says Alahmad. “Saudi Arabia and Qatar still have a lot of influence and recently they have been in open conflict with each other on geo-political issues. The gulf states remain very influential.”

Olivier Roy Nehal Bhuta Nida Alahmad

12 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014EUI TIMES |

“There is evidence the Qatari government is inter-vening heavily in Libyan affairs by funding particular groups and individuals,” says Bhuta. “There is a great deal of foreign intervention in Libyan politics.” Although not experiencing an Arab Spring at home, Saudi Arabia has been involved in events abroad, back-ing factions and groups which serve their interests. Saudi Arabia is a Sunni-led state and has found itself in constant conflict with a Shia axis “trying to main-tain a Shia corridor from Tehran to Beirut,” according to Roy. However they have been unable to unite the Sunni groups across the region, actively undermining the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt as well as democratic forces. “De facto they align with secularists even if it is supposed to be worse to be a secularist than a Shia.”

“The Saudi policy is a catastrophe, not only because of the effect it has on the region, but because it un-dermines their own camp.”Perhaps the most influential Shia state is Iran. After gaining diplomatic victories over its own nuclear programme and its role in the removal of chemical weapons from Syria, Iran is keen to re-enter the wid-er diplomatic scene.“In the long term I think we are witnessing a reshuf-fling of the balance of power in the Middle East. The big question is will this reshuffling have an impact on the borders,” says Roy.

Going forward“It is all yet to be seen, it remains unclear. You would hope the big winner would be the people, but we still don’t know,” says Alahmad. “There is a generation of Syrian refugees who will never have been to school and are scared by the war and their experience in the camps.”“It is anyone’s guess right now,” says Bhuta. “Libya, I think, will continue to stumble on in this way.”“People are free from an authoritarian state and that has created the space for all sorts of political, artistic and other kinds of expression. The problem is when that happens where the basis of civil order is very weak; those kinds of achievements tend to be a bit evanescent.”Without any recent experience of democratic rep-resentation people are still finding their space. “The positive side of this is there are more voices, there is more expression of hopes, fears and opinions,” says Alahmad. “You have everything and its opposite, it remains a very transformative moment.”

“In the long term I think we are witnessing a reshuffling of the balance of power in the Middle East. The big question is will this reshuffling have an impact on the borders”

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Profiles FacultyA responsibility to protect

Jennifer Welsh is Professor in International Relations in the Department of Political and So-cial Sciences. She joined the EUI in January from the University of Oxford and currently serves the UN Secretary General as Special Advisor on the ‘Responsibility to Protect’.The issue of intervention by the international community on hu-manitarian grounds has been a hotly debated topic since the end of the Second World War. The debate intensified after the geno-cides in Rwanda and Srebrenica, and continues to vex the inter-national community, as events in Syria and Sri Lanka attest. “The idea that not just the state, but the international community has a responsibility to protect is

quite a new idea,” explains Welsh, whose work explores the articula-tion of the concept and the con-troversies surrounding it. “There is a simple idea behind it; that there is a responsibility to protect populations from these extreme situations and large scale loss of life.” The issue is when, and how. Existing international law says nations have the primary respon-sibility to protect their citizens. However, increasingly a consen-sus is growing that there is a role for the international community to play in both helping maintain that protection, but also to act when states fail in this protection. “The response can be diplo-matic, political, and humanitar-ian. There is a basket of coercive measures, not all are military,” says Welsh. The principle has been used to positive effect in Libya and in Kenya after election violence in 2007, and in South Sudan and the Central African Republic.While at the EUI, Welsh will be directing a new ERC funded project ‘The Individualisation of War’.

“War has become much less an activity that takes place between sovereign states and much more something that individual actors are at the centre of.”The project will look at the role of civilian protection in war, and the contradiction of going to war to protect civilians. The sec-ond strand will explore the issue of who counts as a combatant in modern warfare. The final thread will explore individual account-ability for acts of war, how they are operationalised and interact with conflict resolution and peace negotiations. A former Jean Monnet Fellow at the EUI, Welsh felt this was the right time to return and make use of the expertise available at the In-stitute. “For me it was a real opportunity to come to a place that is more fo-cused, discipline wise. And there is an opportunity to do some in-ter-disciplinary things.”“There is an interest in the idea of Europe and the world at the EUI. Particularly with respect to re-sponsibility to protect and some of the civilian protection work I do, the EU is an important actor.”

14 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Profiles FellowWhat do you mean by democracy?

Besir Ceka is a Max Weber Fellow affiliated with the Department of Political and Social Science. His research focuses on the dual is-sues of trust and understanding of democracy in a European context.“What do people mean when they say democracy, what are the components of democracy?” asks Ceka. “Much of the research in the past has focused on satisfac-tion; we did not have good enough survey tools to go deeper and to understand how Europeans view democracy.”The recent European Social Sur-vey attempted to address this. EUI Professor (and Ceka’s mentor) Hanspeter Kriesi was heavily in-volved in designing a set of ques-tions to identify different dimen-

sions of democracy such as social justice, direct democracy and lib-eral democracy and to measure the level of importance people at-tributed to them. “I have been looking at all the countries that are available in the survey, which is 22 of them. Ex-ploring how Europeans under-stand democracy, and what as-pects they find most important.”Ceka’s findings challenge the re-ceived wisdom which suggests those with higher educational at-tainment and a more global out-look would lean towards more idealistic and high-demand un-derstandings of democracy. What Ceka found in the course of his research was in fact, the opposite: “In a very rationalist way people understand, or at least believe, more demanding notions of de-mocracy might disrupt their so-cial standing. “Those who have benefited from the status quo are more likely to support democracy in its current guise. If the national system had high levels of direct democracy for example, they back direct de-mocracy. If it did not, then direct democracy is seen as less desirable.

“The meaning and importance that citizens attach to the different dimensions of democracy is so-cially-structured in a predictable way with rational, self-interested and inward-looking considera-tions of citizens playing a big role,” summarises Ceka. Overall, if people are satisfied with how the system is working they are less likely to demand rad-ical improvements: “What I found is that if people trust political in-stitutions, if they think the insti-tutions are doing their job prop-erly, they are less likely to demand more from the democracy and less likely to identify a number of extra dimensions as extremely im-portant for democracy.”Next September Ceka will take up an assistant professorship at Da-vidson College, North Carolina, and is already looking fondly back at his year here: “I’ve been keeping busy between teaching at James Madison University in Florence, my own research and playing calcetto with other Max Weber Fellows. It has really been a great time. The EUI has been a terrific place for me.”

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Profiles ResearcherSpace, money and politics

Clément Malgouyres is a third year researcher in the Depart-ment of Economics. His work looks at how global trade affects local economies, and how that in turn changes the political dimen-sion of the area.Globalisation has become an in-creasingly dominant force. But who are the winners and losers, and what effect does that have on local regions? According to Mal-gouyres when an area opens up to trade the gains are equally dis-tributed throughout the society: “You have the opportunity to buy cheaper consumer products and roughly your gains as a consumer will be pretty similar.”What is not shared equally, how-ever, is the risk.

“If you happen to be working in a sector that overlaps with a strong specialisation of a coun-try to which you are opening up, your lifetime income is likely to be heavily impacted.” What is true for individuals also counts for companies, industries, cities, and with industries often clustered in particular regions.Today, such competition usually takes the form of tradable goods from low wage countries such as China. Companies and jobs fol-low the path of increasing returns. People, however, in the parlance of economics are “imperfectly mobile across space”. If you live in an area and lose your job you are likely to look for another job in the same place rather than move.This has ramifications for those who were not in direct competi-tion with new imports; a local de-crease in demand, and increased competition for jobs from those who are now redundant pushes wages down and feeds into local decline.“I wanted to try and quantify those effects and look at the di-rect and indirect effects of import competition. In particular I’m

looking at if people in affected cit-ies radicalise. Do they vote more for radical parties?”Using French data, Malgouyres is currently looking for empirical evidence for a shift towards far right voting. Initial findings sug-gest the effect is more prominent in European Elections, and has been growing in magnitude over the period of study 1995-2012.However in presidential elections, the effect is not as positively cor-related: “I am worried it captures more sociological effects. People with working class backgrounds vote more for the far right and have been doing so increasingly. It is not isolated to those in overlap-ping sectors.” Malgouyres’ Masters thesis looked at how access to the labour mar-ket varied from place to place, and whether financial assistance is best aimed at individuals or re-gions. If there is one thing to take away from his work it is that in economics “space matters.”

16 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Opinions

The vast majority of people living in Europe perceive themselves as members of a national commu-nity. Most of them are well aware of having a common market, shar-ing a free movement area, living in relatively standardized societies, being subject to common legal norms and supranational institu-tions, sharing certain beliefs and commitments as well as risks and fears. That does not however mean that they would describe them-selves as members of a ‘European community’ in the genuine sense of this expression.Both the organisation of European elections and the ‘Constitutional moment’ of 2003-2004 proved in-effective in making a leap towards

the establishment of a natural political  community. There is no such thing as ‘one people of Eu-rope’. There seems to be no such thing as a sociological or politi-cal European subject. If one wants to make sense of this expression whilst avoiding the pitfalls of ide-ological projections, one may well turn to the law. Law is not a mere reflection of the social and the po-litical context. It advances and in-vents through cases. At times, the consideration of concrete cases provides elements that open up new perspectives which may ex-ceed the overarching conceptions to which social and political elites remain attached and upon which the legal system has been built.This exploration has led so far to two main results. For the most part, the Europeanisation of the individual has a valuable but rath-er limited significance: it turns nationals of the Member States into members of another national community. As a Frenchman I am European by becoming a quasi-Italian as regards the main aspects of my social life (i.e. living in Flor-ence). This is achieved through various kinds of legal mechanisms

(conferral of rights, assignments of roles, regulation of family rela-tionships, demarcation from non-Europeans). In rare cases, how-ever, EU law goes beyond this and constitutes the subject into a gen-uine European which is supposed to live in material and moral con-ditions which refer to Europe as a whole. Ironically this figure has been forged by the European Court of Justice in a famous case involving a  Colombian national residing illegally in Belgium.  If there is a European individual, it exists in the consciousness of some judges. This audacious move has potentially revolution-ary effects. However, there is also some evidence that the main insti-tutional players (the national gov-ernments, the administrative and judicial authorities, the economic milieus) are not willing to support and relay this move.These issues will be taken up in a conference on The Category of the Person in EU Law  taking place at the EUI on 10 and 11 November 2014 which will involve lawyers as well as sociologists, political theo-rists and philosophers.

WHAT IS A EUROPEAN?

Loïc Azoulai holds the chair of European Law at the European University Institute. He is codirector of the Academy of European Law and of the Centre for Judicial Cooperation both hosted at the European University Institute.

17 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Opinions

THREATS AND PERSPECTIVES OF INTERNET FREEDOMS IN TURKEY

On 20 March, the Turkish govern-ment shut down first Twitter, and then, seven days later, YouTube. Services have been now restored, but the increasing restrictions imposed by the Turkish govern-ment on the internet illustrate an increasing distance between Tur-key and the EU concerning the governance of internet freedoms.The shutting down of these two widely used services is one of the first applications of the disputed law on internet restriction enact-ed in February 2014. This law al-lows Turkish Telecommunication Authority to shut down online services within 4 hours without requesting the intervention of a court ruling. In addition, the law forces internet services providers

(ISPs) to store data of online user activities for up to two years.These threats to freedom of ex-pression are not however, new in Turkey. Reporters without Bor-ders ranks Turkey 154th  out of 180 countries for freedom of ex-pression. The Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ) reports that Turkey is the country with the highest number of jailed journalist in the world, higher than countries like Iran and China. The Turkish government has al-ready implemented hidden inter-net filtering for social and political reasons, by importing and using digital surveillance technology like FinnSpy and Remote Control System, software traditionally used by authoritarian regimes. The new internet law and the recent ban of Twitter and YouTube indicates an escalation of censorship in the country. With this, the govern-ment enhances its restrictions by publically enforcing its control over the infrastructure of the In-ternet. Given that internet in Tur-key is offered almost solely by the formerly state controlled Türk Tel-ekom’s TTNET, the government can exercise this control easily.

The Internet Governance Forum (IGF), a key international forum launched by the United Nations in 2006 for facilitating multi-stake-holder debate on internet govern-ance, will be hosted by Turkey this September. It is not the first time that the IGF is hosted in coun-tries with bad records in terms of internet freedoms, but this year it comes at a very delicate moment for Turkey.Although even Turkey’s President Abdullah Gul openly opposed the increased restrictions of the In-ternet, the Turkish government's agenda concerning internet free-doms cannot be underestimated. Given the recent electoral boost for the Prime Minister Erdogan, it seems likely that these develop-ments will continue in the future. If so, Turkey seems to have picked a path that looks set to diverge from a European understanding of internet governance and the protection of free speech online.

Andrea Calderaro, from the EUI’s Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom, works on internet and International Affairs, with a particular focus on internet governance, cybersecurity, and the role of EU in the global internet policy debate.

18 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Opinions

The popular exchange programme Erasmus provides students with crucial funds to finance a study period abroad.When in December 2012 squab-bles over the EU budget led to Er-asmus funds running dry, thou-sands of exchange students were stranded in a foreign country without their grant. The reaction that this provoked was stunning. Thousands of students rushed to platforms like Facebook and Twitter to pledge their support to the programme. Within days the crisis was averted, a com-promise between the European Parliament and the Council was found, and the flow of funds to students all across Europe was unblocked.

This episode teaches us two things: one, Erasmus has the po-tential to mobilize people. Two, the European Parliament matters. Having started as an annex to the EU with little practical relevance it has expanded considerably in role and function. In budgetary pro-cedures, it is on an equal footing with the Council since the Lisbon Treaty. The composition of the EP, therefore, has a direct impact on how much money is allocated to which Union programmes.The project “Help Erasmus” merg-es these two basic insights in an attempt to reach out to students and increase their impact on the May elections. We will publish a table allowing students to identify candidates that are particularly supportive of the Erasmus pro-gramme. The list already includes around 90 candidates in the May elections and is open to members of all political groups.In total, 400 million people will be eligible to vote in the elections. But probably only 200 million of them will do so. There are around 20 million students in the EU. Therefore every tenth vote could be cast by a student. It does not

take a lot of imagination to realize the impact that they could have on the election outcome when voting together.While funds for Erasmus have steadily increased, the number of students that are interested in studying abroad has also ex-panded. Clearly not everyone who wants to go abroad gets a chance to do so.  The signs so far are en-couraging that students under-stand what is at stake. Several Eu-ropean student associations (ESN, ESU, EMSA, AEGEE) already support the project. However, in the end its success will depend on the resolve of individual stu-dents to go vote in the EP elec-tions. They could show that they not only support the programme on Twitter and Facebook when it is on the brink of collapse. But re-alize that in a democracy the more meaningful mechanism to shape the world around them is through elections.

Markus Gastinger is a researcher in the Department of Political and Social Sciences. His work focuses on Delegation and Agency in EU External Relations.

STUDENT’S (POTENTIAL) SWAY OVER THE 2014 EP ELECTIONS

19 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

How do we safeguard innovation and creativity at a time of tight economic budgets and increasing com-petition from outside the continent? A major Euro-pean conference took place at the EUI on March 24-25 discussing these issues in the context of the textile industry. The textile industry encompasses everything from the production of cheap socks to the glamour of the Pitti catwalk. Increasingly it is finding a new future in architecture and medical science while the future of fashion appears destined to resolve around wearable technology, everything from information carrying dyes, to lights and electrics.Most of the added value from a garment comes from the surface; the design, the brand and the packag-ing, areas in which Europe is a global leader. Author Bradley Quinn highlighted the modern approaches to textiles design and the ways the industry is in-creasingly embracing technical innovation to drive the creative process.“Up until now we haven’t been able to wash and move freely using wearable technology. This is changing,” said Quinn. As the integration of technology into our clothes becomes a viable reality the use of LED gen-erated motifs and interactive designs are becoming increasingly important. As the tech giants battle it out over new smart watches the incorporation of the internet opens up new possibilities for our clothes to interact with their environments, and their owners. There is a growing collaboration between textiles and science, with the advances shared by both fields. New fabrics used in medical science have the flexibility to allow them to react more naturally to the ebb and

Events

SPECIAL EVENTCREATIVITY AND INNOVATION: THE TALE OF TEXTILES

flow of muscles and blood. Such materials are also less likely to be rejected by the body than other ma-terials. Textiles adaptability is also making them increas-ingly useful in architecture, freeing the designer from the limitations of a particular substance and allowing them to design a structure and then create the mate-rial that best suits the purpose. Innovation is one thing, but without cold hard eco-nomics it might not be enough.The textile industry was not immune from the finan-cial crisis. However it saw a big recovery in 2010, and since then the market has been stable, but with low level growth. While the industry does not represent a significant part of the European economy it is hugely significant in specific countries; including Italy. “In textiles, if Italy smiles, Europe smiles,” said Franc-esco Marchi of the European Textile and Clothing Confederation. While in tough economic times there is a temptation towards protectionism, Professor Bernard Hoekman, Programme Director at the EUI’s Global Governance Programme, says for long term growth, the opposite is required: “Instead of focusing on protecting a firm or an industry against imports, we need to lower im-ports tariffs and address things such as competitive-ness.” To foster competitiveness individuals and companies need to benefit from their ideas, keeping them in business and encouraging others into the field. “Dur-ing the renaissance Venice benefited greatly from granting patents to encourage artists and craftsmen

20 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

to come to the city,” said Professor Luca Mola, Pro-fessor of Early Modern History at the EUI. During the 1500s taking the plans for silk spinning machines out of Bologna was punishable by death as the town sought to maintain its competitive advantage. More modern initiatives from the European Union are seeking stronger legal protections for intellectual property rights, while new technologies such as Mi-cro Trace can be used to ensure each item carries a unique tag making it impossible to counterfeit.However those in the creative sector of the industry can play their part in helping themselves and their industry.Linda Loppa is Director of Polimoda, Florence’s leading fashion school. She called on the industry to “build bridges” recognising the expertise it has, and bring people in from outside to compensate for those it doesn’t. The creative textile industry is in a “tran-sitional moment” she said, brought about by a com-bination of the economic climate, and the growth of internet services and its effect on the high street. “We need new ways of creating, new ways of writing and new research. We need to use our cities and spaces better because this is where we have the energy.” “We shouldn’t be ashamed that we like luxury, but we should understand what it means to the different people of the world,” said Loppa. There needs to be debate and to embrace new ways to put “ideas on a platform” creating a dialogue and helping to generate new ideas. This idea was backed up by Wendy Malem of the London School of Fashion who called on the indus-

try to embrace skills from the outside and to “stimu-late innovation by putting people together in a room who otherwise would never have met.”The European Union is investing in the textile indus-try through the framework of its Horizon 2020 pro-gramme, which through funding in the key areas of ‘Excellent Science’, ‘Industrial Leadership’ and ‘Soci-etal Changes’ aids investment in new and socially re-sponsible technologies. The initiative involves every stage of the industry from the materials used, to the method of production, to what happens at the end of an item’s life. Companies themselves are also adapting to new eco-nomic realities. Innovations such as clustering have been used in Serbia to allow companies to purchase raw materials in bulk for a cheaper price. The same tactic is allowing small and medium enterprise com-panies to gain access to international markets and boost collective R&D.The ideas and solutions showcased at the conference need not be isolated to the textile industry; the guid-ing principles are applicable to every sector. Summed up by the EUI’s Secretary General, Pasquale Ferrara: “Innovation and creativity is essential for not just this sector, but for the whole economy.”

21 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Central and Eastern European Judges under the EU Influence: The Transformative Power of Europe Revisited on the 10th Anniversary of Enlargement

The Conference brings together national judges, international judges and academics to discuss, inter alia: What has

been the “transformative power” of EU law on the reasoning and ideologies of Central European countries’ judiciary? What has been the impact of EU membership on their institutions? How can we explain the radical change of approach of some initially “Euro-friendly” Constitutional Courts that in recent times have questioned the constitutionality of EU acts and even a judgement of the ECJ? What are the cultural and political reasons of the backsliding on rule of law and constitutional guarantees in some of the Central and Eastern European countries following the accession?

Sala Europa, 9:00 Villa Schifanoia Register with bart.provoost@eui.eu

Lecture: James Hathaway on the EU's Dublin Regulation

In recent years, states have adopted a variety of policies – ranging from unilateral rules

on “direct flight” and “safe third countries” to formal multilateral arrangements such as the EU's Dublin Regulation – that purport to designate a refugee's first country of arrival as solely responsible to assess her protection needs. But is the underlying assumption of these regimes that a refugee may be forced to seek protection in some country other than that to which she has travelled actually lawful? James C. Hathaway, the James E. and Sarah A. Degan Professor of Law and Director of the Program in Refugee and Asylum Law at the University of Michigan since 1998, is a leading authority on international refugee law whose work is regularly cited by the most senior courts of the common law world. Sala Europa, 16:30 - 18:30Villa Schifanoia Register with angelika.lanfranchi@eui.eu

Events

20MAY 2014

12-13 MAY 2014

22 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Ten Years of the New Europe: Conference on the Occasion of the 10th Anniversary of Eastern Enlargement

A joint confer-ence organised by the Depart-ment of Social and Political Sciences and

the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, the conference aims to understand and assess the impact of the European Union on the new Member States. Conversely, it will also examine the influ-ence the new member states have had on the EU as a whole, on its policies, governance and institu-tions. The conference will also consider enlarge-ment's impact on continental geopolitics as well as the economic integration and enlargement of the single market.

Teatro, 9:00 Badia FiesolanaRegister with mariana.spratley@eui.eu

Virtù, Justice, Force. On Machiavelli and some of his readers

Carlo Ginzburg, Franklin D. Murphy Professor of Italian Re-naissance Studies, will deliver a lecture organised by the Depart-ment of History and Civilization.

Sala Europa, 11:00 Villa SchifanoiaRegister with roberta.saccon@eui.eu

Max Weber Lecture: Roger Myerson

University of Chicago economist Roger Myerson will speak on how moral-hazard agency theory and the economics of information can provide a better understanding of macroeconomic instability.

Refectory, 17:00Badia Fiesolana Register with sarah.simonsen@eui.eu

29-30 MAY 2014

13 JUNE 2014

Events

18 JUNE 2014

23 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Publications

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A toutes voiles vers la vérité : une autre histoire de la philosophie au temps des LumièresStéphan Van DammeParis : Le Seuil, 2014, L'Univers historique

A culture of thought EUI History Professor Stéphan Van Damme has published the third volume of his trilogy re-address-ing the cultural history of philosophy. The book focuses on the Enlightenment, a period of-ten regarded as one of revolutionary thought. How-ever, at the time those involved associated themselves strongly with the ancient and medieval traditions of philosophy. “The project aims to undertake a historian’s history of philosophy, not just as knowledge, but as a prac-tice, passion and cultural object.”“My idea was not to adopt whiggish definitions which in the past stuck to the modern or contempo-rary definition of philosophy or a philosopher. The idea was to go back to the former definitions, how they saw themselves.”Like the symposiums during the time of Plato, dur-ing the Enlightenment philosophy appeared in pub-lic spaces. Salons, theatres, and novels all became centres of learning and debate. Through such medi-ums philosophy became associated with the emer-

gence of the public sphere, and the idea of the phi-losopher as the writer and public intellectual began to emerge with the likes of Samuel Johnson, Voltaire and Thomas Paine. The discipline was moving away from one secluded in monasteries and universities, guarded by monks and hidden in expensive Latin manuscripts. It was returning to something people engaged with in their daily lives as pastime or hobby. The book explores the new philosophical regime in a historical context, before attempting to re-establish the importance of place in philosophy (“philosophy is not knowledge from nowhere”), finally discussing the politicisation of the discipline.“This book is an attempt to put the history of phi-losophy in context.”Van Damme sees this book as part of a wider project along similar lines. “What I do here at the EUI is a kind of methodological discussion, addressing early modern definitions of science and knowledge and re-contextualising them. “Could be the founding fathers of the scientific revo-lutions, institutions, but also disciplines like philoso-phy. My next project might be to re-address defini-tions of nature. I have a clear project to deconstruct and reconstruct.” Van Damme’s first two books in the series looked at Descartes and as the idea of Paris as a philo-sophical capital.

24 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

PublicationsMobilizing for democracy: Comparing 1989 and 2011Donatella della PortaOxford University Press, 2014

While the most recent waves of protests for democracy in North Africa are often illustrated with images of mass protest, research on social movements and de-

mocratization rarely interact. Instead, this volume examines episodes of democratization through the lens of social move-ment studies. The author singles out different paths to de-mocratization by looking at how the masses interact with the elites, and protest with bargaining: eventful democratization, participated pacts and troubled democratization. The main focus is on eventful democratization, that is cases in which authoritarian regimes break down following-often short but intense-waves of protest. Recognizing the particular power of some transformative events, the analysis locates them within the broader mobilization processes, including the multitude of less visible, but still important protests that surround them. Cognitive, affective and relational mechanisms are singled out as transforming the contexts in which dissidents act. In all three paths, mobilization of resources, framing processes and appropriation of opportunities will develop in action, in dif-ferent combinations. The comparison of different cases within two waves of protests for democracy, in Central Eastern Eu-rope in 1989 and in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011, allows the author to theorize about causal mechanisms and conditions as they emerge in mobilizations for democracy.

Donatella della Porta is Professor of Sociology in the Department of Political and Social Sciences.

Fundamental rights in Europe: Challenges and transformations in comparative perspective Federico FabbriniOxford University Press

The European architecture for the pro-tection of fundamental rights com-bines the legal regimes of the states, the

European Union, and the European Convention on Human Rights. This book analyses the constitutional implications of this multilevel architecture and the dynamics that spring from the interaction between different human rights stand-ards in Europe. Through a comparison with the United States' federal system, this volume advances an analytical model that explains the dynamics at play in the European multilevel human rights architecture. It identifies two recur-rent challenges in the interplay between different state and transnational human rights standards: a challenge of inef-fectiveness, and a challenge of inconsistency, and considers recent transformations taking place in the European human rights regime. The author tests his model with four case studies: the right to due process for suspected terrorists, the right to vote for non-citizens, the right to strike and the right to abortion. The book then concludes by reassessing the main theories on the protection of fundamental rights in Europe and making the case for a 'neo-federal' theory which is able to frame the dilemmas of identity, equality and supremacy behind the European multilevel architecture for the protection of human rights.

Federico Fabbrini, a recent alumnus from the EUI's Depart-ment of Law, is Assistant Professor of European & Compara-tive Constitutional Law at Tilburg University. This volume is based on his 2012 thesis in the Department of Law.

25 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

PublicationsAzoulai, Loic (ed.) The question of competence in the European Union (Oxford Universitary Press, 2014)

De Burca, Grainne; Kilpatrick, Claire; Scott, Joanne. Critical legal perspectives on global governance : liber amicorum David M. Trubek. (Hart Publishing, 2013)

Garzia, Diego. Personalization of politics and electoral change. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014)

Romero, Federico; Mourlon-Druol, Emmanuel (eds) International summitry and global governance : the rise of the G7 and the European Council, 1974-1991 (Routledge, 2014)

Bailleux, Julie. Penser l’Europe par le droit : l’invention du droit communautaire en France (Editions Dalloz, 2014)

Gallo, Daniele; Paladini, Luca; Pustorino, Pietro. Same-sex couples before national, supranational and international jurisdiction (Springer, 2014)

Komesar, Neil; Poiares Pessoa Maduro, et al (eds). Understanding global governance : institutional choice and the dynamics of participation (EUI, 2014)

Spernbauer, Martina. EU peacebuilding in Kosovo and Afghanistan: legality and accountability (Martinus Nijhoff, 2014)

Calligaro, Oriane. Negotiating Europe: EU promotion of Europeanness since the 1950s (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013)

Gambetta, Diego. La pègre déchiffrée : signes et stratégies de la communication criminelle (Editions Markus Haller, 2014)

Koussens, David; Roy, Olivier. Quand la burqa passe à l’Ouest : enjeux éthiques, politiques et juridiques (Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2014)

Sutter, Matthias. Die Entdeckung der Geduld : Ausdauer schlägt Talent (Ecowin, 2014)

ROBERT SCHUMANCENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES

NEIL KOMESAR, MIGUEL POIARES MADURO, WENDY WAGNER, GREGORY SHAFFER AND ANTONINA BAKARDJIEVA-ENGELBREKT

UNDERSTANDING GLOBAL GOVERNANCE: INSTITUTIONAL CHOICE AND THE DYNAMICS OF PARTICIPATION

SELECTEDEUI BOOKS

cadmus.eui.eu

26 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

Publications

MAX WEBER PROGRAMME FORPOSTDOCTORAL STUDIES

The EUI research repository contains the academic publications of EUI members, including books, articles, working papers, book chapters, theses, and research reports.

cadmus.eui.eu

Click on the research communities pictured here for search results on indicated collections.

A full list of the EUI's research communities and collections can be found here.

ARTICLES

BOOKS BOOKS BOOKS

WORKING PAPERS RESEARCH REPORTS

27 EUI TIMES | Spring 2014

discover your partycreate your community

www.euandi.eu

euandi, a new Voting Advice Application (VAA) helps citizens make informed choices in their 2014 European Parliament (EP) vote.

Available in 24 languages, euandi invites users to react to 28 policy statements covering a wide range of contemporary policy issues and political values in European politics, as well as two policy statements specific to the user’s national political context.

Developed by the European University Institute in Florence, Italy, euandi provides voters with a clear view of the European electoral campaign and their individual positions within it.

The tool helps people identify which political parties represent their views, and it provides an innovative platform for community building, where people from all over Europe can connect with each other based on their political views.

With the 2014 European Parliamentary elections now on the horizon, the European University Institute invites media representatives to feature euandi as a free-of-charge service to their audiences.

Please contact the euandi team for more detailed information and consult the euandi website at: www.eui.eu/Projects/EUDO/EUandI

FIND OUT WHO TO VOTE FOR IN THE 2014 EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

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ISSN: 1977-799X