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Goldsmiths Anthropology Department
Cover Sheet
StudentNumber
33145855 Claude Jousselin
College
Email
Degree
Programme
MA in Anthropology of Health
and the body in the 21st
century
Year ofCourse
2008-2010
Course
code and
name
AN71021A Psychology and
anthropology
Essay
Deadline
26/02/10
SubmissionDate 26/02/10
Are you
dyslexic?
No
Essay or Assignment Title
The subject is simply an effect ofpower/knowledge relation. What did Foucault
mean by this?
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The introduction of CTOs finally went ahead in October despite years of
angry opposition from patients, mental health charities, psychiatrists and
the civil rights lobby. The stated aim is to help "revolving door" patients -
people with schizophrenia or psychosis - who are discharged from
hospital, stop taking their medication, suffer a relapse, and face
sometimes distressing forceful readmission to hospital because they
become a danger to themselves or others.
If patients refuse to take medication, they can be returned to hospital and
treated for 72 hours. If they still refuse, the CTO is revoked and they are
detained.
The government expected about 450 people in England and Wales to be
released on CTOs in the first 12 months, but the figure is already closer to
1,600.
(The Guardian 13/05/09)
Psychiatry and its institutions were of special interest to Foucault, it
provided him with an analytical platform to develop concepts and tools in
order to describe the objectification of subjects; he would move his
inquiry to other institutions such as the prison but his focus remained on
revealing different mechanisms in place by which, in our culture, human
beings are made subjects (Foucault, in Rabinow & Dreyfus 1982: 208).Following Foucaults method of creating a history of the present and
the necessity to study systems of power in their historical and localised
details, I propose to illustrate the place of the subject in the concept of
power/knowledge through the recent development in psychiatric care in
the UK.
The introduction of the Supervised Community Treatment Order (SCTO)
as an amendment to the Mental Health Act of 1983 needs to be seen in
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light of 30 years of reprovision of psychiatric care in the community, a
development that has occurred since Foucaults death in 1984. In the
1980s, the advancement of psychotropic medications provided
institutions an opportunity to reconsider the appropriateness of the
asylum for the mentally ill both on the ground of improved treatment for
and economically advantageous for the state. However applying
Foucaults power/knowledge analysis gives a different picture, where
new treatment knowledge created opportunities for new mechanisms of
control to develop which I will suggest were incorporated in a context
wider than psychiatry, in the everyday life of human beings. I will argue
that this process has subjected people to new micro-mechanism of power,
and in agreement with Foucault I will propose that individuals are not
simply or only the effect of knowledge/power, since resistance and
struggles are necessary counterpoints to power relations.
In the first instance I will review some of the themes developed by
Foucault on his concept of power/knowledge and will argue that Foucault
did not mean that the subject was simply an effect of
power/knowledge; on the contrary he attempted to portray the complex
relations between power and knowledge which assume an active subject
that is not fixed and is prone to historical change. Finally I will return to
my inquiry, or rather my limited sketch of an ascending analysis of
power (Foucault in Gordon 1980: 99), into the technique of SCTO toillustrate my interpretation of Foucaults concept of power/knowledge
and its effect on the subject.
Foucaults Madness and Civilisation ( 1961), and Discipline and Punish
(1975) were concerned directly with the knowledge created by a new
surveillance and medical gaze in the 18th and 19th century which produced
technologies leading to new forms of social control. Through detailed
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historical studies of the development of the prison and the asylum, he
depicts power as being exercised through transparency (Foucault in
Gordon 1980: 154), making visible all aspects of peoples lives right
through the details of their body, observations and the medical records.
Just as the objective existence of the body was questioned in The Birth of
the Clinic (1973), where the localisation of the disease and the
development of anatomy were described as creating a new concept of the
body, Foucault suggests that the subject was also conjured up in new
ways through the knowledge produced by disciplinary strategies. A
subject that is no longer autonomous but the result of external controlling
actions, subjected to disciplinary power and constituted as peripheral
subjects as a results of the effects of power (Foucault in Gordon 1980:
98).
The development of disciplinary practices in the 18th and 19th century
created this pervasive, omnipresent power, a machine in which everyone
is caught, those who exercise power just as much as those over whom it is
exercised" (Foucault in Gordon 1980: 156).
Foucault describes this when he writes of the confinement of the insane
with other prisoners and goes on to discuss how this new controlling
system of confinement created the opportunities for new knowledge a
century later for the emergent psychiatry of the 19th century who located
the insane within these institutions, effectively the precursors of theasylum. Whilst the insane were hidden from the rest of society in these
establishments, to some extent it highlighted their presence and
abnormality which facilitated their study by interested doctors. It is this
process where power is creating a space for new knowledge, in itself
creating new means of domination that defines Foucaults concept of
power/knowledge; by highlighting the knowledge thus created, his
analysis provides a more complex understanding of power than its
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reduction to repression. Power is elusive yet omnipresent, it circulates
[...] it is never localised here or there, never in anybodys hand (Foucault
in Gordon 1980: 98). Foucaults concept of power is productive, better
assimilated to an energy source that fuels society; it is also inter-
dependant with knowledge in an intricate network of connections where
there is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field
of knowledge, nor any knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute
at the same time power relations (Foucault in Rabinow 1984: 175)
What of the individual in this web of interactions? Foucault has
consistently viewed with a critical mind an enlightenment vision of
knowledge as a liberating enterprise and with his concept of
power/knowledge argued that individuals are in fact constituted into
subjects through subjugating practices. Is this the death of the subject as
described by many critics of Foucault? These techniques of control that
subjugate the subject are localised in space and time, thus individuals are
the changing product of their power relations environment rather then
being universal and permanent. But whilst this argument keeps the
subject alive, it seemed reduced to a malleable concept dependant on
external forces for its construction.
Foucault in a latter text the subject and power (1982), provides more
detailed insight to reconcile this seemingly lack of agency andsubjectivity in individuals with his suggestion that we must constitute
ourselves as subjects acting on others- as agents, that is not as victims
(Hacking in Hoy 1986: 235).
Foucault suggests that to analyse power/knowledge it is more productive
to look at the space between different forms of power, rather than ask
who holds the power ask how is it being exercised and proposes a method
of analysis of power relations through points of resistance; how does
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struggles against power take shape? In this questioning Foucault also
starts from the premise that where there is power there is resistance, that
every power relationship implies, at least in potentiala strategy of
struggle []( Foucault, in Rabinow & Dreyfus 1982: 225). The subject is
constantly engaged and active in these power relations with individuals
exercising power on themselves and others, producing, inventing and re
inventing themselves in these relations. Instead of suggesting the
eradication of the subject as his critics put it (see Allen 2000), I would
argue that this is what Foucault meant when he said:
The individual is an effect of power, and at the same time, or precisely
to the extent to which it is that effect, it is the element of its articulation.
(Foucault in Gordon 1980: 98)
In one of his last interviews (Lotringer 1989) Foucault illustrated this by
describing how the insane subject can be construed as passive and docile
to coercive powers but that he is also active in constituting himself as a
psychiatric patient in his relation to the doctor treating him, including
through the various means of resistance that he may express such as non
compliance.
To accept this we need to agree first with Foucaults vision of power as a
productive force rather than as repressive and oppressive and secondly
that the subject has no permanent essence, nor is it fixed through history.
We also need to recognize that Foucaults modes of exploration aredetached, non-judgmental and more interested in the process, the how
rather than the causation.
When faced with the outcome of everyday oppression or structural
violence, this detachment is counter intuitive to the active and free subject
that I am, but I would suggest that Foucaults analytical methodology of
power relations provides a mean of disrupting accepted understandings as
I will now attempt to illustrate.
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community care depicted above hides a number of techniques that have
reorganised the experience and understanding of mental illness.
Normalisation, according to Foucault, is the process by which a society
encourages its people to self regulate and conform to established rules
and this I would propose took a particular form in the early 1990s through
a convergence of technical developments, the internet, the mobile phones,
and CCTV providing new means of surveillance.
Whilst further detailed research and analysis of the power/knowledge
mechanisms involved would be required I would tentatively suggest that
the process of re-locating the mentally ill within the society a decade
earlier created in that particular time, a space for developing new means
of control which were then integrated and extended to the society as a
whole. In turn this provided the technology to extend the legal detention
of psychiatric patient into their own homes through the SCTO with its
extensive monitoring techniques such as blood or urine tests or electronic
records updated daily.
As the means of surveillance have spread to ensure that the whole
population is monitored, for its own good and the safety of others, one
could ask with Szasz (2005) if this is the breaking of the asylum walls or
its extension to the whole of society.
But this is no conspiracy, no states master plan to control its population,
rather these tactics take shape in piecemeal fashion, prior to any classstrategy designed to wield them into vast, coherent ensembles. (Foucault
in Gordon 1980: 159).
Forming concepts is a way of living not a way of killing life. (Foucault
in Faubion 1985: 45)
This attempt at a genealogy of community care is maybe lacking
hindsight due to the short span of time elapsed; in particular it remains to
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be seen how the way people will be resisting this new development and
what struggles may cause further shifts in power/knowledge relation. Yet
patients and psychiatrists already have to reconsider who they are in the
light of the SCTO; the latter can no longer see themselves as involved
with treatment only since they are now using coercive methods beyond
the hospital and some are actively expressing their concerns (see Critical
Psychiatry); the former are likely to find it easier to develop strategies
from home that will impede the implementation of their monitoring.
Already, statistics show a greater numbers of SCTO in use than expected
yet there is no reduction in the number of hospital readmissions,
suggesting that people are not totally coerced to comply with their
treatment orders when at home. (Kisely & Campbell 2007)
In this brief attempt to analyse the genealogy of knowledge that led to the
implementation of Supervised Community Treatment Orders, I am
presenting a potential reading of the power relations between a series of
powers held in different institutions; psychiatric, social care agencies,
families. I believe that this use of the power/knowledge concept as an
explanatory tool can reveal different understandings of our present
individual and collective experiences.
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Bibliography
Books
Foucault, (1961) Madness and civilization London: Routledge
(1966) Maladie Mentale et psychologie Paris: Presses
Universitaires de France
(1973) The birth of the clinic London: Routledge
(1975) Discipline and punishNew York: Vintage books
(1985) 'Life: experience and science'. In J. Faubion (ed.). Tr.Robert Hurley and others.Aesthetics, method and
epistemology. The Essential Works of Michel Foucault 1954-
1984. Volume Two Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin
Gordon, (1980) power/knowledge; London: Harvester Wheatsheaf
Hoy, (1986) Foucault: a critical reader Basil: Blackwell
Lotringer, (1989) Foucault live; New York: Semiotext(e)
Rabinow, (1984) The Foucault reader; London: Penguin Books
Rabinow & Dreyfus ( 1982) Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics:
Chicago: University of Chicago Press
Journal Articles
Allen, A (2000) The anti-Subjective Hypothesis The
Philosophical Forum, Vol 31 (2) 113-130
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Kisely & Campbell ( 2007) Does compulsory or supervised community
treatment reduce revolving door care? British
Journal of Psychiatry, Vol 191, 373-374
Szasz, (2005) Idiots, infants, and the insane: mental illness and
legal incompetence; Journal of medical ethics, Vol 31(2), 78-
81
Online Resources
The Guardian Hazards of a health safeguard
http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/may/13/supervised-community-
treatment-order
Critical Psychiatry Network statement on the use of community
treatment orders http://www.soteria.freeuk.com/CTOs_1.htm
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http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/may/13/supervised-community-treatment-orderhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/may/13/supervised-community-treatment-orderhttp://www.soteria.freeuk.com/CTOs_1.htmhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/may/13/supervised-community-treatment-orderhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2009/may/13/supervised-community-treatment-orderhttp://www.soteria.freeuk.com/CTOs_1.htm -
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