English Caesar Napoleon
Transcript of English Caesar Napoleon
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In the name of function Caesars office was to set the state in order again,[2]In a
paradoxical situation Napoleon receives most acclaim (apart from in the military) for his work in
creating efficient governmental systems. Caesar does not, though he is not without
accomplishment or ideas, there is much evidence that both men set about rebuilding their nations
and it is true to say that a large part of their image was consolidated while in government. They
would become the best example of peoples monarchs of peoples empires, not a tyrannical
establishment but a glorious expansion of liberty becoming the ultimate leader figure unifying
the nation under new ideals after the disunion of a revolutionary age.
The institutions of the republican years would therefore become great symbols of the
efficiency of the imperial state. This would culminate in their celebrated legacies that would
become synonymous with Emperor, unifying the people and the military through politics to
consolidate power in government.
Instituiile din anii republicii ar deveni , prin urmare, mari simboluri ale eficienei statului
imperial. Acest lucru ar culmina cu motenirile celebre devenite sinonim cu mpratul, unirea
poporului i consolidarea puterii n guvern prin politic.
The transitional period began before Napoleon and Caesar came to power as both would
create new government through previous governments already existing institutions and
practices. Caesar himself never had to invent new institutions as age old ones were still
workable. Revolutionary France however needed new institutions for a new governmental
structure and though the Directory had began the foundations for reforming the financial and
administrative institutions it was unpopular and by no means efficient.
Perioada de tranziie n ambele situaii a nceput nainte ca Napoleon i Caesar s vin la
putere ca cei doi s creeze un nou stil de guvernare bazat pe instituiile i practicile guvernrilor
anterioare. n cazul Franei motivele care au determinat declanarea revoluiei s-au cristalizat
nc din perioada de nceput a modernismului.
Caesar, de exemplu, nu a fost nevoit s inaugureze noi instituii dac cele vechi erau
funcionale ns Frana revoluionar necesita schimbriavnd n vedere c structura societii
era aceeai ca n Evul Mediu i cu toate c Directoratul ncepea s pune bazele unor reforme
financiare i administrative aceste aciuni au fost ineficiente.
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The inefficiency of the previous governments was, like the revolutionary situations,
similar. To begin with Republican Rome had suffered a social rupture resulting in a clique
dominating government as discussed in the last chapter. Not only did this disenfranchise the
people but it also led to inefficient government.
The expansion allowed the aristocrats to maintain their position; but the republican set-
up was suitable only for a city-state and was not effective enough to govern the growing empire.
The people needed a voice, the colonies needed a voice, other Italian states even needed a voice,
and all needed an expanded government administration in order to achieve efficient rule rather
than the short term Rome-centric governance of the Republic.
The conflict between people and clique ruptured into the provinces and fermented further
social strife, strong government was therefore lacking and badly needed. Revolutionary Francearrived in the same situation though by different means, firstly it had paradoxically replaced an
old clique with a new one by the time of the Directory which was a compromise of the
conflicting factions.
This did not solve the dissenting problems and the government became even more
inefficient as there was no strong executive power and different factions continued to strive
against the establishment. In both cases therefore we see the people, and even many of the
elites striving against the established government held onto by a clique who refused to give uppower. They were inefficient due to misrepresentation, lack of reform and control causing chaos
and anger in the divided nations. This paired with expansion, a primary cause of inefficient
government, caused more friction as both nations required strong government at home to govern
effectively abroad.
Imperial history lies in a long social development by which the empire lasts its
dependence on precisely those republican institutions.[5]-only for it to be completed by his heir
Augustus in consolidating the Caesar figure in government.
Napoleon, combining the roles of Caesar and Augustus, restored order and built a new
government and system that slowly transformed into empire under his control, yet still like
Augustus and Caesar purporting republican principles. Caesar and Napoleon both came to power
in this context to fill the vacuum that had been created by political and social upheaval.
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Napoleon, combinnd stilul de conducere al lui Iulius Caesar cu cel al lui Augustus a
reinstaurat ordinea i a reuit s construiasc un nou govern i un sistem care ncetul cu ncetul a
transformat Frana ntr-un imperiu sub controlul su pstrnd totui principiile celor doi amintii
anterior.
To begin with both reconciled divided nations; Caesar was merciful to his enemies
ensuring that all were reconciled within his regime and though many of the ruling class still felt
disaffected, many prominent Romans supported his regime encouraged by his clemency.
Napoleon mirrored this by inviting many of the pre-Revolution elites, the migrs, to return in an
attempt to reconcile old and new France by uniting all factions under him.
Ceea ce mai preluat Napoleon de la Caesar este idea reconcilierii. Caesar manifesta o
anumit clemen fa de dumanii si i fa de popoarele cucerite cu scopul de a se asigura c
toi sunt de accord cu regimul su i cu toate c unii patricieni erau nemulumii cei mai muli
oameni i susineau iniiativele tocmai datoritaceste indulgene.
Aceast atitudine a lui Caesar s-a reflectat n comportamentul lui Napoleon prin invitarea
elitelor pre-revoluionare i a emigranilor s se ntoarc n ar pentru a unifica poporul sub
conducerea sa.
Caesar and Napoleon were therefore attempting to represent the interests of the nation as a
whole. They rallied much support as despite the violent coups that brought them to power,people wanted to see the regimes succeed after years of civil strife and disorder. With most of the
nation now reconciled Caesar and Napoleon could begin the reconstruction and ordering of the
nation.
Caesar i de asemenea Napoleon ncearc s reprezinte interesele naiunii ca un ntreg. n
ciuda loviturilor de stat puternice care i-au adus la putere au reuit s beneficieze de un grad
ridicat de putere tocmai pentru c oamenii i doreau linite dup ani de tulburri i conflicte
civile.
The structure of the two regimes was very similar as Napoleon and his collaborators
copied the Roman Republican system symbolically drawing the key names of institutions from
Republican Rome. Napoleon later transformed it into empire and like Rome used the same
Republican institutions to govern efficiently;
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Structura celor dou regimuri a fost att de asemntoare nct ne putem nchipui c
Napoleon i subordonaii si au copiat sistemul republican roman printr-un desen n care au
reprezentat grafic toate instituiile cheie ale Romei. Ulterior, Bonaparte a transforman republica
ntr-un imperius pstrnd aceai structuri pentru a guverna eficient, urmnd ndeaproape modelul
evoluiei romane.
Caesar did not need to build a new system but new government. The Roman
Republic and French Consulate both consisted of a Senate to discuss and advise on
legislature as well as elected institutions, the popular assemblies and the national lists
respectively. In Rome the popular assemblies would elect magistrates and pass legislation
but in the Consulate those elected to the national lists were chosen for placement in the
Legislative Assembly which then voted in legislation.
The people were represented in government in Rome by the Tribunes and in the
Consulate by the Tribunate (chosen from national lists). In the Consulate their power was
limited to debate but in Rome they had the enormous power of veto over any proposed laws
by magistrates, even the Consuls. Despite the blunted democratic element to the Consulate
(which may say something about Napoleons aims) both men proceeded to set up a
structure that created strong government. In both cases democracy was crushed behind a
faade of republic and the responsibility of government was tied together in one man, but
at the same time it became more efficient for ruling an expansive empire and paradoxically
to champion the rights of the people, as actions in their rule show. Caesar won dictatorship
after the Civil War with the senate granting him the combined the roles of Consul, Aedile,
Pontifex Maximus and Praetor in monarchical fashion, as an Imperator. Napoleon
preserved a fiction of Republican forms, while retaining the real power himself. This
occurred after a senatus consultum in 1801 allowed him to bypass and override the
legislative chambers, thereby establishing him as dictator. Caesar took power away from
the popular assemblies by appointing magistrates rather than them being elected. Napoleon
later did the same by appointing the Prefects an addition that Augustus had added to
Rome. Napoleon went on from this to forge the French Empire, Caesar would not take the
next step (indeed he may not have intended it) and Augustus would complete that task. The
result in both situations was however was the same, an empire based upon republican
values (or at least purporting them) with similar structures inspired by the role Caesar
defined as dictator. There was no direct democracy in the French or Roman empires but
the people became represented by the peoples leaders rather than a politics or party, this
was personified in the Emperor or Caesar.
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Caesar and Napoleons rule in government encompassed rebuilding the nation, as well as
completing the aims of restoring order and their nations to rights as Napoleon put it to restore
the glory of France.
[6]As gifted administrators both men were extremely successful in achieving efficient
government and consolidating the revolutionary ideas of the era.
Both men began this process by centralising power; Caesar was the first Roman statesmen to
have political authority bound not to the city-state but the empire itself. He increased the number
of magistrates, to govern the provinces more efficiently, redistributed corn more effectively,
forced capitalists to invest in land to raise its value, and brought in professionals by offering
citizenship to foreign doctors and artists.
He dominated the senate by increasing its number from 600 to approx. 900, mainly with
provincials, by the time of his death. This gave the provinces a voice in government that not onlyrelieved tensions but further centralised the state into a more efficient imperial system; Caesar
had gathered all the power of the state into his own hands.
Napoleon reorganised the financial state stopping people selling themselves short and made
taxation more efficient by creating The Bank of France to administer finance. He also conducted
municipal reform creating municipal councils for Mayors and their deputies.
Napoleon also reformed the judiciary creating a more hierarchical system and increased
government involvement, causing them to be renamed imperial courts rather than tribunal
courts. These reforms, tied with the creation of a new governing class or nobility, further
centralised the administrative state by adding a social structure. This organised it into an imperial
system and thus in their quest for unity and order both had centralised and created an imperial
state.
They went further by introducing moral codes, Napoleon the Civil Code which later developed
into the Code Napoleon and Caesar a general moral rule to restore civil unity that had
deteriorated in both nations; and they also banned political clubs so that no dissenters could
challenge their regime.
They had thus both moderated in unifying and rebuilding the nations but at the same time they,
particularly Caesar, introduced reform on behalf of the people. Caesar forced employers to
employ freedmen in Latifunda and redistributing land and granting Latin rights to Greeks on
Sicily and some Gallic communities.
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Napoleon pursued a social policy which Ellis argues was more flexible than some have
articulated. It consolidated the careers open to talent of the Revolution and worked enough for
Napoleon to favour the most efficient men in government.
Therefore both maintained the populist line not only in rhetoric but in policy also. It is also
worth noting that both men not only organised the central administration of empires but
were a crucial part of expanding the empires to begin with, taking the imperial image unto
themselves. Linked to this both also advocated colonial policies to expand and solve
problems of population.
They were imperialists and had expanded their nations empire as well as taking a part
in its governmental creation. This was reflected in their rule as they granted kingships and
used the imperial offices as patronage to reward loyalty to the regime. In their governance
and rule they created order and unity in the once divided nations by centralising power on
one man leading to a more centralised state for the future empires.
All of this of course increased their own personal power and the question of whether they
were ambitious tyrants intending supreme personal power or were true saviours must be asked.
It cannot be denied that they enjoyed the trappings of a monarch; Caesar although not named
king certainly enjoyed the power of a monarch and even celebrated it wearing purple and laurel
leaves in reference to his descent from kings.
Caesar however was cut short, and with no evidence of preparations for a hereditary
monarchy or a monarchical system for himself or a successor it seems unlikely he intended to goany further than he did. He defined his position to a crowd shouting King, by stating Not King,
but Caesar,[8]Though Caesar may not have advocated monarchy or one-man rule he set the
precedent for this new kind of monarchy as the peoples leader in government and the very fact
that the debate exists shows them to be the same kind of controversial figure. Particularly as both
crucially arrived at leadership by the same path where Caesars successors only occupied the role
he had defined, Napoleon recreated it.
The role of a military and political leader that represented the interests of the people was
defined by Caesar and rediscovered by Napoleon similarly through the strife of a revolutionaryage. In coming to power via the military and representing the people no matter what their true
aims Caesar set the precedent and Napoleon like Augustus consolidated the role bringing
stronger and more centralised government incorporating the new revolutionary ideas to restore
their nations. By doing so they consolidated this Caesar figure in government which became a
crucial part of the transition from republic to empire. The figure who filled the vacuum that
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social strife and chaos had left by supporting the people and unifying and rebuilding the nation to
rule by popular legitimacy with a new kind of empire. This is the Caesar figure in government,
the creator of empire; Caesar himself may have had reforms to enable the Republic to go on
however it would still have become a more centralised empire, ruled by a reformed more
populist republic. The Revolutionaries and Napoleon realised their similarity and emulated it as
seen in the art and imagery of their age, most noticeable the change from republican to imperial
imagery as Napoleon succeeded as the heir of Caesar creating once again an imperial Europe.
[1]Ronald Syme, The Roman Revolution, (New York, 1939), p. 52.
[2]Napoleon Bonaparte, Napoleon on Napoleon, (London, 1992), p. 135, Adding, he must
know himself. - He like Caesar through government became the bridge to construction ratherthan destruction, and thus saved their nations.
[3]Rice T. Holmes, The Roman Empire and its Neighbours, (Oxford, 1928), Preface, p. xi.
[4]F.R Cowell, Cicero and the Roman Republic, (London, 1948), p. 150.
[5]Everitt, p. 249, Caesar wanted to restore the constitution but also wanted to ensure that a
strong executive authority should replace the senatorial government.
[6]Napoleon, p. 137.
[7]Adrian Goldsworthy, Caesar: The Life of a Colossus, (London, 2006), p. 606.
[8]It is worth noting that many French were more willing to accept monarchy than the Romans
who were had not seen a monarchy for hundreds of years even under Augustus republican values
had to be purported.
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