Englands World Empire Alfred Hoyt Granger 1916 333pgs POL

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ENGLAND'S

WORLD EMPIRE

SOME REFLECTIONS UPON ITS

GROWTH AND POLICYBY

ALFRED HOYT GRANGER

CHICACO . . LONDONTHE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY

1 9 1 6



COPYRIGHT BY

THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING CO .

1 9 1 6

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA



TO

E. O . H .

WHOSE SYMPATHETIC UNDERSTANDING DID SO

MUCH TO INSPIRE THE MAKING OF

THIS BOOK



FOREWORD .

T h i s i s n o t t o b e i n a n y s e n s e o f t h e w o r d a " W a r

B o o k , " a l t h o u g h i t o w e s i t s c o n c e p t i o n t o t h o u g h t s

a r i s i n g o u t o f t h e g r e a t c o n f l i c t w h i c h i s s h a k i n g t h e

f o u n d a t i o n s o f c i v i l i z a t i o n . We read m uch these days

o f w h a t w i l l t a k e p l a c e a f t e r t h e w a r , b u t w h a t w e

r e a d a r e o n l y t h e o p i n i o n s o f i n d i v i d u a l s ; what the

c o n s e q u e n c e s w i l l b e r e m a i n s c o n c e a l e d i n t h e m i n d

of God . H e r e , i n A m e r i c a , p u b l i c o p i n i o n d e p e n d s

l a r g e l y u p o n t h e d i c t u m o f t h e d a i l y p r e s s , a n d t h e

p r e p o n d e r a n t s y m p a t h y f o r t h e A l l i e s , a n d e s p e c i a l l y

f o r G r e a t B r i t a i n a n d F r a n c e , i s b o t h n a t u r a l a n d , t o

a d e g r e e , e x c u s a b l e . With Great Britain we have a

common language an d common tradit ions, and with

France we h ave the bond of gratitude and symp athy

f o r g e n e r o u s h e l p i n o u r h o u r o f n e e d . S e n t i m e n t ,

r a t h e r t h a n r e a s o n , h a s a l w a y s c o n t r o l l e d t h e s y m -

pathies of the human race . When t he war is over

t h e r e w i l l b e t h e b e g i n n i n g s o f a N e w W o r l d , a w o r l d

i n w h i c h A m e r i c a m u s t p l a y h e r p a r t . That sh e may

p l a y h e r p a r t n o b l y i s t h e h o p e a n d p r a y e r o f m i l l i o n s

o f h e r s o n s a n d d a u g h t e r s .

I n o r d e r t o p r e p a r e r i g h t l y f o r t h e f u t u r e , i t i s

n e c e s s a r y r i g h t l y t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e p a s t , a n d i t i s

w i t h t h e e a r n e s t h o p e o f h e l p i n g , i n a s m a l l w a y , t o a

p r o p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e p a s t t h a t I h a v e t o l d t h e



v i i i

s t o r y o f h o w G r e a t B r i t a i n h a s b u i l t u p h e r w o r l d - w i d e

e m p i r e a n d h o w s h e h a s p r o t e c t e d t h e n a t i o n a l i t y o f

w e a k e r s t a t e s . F o r t h i s p u r p o s e I h a v e c o n s u l t e d o n l y

E n g l i s h a u t h o r s o f w i d e r e p u t a t i o n , o r t h o s e , a s i n t h e

case of Mr . S h u s t e r , o f A n g l o - S a x o n a n c e s t r y . For

m y s e l f , I c a n s a y v h i t h p r i d e , t h a t a l l o f t h e f o r e b e a r s

o f b o t h m y p a r e n t s a r e o f E n g l i s h s t o c k , b u t a s t h e y

settled in New England nearly thr ee hundred yea rs

a g o a n d h a v e p l a y e d t h e i r p a r t s i n t h e a r m y , t h e n a v y

a n d v a r i o u s d e p a r t m e n t s o f s t a t e , t h e y h a v e c a l l e d

t h e m s e l v e s A m e r i c a n s i n t h e b e s t s e n s e o f t h e w o r d .

B e c a u s e o f m y i n t e n s e l o v e f o r t h i s A m e r i c a o f o u r s ,

a n d m y b e l i e f i n t h e i d e a l s a n d p r i n c i p l e s u p o n w h i c h

t h i s N a t i o n w a s f o u n d e d , I t h i n k i t t h e b o u n d e n d u t y

o f e v e r y A m e r i c a n c i t i z e n s o t o f o r t i f y a n d s t r e n g t h e n

h i s k n o w l e d g e o f t h e p a s t t h a t h e m a y b e " p r e p a r e d , "

i n t h e h i g h e s t s e n s e o f t h e t e r m , t o s e r v e h i s c o u n t r y

a n d a i d h e r b y e v e r y m e a n s i n h i s p o w e r t o s o l v e t h e

p r o b l e m s n o w f a c i n g h e r . T h a t t h i s b r i e f a c c o u n t o f

h o w E n g l a n d g r e w i n t o t h e m i g h t y B r i t i s h E m p i r e o f

today and the lessons which our country may lear n

from such a growth may b e of help t o some other

A m e r i c a n , i s m y e a r n e s t w i s h . .

My deep est thanks are due to those who have so

m i g h t i l y h e l p e d m e , t h o s e w r i t e r s w h o a r e d e a d a n d

t h o s e w h o a r e s t i l l a m o n g s t u s . W i t h o u t t h e i r a i d t h i s

s t o r y c o u l d n e v e r h a v e b e e n t o l d .

ALFRED HOYT GRANGER .

P h i l a d e l p hi a , 1 9 1 6 .

FOREWORD



CONTENTS .

PAGE

FOREWORDi i

PART I .

THE UPBUILDING OF GREAT BRITAIN

PART II .

ENGLAND IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY .

VIII. THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL9IX. THE STORY OF MOROCCO0 5X THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA OVER PERSIA29XI. ENGLAND AND GERMANY5 1CHAPTER PAGE

I . ENGLAND AND SPAINI I . ENGLAND AND HOLLAND1I I I . ENGLAND AND FRANCE1IV . THE CONQUEST OF INDIA1V ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES IN 181 23

VI . ENGLAND AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON7VII . ENGLAND IN EGYPT3



PART III .

(B) BRITAIN AND THE WAR. A STUDY IN DIPLOMACY .

BY C . H. NORMAN54(C) WHY WE ARE AT WAR . A REPLY TO SIR EDWARD

G REY . BY SIR RAMSEY MACDONALD, M . P93(D) SECRET DIPLOMACY THE CAUSE OF WR. A N APPEAL

TO THE BRITISH PEOPLE. B Y E. D. MOREL03(E) LETTER BY BARON L ' ESCAILLE, BELGIAN MINISTER AT

ST . PETERSBURG, TO M . DAVIGNON, BELGIAN

MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS12INDEx1 5CONCLUSIONS .

XII . THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR7 1XIII . PRESENT 'CONDITIONS IN EUROPE AND AMERICA . . . . 1 9 3

XIV WHERE Do WE STAND?1 1(A)

APPENDICESTHE ORIGINS OF THE GREATWR. BY H. N . B R A I L S -

FORD31



PART 1 .

THE UPBUILDING OF GREAT BRITAIN .



CHAPTER I .

ENGLAND AND SPAIN .A T no period in h er long hist ory has England

o c c u p i e d s o w e a k a p o s i t i o n i n t h e e y e s o f t h e

w o r l d a s s h e h e l d w h e n E l i z a b e t h c a m e t o t h e t h r o n e ,

on November 17, 15 58 . The house of Hapsburg con-

t r o l l e d t h e w o r l d , a n d w h i l e P h i l i p o f S p a i n , t h e m o s t

p r o m i n e n t m e m b e r o f t h i s h o u s e , d i d n o t h o l d t h e t i t l e

o f E m p e r o r a s h a d h i s f a t h e r , C h a r l e s V , h i s p o w e r

w a s o f g r e a t e r e x t e n t a n d f a r m o r e a b s o l u t e t h a n t h a t

of any Emperor . B y t h e d e a t h o f Q u e e n M a r y h e l o s t

c o n t r o l o f E n g l a n d , b u t i t i s s a i d t h a t e v e n b e f o r e

M a r y ' s d e a t h h e h a d c o n c e i v e d t h e i d e a , i n s u c h a n

e v e n t , o f m a r r y i n g E l i z a b e t h a n d t h u s r e t a i n i n g t h e

E n g l i s h c r o w n a s a p a r t o f t h e H a p s b u r g d o m i n i o n s .

T h a t h i s p e r s o n a l f e e l i n g t o w a r d s E l i z a b e t h w a s o n e

of friendshi p he had s hown many tim es, when Mary

would have welcomed and abetted any sche me to put

her out of the way . The m iddle of the Sixteent h

Century was a p eriod of tremendous up heaval . Th e

c o u n t e r - r e f o r m a t i o n , w h i c h h a d b e e n b r o u g h t i n t o e x -

i s t e n c e b y P r o t e s t a n t f a n a t i c i s m , w a s s p r e a d i n g o v e r

C e n t r a l E u r o p e , a n d a f t e r t h e c o u n c i l o f T r e n t , w h i c h

h a d p u r g e d a n d c l e a n s e d t h e C a t h o l i c C h u r c h a n d r e -

m o v e d p r a c t i c a l l y a l l o f t h e t h i n g s a g a i n s t w h i c h t h e



2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREr e f o r m e r s p r o t e s t e d , i t s e e m e d l i k e l y t o r e s t o r e u n i -

f o r m i t y i n r e l i g i o n . E l i z a b e t h c a m e t o t h e t h r o n e s u p -

ported by Protestant n obles and a str ong popular

f e e l i n g i n h e r f a v o r . She was twenty-five y ears of

a g e , a n d h a d b e e n e d u c a t e d i n t h e b e s t o f a l l s c h o o l s ,

danger and adversity . She rea lized fully th e weak -

n e s s o f h e r t i t l e t o t h e c r o w n , b e c a u s e o f t h e b r a n d

of illegi tima cy whi ch Rome and her mother's divorce

a n d t r a g i c d e a t h h a d c a s t u p o n h e r , b u t s h e w a s f u l l y

determined t o maintain her power against the world .

Several things were strongly in her favor at t he

very commencement of her reign . The firs t wa s he r

strong resemblance to her father, who, in spi te of

h i s b r u t a l i t y , t y r a n n y a n d l i c e n t i o u s n e s s , h a d f i r s t

a w a k e n e d i n t h e m i n d s o f E n g l i s h m e n a s e n s e o f t h e i r

n a t i o n ' s p o s s i b i l i t i e s ; then , too, she was w holly Eng-

l i s h , h e r n e a r e s t f o r e i g n a n c e s t o r h a v i n g b e e n C a t h -

eri ne of Valois, w ife of Henr y V, who had la ter

m a r r i e d Owe n Tudo r ; s h e w a s a w o m a n , a n d ( i f c o n -

t e m p o r a r y a c c o u n t s a r e t o b e b e l i e v e d ) q u i t e a s h a n d -

some as h er c ousin, Mary Stuart . At th at ti me

E n g l a n d h a d n o d i s t i n c t i v e p o l i c y o f h e r o w n . All of

the war s on the Continent, both be fore and d uring

E l i z a b e t h ' s l o n g r e i g n , w e r e p r i m a r i l y r e l i g i o u s w a r s .

P h i l i p o f S p a i n , w h i l e c o n s u m e d w i t h a m b i t i o n f o r t h e

e x t e n s i o n o f h i s d o m i n i o n s , w a s a r e l i g i o u s f a n a t i c ,

and it may be t ruthfully said that his fundamental

i d e a i n d e s i r i n g t o i n c r e a s e h i s p o w e r w a s t o s t r e n g t h e n

and in creas e the power of the Catholic Church . In

t h o s e d a y s t h e s i m p l e s t m o d e o f i n c r e a s i n g p o l i t i c a l

po w e r w a s t h ro u g h m a r r i a g e . It wa s by mea ns of



ENGLAND AND SPAIN 3

m a r r i a g e s t h a t t h e d e s c e n d a n t s o f R u d o l f o f H a p s b u r g

h a d a c q u i r e d c o n t r o l o f S p a i n , A u s t r i a , H u n g a r y , t h e

L o w C o u n t r i e s , S i c i l y , t h e m a j o r p o r t i o n o f I t a l y , B u r -

gundy and , until th e death of Mary, England as well .

The only other ruling family whi ch in any wa y com-

pete d wit h them was th e House of Valois in France ,

b u t t h a t f a m i l y w a s f a s t a p p r o a c h i n g e x t i n c t i o n , a n d

upon t he d eat h of Henr y III and the suc cess ion of

Henry of Navar re to the throne of France, cease d to

b e a f a c t o r i n E u r o p e a n a f f a i r s . D u r i n g t h e l a s t y e a r s

of Mary's rei gn, Elizabeth ha d see n her own country

d i s i n t e g r a t i n g t h r o u g h r e l i g i o u s w a r s , F r a n c e t o r n u p

w i t h c i v i l c o n f l i c t , t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s h e r o i c a l l y s t r i v -

i n g t o o v e r t h r o w t h e p o w e r o f S p a i n , S c o t l a n d s m a r t -

ing under t he tyra nny of the Guises, the Empir e

b e c o m i n g s t r o n g l y P r o t e s t a n t , a n d P h i l i p t i g h t e n i n g h i s

h o l d u p o n t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e w o r l d . Whet her she

foresaw the inevitab le conflict bet ween England and

Spain, we know not, but of this we can be sure-that

s h e r e a l i z e d t h a t E n g l a n d h a d n o c h a n c e t o b e c o m e a n y

f a c t o r i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c s u n t i l s h e h a d h a d s u f -

f i c i e n t t i m e t o g a t h e r h e r s e l f t o g e t h e r a n d r e c o v e r f r o m

t h e r e l i g i o u s p e r s e c u t i o n s o f t h e t w o p r e c e d i n g r e i g n s .

T o b r i n g a b o u t t h i s u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e n a t i o n , E l i z a b e t h

k e p t o n f r i e n d l y t e r m s w i t h P h i l i p , w h i l e r e a l l y a t -

t e m p t i n g t o u n d e r m i n e h i s p o w e r b y a i d i n g t h e N e t h e r -

lands a nd also the Huguenots in France . The moti ve

b a c k o f a l l h e r s c h e m i n g a n d h e r c o q u e t t i n g w i t h v a r i -

o u s p r i n c e s , w i t h t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f h e r m a r r y i n g , w a s

t o g a i n t i m e f o r h e r c o u n t r y t o r e c o v e r f r o m i t s r e -

l i g i o u s t r o u b l e s . W h a t w e r e E l i z a b e t h ' s r e a l r e l i g i o u s



4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREviews will never b e known . In the light of modern

t h o u g h t , h e r r e l i g i o n m i g h t b e s a i d t o b e h e r c o u n t r y ' s

welfare . We know that she loved ritua l and insist ed

u p o n u n i f o r m i t y o f w o r s h i p , b u t b e y o n d t h a t s h e n e v e r

w e n t . Becaus e the Protestant n obles had sup ported

h e r a c c e s s i o n a n d s h e w a s n o t w i l l i n g t o i n v o l v e h e r

p e o p l e i n t h e f u r i o u s s t r u g g l e s w h i c h w e r e d e v a s t a t i n g

Fra n c e a n d t h e Low Cou n t r i e s , s h e m a d e Engl a n d

P r o t e s t a n t , a n d r e p e l l e d t h e t e a c h i n g s o f t h e C o u n t e r -

Reforma tion .

Between her acc ession and 1 588, the ye ar of the

Armada, her policy had been one of "peace at any

price," coupled with rigid domestic economy . It is

t r u e t h a t d u r i n g t h i s p e r i o d s h e h a d a l l o w e d p r i v a t e

c i t i z e n s t o f i t o u t b u c c a n e e r i n g e x p e d i t i o n s a g a i n s t t h e

vast s ea power of Spain -the st ories of Drake a nd

H a w k i n s s t i l l t h r i l l t h e i m a g i n a t i o n o f m a n k i n d . Wh e n

Drake circum navigated th e globe and brought home

his trem endous booty, captur ed from Spanish ships,

h e s t r u c k t h e f i r s t r e a l b l o w t o t h e s e a p o w e r o f S p a i n

and bla zed the trail for England's future great ness .

Philip expostulated wi th Elizabeth , and she re plied

by kni ghting Drake and weari ng some of his jewels

in her crown . From that da te th e conflict betwe en

t h e two powers was inevitable . In 1 580 Philip had

t a k e n p o s s e s s i o n o f P o r t u g a l , a n d b y t h i s s t r o k e h a d

d o u b l e d h i s n a v y a n d h i s c o l o n i a l p o s s e s s i o n s , a n d h a d

made himself the mightie st single ruler that Europe

had known, but i n the v ast extent of his dominions

l a y h i s r e a l w e a k n e s s . Elizab eth h ad not only mad e

h e r p e o p l e o n e o n a l l q u e s t i o n s o f n a t i o n a l p o l i c y , b u t



ENGLAND AND SPAIN 5

h a d p r e p a r e d f o r t h e p o l i t i c a l u n i o n o f G r e a t B r i t a i n

u p o n h e r d e a t h , b y h e r c l o s e a l l i a n c e w i t h t h e C o v e -

n a n t e r s i n S c o t l a n d a n d h e r r e c o g n i t i o n o f J a m e s , t h e

s o n o f M a r y S t u a r t , a s h e r h e i r . In his i nfancy James

h a d b e e n p u t i n t o t h e h a n d s o f t h e P r o t e s t a n t p a r t y ,

a n d w h a t e v e r m a y h a v e b e e n h i s p e r s o n a l p r e f e r e n c e s ,

he was outwardly Protestant until his death . Th is

f a c t g a v e a f e e l i n g o f s e c u r i t y t o t h e p e o p l e o f G r e a t

B r i t a i n , a s i t a s s u r e d t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m

a s t h e S t a t e R e l i g i o n . I n o u r d a y o f r e l i g i o u s f r e e d o m

a n d t h e r e l i g i o u s i n d i f f e r e n c e w h i c h h a s g r o w n o u t o f

s u c h f r e e d o m , i t i s h a r d t o r e a l i z e t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f

s u c h s e t t l e m e n t t o t h e p e a c e o f t h e r e a l m .

I t w a s h e r d e s i r e t o s t r e n g t h e n t h i s f e e l i n g o f r e -

ligious unity that per suaded Elizabeth to espouse

o p e n l y t h e c a u s e o f t h e r e b e l l i o u s L o w C o u n t r i e s , a n d

defy Spai n . This espousal of the Netherlands ma rks

a t r a n s i t i o n i n h e r p o l i c y a n d h a s t e n s t h e c o n f l i c t w i t h

P h i l i p . I n 1 5 8 5 t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s , f i n a l l y g i v i n g u p

hopes of any real help from France, se nt a petition

to Elizabeth from the States-General, which read as

f o l l o w s : "Recognizing that there is no princ e or

potentate to whom they are more obliged than the y

are t o Your Majes ty, we are a bout to reque st you,

v e r y h u m b l y , t o a c c e p t t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e s e P r o v -

i n c e s a n d t h e p e o p l e o f t h e s a m e f o r y o u r v e r y h u m b l e

v a s s a l s a n d s u b j e c t s . " I t i s e v i d e n t f r o m c a r e f u l r e a d -

i n g o f h i s t o r y t h a t t h e p e o p l e o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s w e r e

s i n c e r e l y d e s i r o u s o f s u c h a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n , b u t E l i z a -

b e t h s t e a d i l y d e c l i n e d t o b r i n g i t a b o u t . Betw een the

two peoples were m any traits in common, and, as in



6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREthose days statesmanship could almost have been de-

f i n e d a s a b i l i t y t o a c q u i r e t e r r i t o r y , h e r r e f u s a l r e m a i n s

incompreh ensible , unless we recognize the fact that for

almost twenty-five years her fixed resolve had b een

to keep on friendly terms wit h Philip, while doing all

i n h e r p o w e r t o w e a k e n h i s s t r e n g t h b y u n d e r h a n d

m e a n s .

Sir John R . Seeley , in h is "Growth o f Brit ish

Policy," says

"We c a n n o t , t h e r e f o r e , s e e h ow E l i z a b e t h ' s r e f u s a l [ t o

a c c e p t s ov e r ei g nt y o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s ] c a n b e j u s t i f i e d o n

t h e g r o u n d s o f s t a t e s m a n s h i p . I t i s n o n e t h e l e s s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c

on that account . Great and dar ing actions were done in

a b u n d a n c e b y E n g l i s h m e n i n t h i s l a t t e r p a r t o f E l i z a b e t h ' s

r e i g n , b u t t h e y w e r e n o t d o n e b y E l i z a b e t h . I t i s d i f f ic u l t t o

g r a s p t h e f a c t t h a t a r u l e r o f s o h i g h s p i r i t , o f s o m u c h e n e r g y

and courage, did not possess the t alent of a c t i o n b u t d i d

p o s s e s s i n a u n i q u e d e g r e e t h e t a l e n t , i n c e r t a i n c i r c u m s t a n c e s

e q u a l l y v a l u a b l e , o f r e f r a i n i n g f r o m a c t i o n . Perhap s most

g r e a t s t a t e s m e n a r e s o m e w h a t s p a r i n g o f a d v e n t u r o u s a c t i o n ;

n e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e g r e a t m a s t e r p i e c e s o f s t a t e s m a n s h i p a r e c o m -

m o n l y s u d d e n a n d r a p i d s t r o k e s o f w e l l - t i m e d a u d a c i t y . But

though we trace alm ost all that makes modern England t o

E l i z a b e t h , n o s u c h s t r o k e s w e r e s t r u c k b y h e r . H e r s t a t e s -

m a n s h i p i s a l m o s t p u r e l y n e g a t i v e ; i t c o n s i s t s s o l e l y i n p r o v i d -

i n g t i m e a n d r o o m a n d l i b e r t y f o r t h e e n e r g y o f t h e n a t i o n t o

d i s p l a y i t s e l f . She does not lead the pe ople but, i n r a r e

e m e r g e n c i e s , s h e l e t s t h e m g o .

"She did ind eed use br ave words in her Declaration o f

1 5 8 5 . B u t a s s h e s a i d i n t h a t d o c u m e n t t h a t h e r m a i n o b j e c t

was peace, so it would appear from her sub sequent conduct

of the war that she intended to deter Philip from action

r a t h e r t h a n t o t a k e a c t i o n h e r s e l f . Peace an d war wer e not

i n t h o s e d a y s s o s h a r p l y d i s t i n c t a s t h e y a r e n o w . I n 1 5 8 5

there had been already many a sea fight and many a battle



ENGLAND AND SPAIN 7

in the Netherlands betw een Englishmen and Spaniards, and

twice a Spanish amb assador had bee n expelled from England

b y E l i z a b e t h . P h i l i p i n d e e d h a d s h o w n a l o n g - s u f f e r i n g s p i r i t ,

a n d i t w a s , t h e r e f o r e , n o t u n r e a s o n a b l e f o r E l i z a b e t h t o c a l c u -

l a t e t h a t h e r t h r e a t s a n d d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r m i g h t d e t e r m i n e

him to make peace .

" H a d s h e c o n s c i o u s l y a d o p t e d a t t h i s m o m e n t a w a r p o l i c y ,

w e s h o u l d h a v e s e e n h e r d e v o t i n g h e r s e l f t o m i l i t a r y p r e p a r a -

t i o n s , a n d s h e w a s a s s u r e d l y n o t s o b l i n d a s t o i m a g i n e t h a t

w a r c o u l d b e c a r r i e d o n w i t h t h e g r e a t e s t p o w e r i n t h e w o r l d

without a large expendit ure of money . The man ia of par-

simony which possessed her m ay be unders tood, so l o n g a s

s h e r e m a i n e d a t p e a c e , a s t h e i n s t i n c t o f s o u n d f i n a n c e i n a n

uneducated form . During the long peace of Elizabeth her

cheese-paring ec onomy may well b e supposed to have done

more good than harm . But wha t are we to think of the

s a m e p r o p e n s i t y i n t i m e o f w a r ? We see that the c ampaign

o f 1 5 8 8 i n t h e N e t h e r l a n d s w a s r u i n e d b y t h e f r e n z i e d s t r u g g l e

of Elizabeth to carry on war without spend ing money . Wes e e h e r s t a r v i n g h e r s o l d i e r s , r e d u c i n g h e r s e r v a n t s t o d e s p a i r ,

a n d f o r f e i t i n g h e r r e p u t a t i o n a m o n g h e r a l l i e s b y t r i c k s o f

miserly economy unworthy of a great p rince . C e r t a i n l y , i f

we should judge her by this campaign, we should pronounce

h e r o n e o f t h e m o s t i n c a p a b l e o f w a r m i n i s t e r s , o r , a t l e a s t ,

we should be driven to suppose that she had not mental

e l a s t i c i t y e n o u g h t o c o m p r e h e n d w h a t i s i n v o l v e d i n a g r e a t

change of policy . It rather appears that she intended no

c h a n g e o f p o l i c y , a n d t h a t s h e d i d n o t u n d e r s t a n d o r a d m i t

t h a t h e r p e r i o d o f p e a c e w a s o v e r a n d t h a t h e r p e r i o d o f w a r

had begun . S h e i n t e n d e d , i n s h o r t , t o a v e r t w a r b y t h r e a t e n -

ing war . As soon as she found that her measures had not

p r o d u c e d t h i s e f f e c t , s h e c o n c e i v e d a d i s g u s t f o r t h e w a ri n

t h e N e t h e r l a n d s .

" W e u n d e r s t a n d b o t h h e r p r o m p t a n d f i r m r e f u s a l t o a c c e p t

t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s a n d h e r f e e b l e c o n d u c t o f

t h e w a r , i f w e a s s u m e s i m p l y t h a t a s e r i o u s w a r w i t h P h i l i p

n e v e r e n t e r e d i n t o h e r c a l c u l a t i o n s . S h e c o u l d n o t a c c e p t t h e



ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREs o v e r e i g n t y for herself simply beca use she meant t he sov-

e r e i g n t y t o r e m a i n w i t h P h i l i p . Artois and Hainault h ad

a l r e a d y s u b m i t te d t o h im ; B r a b a n t a n d F l a n d e r s w e r e a l r e a d y

h a l f c o n q u e r e d ; t h e s e s u c c e s s e s h a d b e e n d u e p a r t l y t o c o n -

cessions ma de by Parma in the nam e of Philip . I t w a s s t i l l ,

t h e r e f o r e , n a t u r a l f o r E l i z a b e t h t o e x p e c t t h a t H o l l a n d a n d

Zealand would in the end sub mit, too, but to terms . Th e

r e s u l t w h i c h a c t u a l l y a r r i v e d w a s t o o u n p r e c e d e n t e d , t h e c o n -

fused Dutch Repub lic of the Seventeenth Century was a

t h i n g t o o s h a p e l e s s t o b e f o r e s e e n i n 1 5 8 5 . No ; P h i l i p w o u l d

w i n , b u t h e m i g h t b e f o r c e d t o m a k e c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n c e s s i o n s

t o H o l l a n d a n d Z e a l a n d a s h e h a d d o n e a l r e a d y t o A r t o i s a n d

Hain ault . P h i l i p h a d a l l a l o n g r e c o g n i z e d t h e e x t r e m e d i f -

f i c u l t y o f s u p p r e s s i n g t h e r e b e l l i o n o f t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s s o

l o n g a s i t r e c e i v e d t h e s u p p o r t o f E n g l a n d . N o w , t h e r e f o r e ,

t h a t n e w p r o s p e c t s , i n v o l v i n g n e w e f f o r t s a n d e x p e n s e s , o p e n e d

before him in France s o that some settleme nt of the Dutch

d i f f i c u l t y s e e m e d d o u b l y i m p e r a t i v e , P h i l i p m i g h t c e r t a i n l y b e

brought to terms-so Elizabeth might ca lculate-if England

should once more step decided ly forward and s how that the

d e c i s i o n o f t h e q u e s t i o n l a y i n h e r h a n d s . In one w ord, wh at

Elizabeth had in view was simply mediation . She p roposed

s i m p l y t o d r a u g h t a t r e a t y w h i c h P h i l i p o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d

t h e s t a t e s o f H o l l a n d a n d Z e a l a n d o n t h e o t h e r h a n d s h o u l d

s i g n . "

Tha t s h e fa i l e d i n h e r pu r p os e w a s d u e to ca u s e s

entirely be yond her control . While she wa s negotiat-

ing and coquetting with vari ous powers on the Conti-

nent she failed t o recognize what her policy of peace

had done for her people . The mas s of public opin ion

w a s w i t h t h e r e b e l s i n t h e Net h e r l a n d s a n d for w a r

w i t h S p a i n . Hu n d r e d s o f En g l i s h m e n h a d e n l i s t e d

in the Dutch armi es, while the ad ventur es of Drake,

Ha w k i n s a n d o t h e r s h a d a w a k e n e d a d e s i r e i n t h e



ENGLAND AND SPAIN 9

m i n d s o f t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e f o r a s h a r e i n t h e p r o f i t s

to be derived from the new world . While Elizabeth

h a t e d a n d f e a r e d w a r , s h e w a s a l w a y s a m e n a b l e t o t h e

w i s h e s o f h e r p e o p l e , a n d s o e v e r y t h i n g h a s t e n e d t h e

war . I t i s n o t m y p u r p o s e t o r e p e a t t h e s t o r y o f t h e

d e f e a t o f .the Arma da . I n t h e l i g h t o f t h e l a t e r v i c -

tories which England has achieved on the sea, the

v i c t o r y o v e r P h i l i p ' s f l e e t w a s a v e r y p u n y o n e . At

the time it appar ently only temporarily checked the

p o w e r o f S p a i n , b u t i n i t s c o n s e q u e n c e s t o E n g l a n d a n d

t o t h e r e s t o f t h e w o r l d i t s i m p o r t a n c e c a n n o t b e o v e r -

e s t i m a t e d , a s i t m a r k e d t h e e n d o f E n g l i s h i s o l a t i o n

and launched her up on that naval policy which has

been her greatness for the past three hundred years .

P h i l i p l i v e d f o r t e n y e a r s a f t e r t h e d e f e a t o f t h e

A r m a d a , a n d a t t h e t i m e o f h i s d e a t h h e w a s s t i l l r u l e r

of the greates t power in . t h e w o r l d , b u t a t h i s v e r y

doors another nation was springing into power under

the more en light ened r ule of Henry of Navarre . Th e

house of Valois was extinct, an d und er th e Bourbons

F r a n c e b e c a m e i n t u r n t h e s u p r e m e n a t i o n o n t h e c o n t i -

nen t of Europe . This was not evident at the time

of Philip's death, bu t by th at time the world had

ceased to fear Spain, and, when fear of her was re-

moved, the rest of Europe realized that th e Spanish

power had begun to decline . During the re mainde r

o f E l i z a b e t h ' s r e i g n , w h i l e E n g l a n d w a s m o r e o r l e s s

i n v o l v e d i n t h e s t r u g g l e s o n t h e C o n t i n e n t , h e r p e o p l e

a t h o m e w e r e l i t t l e i n t e r e s t e d i n C o n t i n e n t a l a f f a i r s .

They no longer turned their e yes across the narrow

E n g l i s h C h a n n e l , b u t r a t h e r o u t a c r o s s t h e b r o a d A t -



1 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREl a n t i c , w h i c h a l s o w a s h e d t h e i r s h o r e s . In th e war s

which followed the defeat of the Armada, the p art

w h i c h Engl a n d pl a y e d w a s t h e pa r t w h i c h s h e h a s

g e n e r a l l y f o l l o w e d s i n c e . I n a l l n a v a l a f f a i r s s h e t o o k

t h e l e a d a n d s t r u c k h a r d , b u t o n l a n d s h e a s s i s t e d h e r

a l l i e s w i t h s u b s i d i e s a n d a l l o w e d t h e m t o d o t h e f i g h t -

i n g . England continued ostensibly at war with Spain

u n t i l 1 6 0 9 , w h e n a t r u c e w a s e s t a b l i s h e d w h i c h l a s t e d

until near the end of the reign of James I . Durin g

t h i s p e r i o d E n g l a n d h a d e s t a b l i s h e d h e r s e l f u p o n t h e

N o r t h A m e r i c a n C o n t i n e n t a n d h a d t h u s f a i r l y e n t e r e d

upon he r ca reer of World Empir e . She d id not again

c o m e i n t o a c t i v e c o n f l i c t w i t h a n y C o n t i n e n t a l p o w e r

unti l the r eign of Cromwell . By the destruc tion of

Spanish naval sup remacy she had entered upon what

has ever since bee n her paramount policy, one might

a l m o s t s a y , h e r p r i m e r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f , n a m e l y , t h a t

England mus t rule the oceans, and whoever dar ed

o p p o s e t h i s p o l i c y m u s t b e c r u s h e d .



CHAPTER II .

ENGLAND AND HOLLAND .

D URING the year s betwe en t he a cces sion of James

I and t he be headi ng of his son, England w as

f o r c e d b y d o m e s t i c t r o u b l e s t o p r a c t i c a l l y a b a n d o n a n y

s t r o n g f o r e i g n p o l i c y . I t i s n o t m y p u r p o s e t o t e l l o f t h e

l o n g s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n t h e f i r s t S t u a r t k i n g s a n d t h e i r

p e o p l e s , w h i c h e v e n t u a l l y d e v e l o p e d i n t o a b i t t e r c i v i l

w a r , c u l m i n a t i n g i n t h e e x e c u t i o n o f C h a r l e s I . Tha t

act for the moment stun ned Europe, an d no people

w e r e a p p a r e n t l y m o r e s h o c k e d b y i t t h a n t h e m a j o r i t y

of the English themselves . With th e dest ructi on of

royal power, Parliament became supreme, but Parlia-

m e n t w a s n o t , a t f i r s t , a b l e t o h a n d l e t h e q u e s t i o n o f

g o v e r n m e n t a l o n e , a n d i t s m i s t a k e s s o o n l e d t o t h e s e c -

ond civil war between Parliament and the army . In

t h i s s t r u g g l e t h e a r m y w a s c o m p l e t e l y v i c t o r i o u s , a n d

Oliver Cromwell b ecam e the first m an in England .

T h a t h e p r o v e d h i m s e l f t o b e o n e o f t h e g r e a t g e n e r a l s

and states men of the world is an undisput ed fact .

C h a r l e s I ' s d e a t h h a d a t o n c e m a d e h i s s o n , C h a r l e s ,

king of Scotland, and ha d ended the tem porary union

of the two kingdoms . Cromwell determined that the

union of Great Britain and Ireland was a bsolutely

e s s e n t i a l f o r t h e s a f e t y a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e B r i t i s h

I s l e s , a n d s u c c e s s f u l l y b r o u g h t i t a b o u t b y h i s w a r s



1 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREwith Scotland and Ireland and the est ablishment of

the Commonwealth of Great Brita in . T h e e a r l i e r u n i o n

b e t w e e n E n g l a n d a n d S c o t l a n d m i g h t b e c a l l e d a f a m i l y

affair, but t he union establis hed by Cromwell was a

national union and has never been b roken . Dur in g

t h e s e y e a r s o f i n t e r n a l s t r u g g l e s a t h o m e a n e n t i r e l y

n e w c o n d i t i o n s o f a f f a i r s h a d a r i s e n o n t h e c o n t i n e n t

of Europe , while i n North Amer ica an other England

h a d b e e n f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d , w h o l l y t h r o u g h i n d i v i d u a l

e f f o r t s o f B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s . W i t h t h e d e c l i n e o f S p a n i s h

p o w e r i n E u r o p e , w h i c h b e g a n a f t e r t h e d e f e a t o f t h e

Armada, England, as we have s hown, had begun to

turn h er eye s away from the contin ent of Europe to

t h e p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f t h e n e w w o r l d a c r o s s t h e A t l a n t i c ;

b u t s h e w a s n o t a l o n e i n t h i s . Durin g her year s of

internal struggle, Portugal had br oken away from

t h e S p a n i s h r u l e , a n d , u n d e r t h e w i s e g u i d a n c e o f t h e

house of Bragan za, ha d recovere d most of her over-

s e a p o s s e s s i o n s , i n c l u d i n g B r a z i l ; F r a n c e h a d a l s o n o t

b e e n i d l e b u t h a d e s t a b l i s h e d s t r o n g c o l o n i e s i n A c a d i a

(Nova Scotia ) and a long th e St . Lawren ce, an d had

p u s h e d h e r d i s c o v e r i e s f a r i n t o t h e i n t e r i o r o f N o r t h

America and he ld the Mississip pi Valley, wh ile Hol-

land h eld th e valle y of the Hudson River . As y et

t h e s e a d v a n c e s i n t o Am e r i c a h a d n o t i n a n y w a y

alarme d England, b ut as s oon as Cromwell had su b-

dued Parliament and made England for the first time

i n h e r h i s t o r y a g r e a t m i l i t a r y p o w e r , h e f o u n d t h a t

Holland had bec ome vastly powerful upon the seas .

In 16 41 , w h e n Will i a m of Ora n g e m a r r i e d Mar y

S t u a r t , t h e d a u g h t e r o f C h a r l e s I , t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e



ENGLAND AND HOLLAND 1 3

S t u a r t a n d O r a n g e f a m i l i e s b e c a m e i d e n t i c a l a n d w e r e

thus a menace t o the Republican government in Eng-

l a n d . T h e d e a t h o f W i l l i a m I I o f O r a n g e , j u s t b e f o r e

the b irth of his son, who was t o become England's

grea t kin g, Willi am III, rem oved for a time any

m e n a c e to Crom w e l l's pe a c e of mi n d , a s t h e Low

Countries imm ediately set up a Republi can form of

government . It would have seemed the nat ural thin g

for th e two Protestant Repub lics to have formed a t

o n c e a c l o s e a l l i a n c e , b u t C r o m w e l l w a s n o t r e a d y f o r

t h a t . It will be re membered that in 15 85 an embassy

had b een se nt to England from the States-General,

p e t i t i o n i n g Q u e e n E l i z a b e t h t o a s s u m e t h e s o v e r e i g n t y

o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , a n d t h a t s h e h a d d e c l i n e d . Afte r

t h e d e a t h o f t h e P r i n c e o f O r a n g e , d u r i n g t h e s e s s i o n

o f t h e G r e a t C o n v o c a t i o n o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s i n 1 6 5 1 ,

two ambassad ors, named Oliver St . John and Walter

Stric kland , were s ent from England t o propose "a

more strict and intimate alliance and union whereby

t h e r e m a y b e a m o r e i n t r i n s i c a l a n d m u t u a l i n t e r e s t o f

e a c h i n t h e o t h e r t h a n h a t h h i t h e r t o b e e n f o r t h e g o o d

of both ." That this embassy failed can only be ex-

p l a i n e d b y t h e g r e a t c o m m e r c i a l r i v a l r y a n d j e a l o u s y

which had grown up b etween the tw o countries . Th e

E n g l i s h n a v y , w h i c h h a d h a d i t s r e a l b e g i n n i n g u n d e r

S i r F r a n c i s D r a k e a n d h i s c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , h a d i n t h e

i n t e r v e n i n g y e a r s g r o w n g r e a t , a n d w h e r e v e r i t s a i l e d

h a d c o m e i n c o n t a c t w i t h D u t c h s h i p s . D u r i n g t h e f i r s t

c i v i l w a r , P a r l i a m e n t h a d k e p t c o n t r o l o f t h e f l e e t , b u t

i n t h e s e c o n d c i v i l w a r t h e f l e e t h a d b e e n d i v i d e d , a

l a r g e p o r t i o n o f t h e n a v y b e i n g R o y a l i s t i n f e e l i n g , s o



1 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREt h a t w e s e e a t t h e s a m e m o m e n t t w o c i v i l w a r s i n E n g -

l a n d , t h e o n e o n l a n d a n d t h e o t h e r , u n d e r t h e r i v a l

l e a d e r s h i p s o f P r i n c e R u p e r t a n d B l a k e , u p o n t h e s e a .

B l a k e ' s v i c t o r i e s o v e r R u p e r t d i d m u c h t o u n i f y t h e

navy an d fix in the minds of the British Government

t h e i d e a , w h i c h h a s e v e r s i n c e b e e n f i r s t i n E n g l a n d ' s

mind-that Britain must rule the sea . In Engla nd's

m a r i t i m e c i v i l w a r i t w a s p r a c t i c a l l y i m p o s s i b l e f o r

Holland not to bec ome involved . Her shi ps cr owded

t h e N o r t h A t l a n t i c a n d t h e E n g l i s h C h a n n e l , a n d w e r e

t h e c a r r i e r s o f t h e w o r l d . They even c arried a lar ge

p e r c e n t a g e o f B r i t i s h t r a d e , s o t h a t t h e E n g l i s h d e -

m a n d f o r a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n d i d n o t a p p e a l t o t h e D u t c h

people in 1651 . In 15 85 the Dutch states had b een

e n g a g e d i n a l i f e a n d d e a t h s t r u g g l e w i t h S p a i n , a n d

England's help seemed vital . Now Spa in n o longer

r u l e d t h e w a v e s , a n d t h e g r e a t e r p a r t o f t h e w o r l d ' s

trade tr aveled in Dutch b ottoms . This tim e it wa s

Holland which d eclined the proposed union . Alarme d

a t w ha t s he con s id e re d Du t ch agg r es s ion , En gl a n d

e n t e r e d u p o n w h a t h a s e v e r s i n c e b e e n h e r f i x e d p o l i c y

-to write the ma ritim e law of the world . S e e l e y

s a y s ,

" A p o l i c y n o w b e g i n s w h i c h i s n o t , t o b e s u r e , v e r y s c r u -

pul ou s, bu t whic h is abl e, resol u te and su cc essful . "

A g a i n , h e s a y s

" M o r a l r e c t i t u d e i s h a r d l y a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f i t , a n d i f i t i s

r e l i g i o u s t h i s p e r h a p s w o u l d h a v e a p p e a r e d , h a d t h e P r o t e c -

t o r a t e l a s t e d l o n g e r , t o h a v e b e e n i t s m o s t d a n g e r o u s f e a t u r e .

N o t h i n g i s m o r e d a n g e r o u s t h a n i m p e r i a l i s m m a r c h i n g w i t h

a n i d e a o n i t s b a n n e r , a n d P r o t e s t a n t i s m w a s t o o u r E m p e r o r




O l i v e r w h a t t h e i d e a s o f t h e R e v o l u t i o n w e r e t o N a p o l e o n

a n d h i s n e p h e w .

" W e m a y w e l l , I t h i n k , s h u d d e r a t t h e t h o u g h t o f t h e

d a n g e r w h i c h w a s r e m o v e d b y t h e f a l l o f t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e . "

I n 1 6 5 1 , t h e y e a r o f i t s u n s u c c e s s f u l m i s s i o n t o H o l -

land, England passe d the Navigation Act, whic h re-

maine d in force for two hundr ed year s . S e e l e y c a l l s

t h i s " t h e a c t w h i c h l a i d t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e E n g l i s h

Commerc ial Empire . "

It completed the work begun by Drake and carried

on by Raleigh , and crea ted an English commercia l

navy . B e f o r e t h i s t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e h a d e s t a b l i s h e d

colonies in America and factories in India, b ut the

bulk of the carr ying betw een England, America a nd

I n d i a h a d b e e n d o n e b y t h e D u t c h m e r c h a n t f l e e t . The

Navigation Act excluded th e Dutch from car rying a ny

English trade and thus struck a deadly blow at the

state with which, a few months earlier in the same

y e a r , E n g l a n d h a d a t t e m p t e d t o f o r m a p o l i t i c a l u n i o n .

Another p rovision of the Navigat ion Act t o which

E n g l a n d h a s s t e a d f a s t l y a d h e r e d a s v i t a l t o h e r s e l f -

p r e s e r v a t i o n w a s t h e " r i g h t o f s e a r c h ." To the Dutc h

p e o p l e , w h o l i v e d b y t h e c a r r y i n g t r a d e o f t h e w o r l d ,

this was a blow which could not be acce pted with out

a s t r u g g l e , a n d s o w e s e e w a r d e c l a r e d i n 1 6 5 2 b e t w e e n

the tw o Protestant an d Republi can government s who

s h o u l d h a v e b e e n i n c l o s e s t a l l i a n c e b e c a u s e t h e y u p -

h e l d , o r p r o f e s s e d t o u p h o l d , t h e s a m e f a i t h a n d t h e

s a m e i d e a l s .

All the gre at war s of Europe in former cent uries

had been primarily r eligious wars, but from now on



1 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREw e w i l l f i n d , i f w e s e a r c h f o r t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g s o f

s t r u g g l e s , t h a t q u e s t i o n s o f t r a d e a n d n o t q u e s t i o n s o f

i d e a l s c a u s e m o s t o f t h e g r e a t w a r s o f t h e w o r l d . This

w a r w a s b r o u g h t a b o u t s o l e l y b e c a u s e o f t r a d e r i v a l r y

between the Dutch and the English . In 1624 , 1646

a n d 1 6 5 0 t h e q u e s t i o n o f l e g i s l a t i o n a g a i n s t t h e D u t c h

carrying trade had been brought up in the British

Parlia ment . In Mar c h , 16 5 1 , t h e Dut c h Repu b l i c

e n t e r e d i n t o a n a l l i a n c e w i t h D e n m a r k w h i c h d i s t i n c t l y

t h r e a t e n e d B r i t i s h t r a d e i n t h e B a l t i c S e a a n d w a s t h e

pri me motive for the pas sage of the Navig ation Act .

England had begun to realize tha t her vocation was

d i s t i n c t l y c o m m e r c i a l a n d m a r i t i m e , a n d t o f u l f i l l h e r

m a n i f e s t d e s t i n y i t w a s a b s o l u t e l y e s s e n t i a l t h a t s h e

m u s t c o n t i n u a l l y b u i l d a n d m a i n t a i n h e r f l e e t . To d o

t h i s s h e m u s t h a v e e a s y a c c e s s t o t h e w o r l d ' s s u p p l y

o f h e m p , t a r a n d t i m b e r . I n t h o s e d a y s t h e s e m a t e r i a l s

could only be found in t he Baltic c ountries . Anyarrangeme nt between other powers which could inter-

fere with her direct communication with these

countries was a menac e which England natura lly felt

was not to be endured . It was to her a m atter of

c o m m e r c i a l l i f e a n d d e a t h t h a t t h e n a r r o w s t r a i t w h i c h

marks the entranc e to the Baltic Sea should be kep t

open . It wa s equally natural that Holland, when she

f o u n d h e r s e l f o n t h e e v e o f w a r w i t h E n g l a n d , s h o u l d

d e s i r e t o c u t h e r r i v a l o f f f r o m a c c e s s t o t h o s e c o u n t r i e s

which produced the mat erials most needed for the

m a i n t e n a n c e o f t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t . An alliance with

Denmark made this possible . At tha t tim e Denmark

w a s o n e o f t h e i m p o r t a n t s t a t e s i n E u r o p e , a n d , b e c a u s e



ENGLAND AND HOLLAND 17of th e fa m i l y con n e c t ion be t w e e n t h e Dan i s h r u l i n g

family and th e house of Stuart (Ja mes I having m ar-

r i e d a Dan i s h p r i n c e s s ) , t h e Dan i s h Gov e r n m e n t w a s

hostile to the English Commonweal th .

When th e news of the Dutch-Danish Treaty reac hed

En g l a n d , t h e Br i t i s h Go v e r n m e n t a t o n c e b e c a m e

a l a r m e d . It wa s for t h e pu r pos e of ch e c k m a t i n g a n

alliance which might c ut the m off from the Baltic Sea

that th e Britis h Governme nt deci ded to send St . Joh n

and Strickland to Holland to propose that politic al

union to which I have alrea dy referred . Mr . Gedde s

pri nts from the man uscr ipt orde r Book of the Counci l

of State , May 9, 1651 , in h is Ad m i n i s t r a t i o n o f Jo h n

de Witt, page 17 6, the following paragrap h of instruc-

t i o n t o S t . John and Stricklan d

" W h e r e a s t h e t r a d e o f t h i s n a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e S o u n d i n t o

t h e B a l t i q u e S e a i s o f v e r y g r e a t c o n c e r n m e n t , b o t h i n r e s p e c t

of the usefulnes s of the commodities b rought f r o m t h e n c e ,

s o n e c e s s a r y , a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , f o r b u i l d i n g a n d r i g g i n g

o f s h i p s , w h i c h i t i s n o t c o n v e n i e n t t h a t w e s h o u l d o n l y r e c e i v e

o r n o t a t t h e p l e a s u r e o f o t h e r n a t i o n s ; b u t m o r e e s p e c i a l l y

i n r e g a r d o f t h e g r e a t n u m b e r o f s h i p s w e h a v e e m p l o y e d i n

the transp ortation of these bulky goods whereby m a r i n e r s

a r e bre d a nd t h ey a n d ou r s hi p pi n g ma i nt a in e d, a n d be i ng

a l s o b u t s h o r t v o y a g e s , a r e o f t e n a t h o m e t o b e m a d e u s e o f

i n c a s e o f a n y p u b l i c o c c a s i o n s o f t h e s t a t e r e q u i r i n g t h e i r

s e r v i c e s ; a n d , w h e r e a s , t h i s t r a d e b e i n g v e r y m u c h w e a k e n e d

o t h e r w i s e , i s i n d a n g e r t o b e w h o l l y l o s t b y t h e agreement

that hath been lately ma de between the King of Denmar k

a n d t h e S t a t e s - G e n e r a l o f t h e U n i t e d P r o v i n c e s , e t c . "

Of course, these instru ctions to their amb assadors

w e r e n e v e r i n t e n d e d to re a c h t h e e y e s of th e Dut c h

Gov e r n m e n t , bu t t h e y pl a i n l y s how t h e mot i v e w h i c h



1 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE

p ro m p t e d t h e Engl i s h Com mo n w e a l t h t o pro po s e a

union of the two repub lics . After the e mbass y had

failed and the Navigation Act had been p assed, the

w a r w a s i n e v i t a b l e . Betw een t he Balt ic States w ere

rivalries as bitter as those between Spain and the

N e t h e r l a n d s o r t h e g r e a t h o u s e s o f B o u r b o n a n d H a p s -

bu rg . For a century Denmark and Sweden had b een

i n a s t a t e o f c o n s t a n t l y r e n e w i n g c o n f l i c t , w h i l e t h e

dispute s betwe en Sweden and Poland had been equally

b i t t e r .

When Holland, so powerful up on the se a, p roposed

a t r e a t y o f a l l i a n c e , D e n m a r k c o u l d n o t b u t f e e l t h a t

such an, association would strengthen her greatly

a g a i n s t h e r r i v a l t o t h e N o r t h , a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , i n

t h e w i n t e r o f 1 6 5 2 - 5 3 , a t r e a t y w a s d r a w n u p b e t w e e n

t h e U n i t e d P r o v i n c e s o f t h e N e t h e r l a n d s a n d t h e K i n g -

dom of Denmar k whic h closed th e Sound betw een Den-

mark an d the Scand inavi an Penins ula to all English

s h i p s .

By this treaty Denmar k agreed to enforce thi s

c l o s u r e o f t h e S o u n d b y a f l e e t , w h i l e t h e U n i t e d P r o v -

i n c e s a g r e e d t o s h a r e t h e e x p e n s e o f m a i n t a i n i n g s u c h

a f l e e t a n d a l s o t o d e f e n d D e n m a r k a g a i n s t a n y a t t a c k s

which might be made up on her becaus e of this treaty .

I d o n o t i n t e n d t o e n t e r i n t o a n y o f t h e d e t a i l s o f t h e

s t r u g g l e w h i c h c o n t i n u e d u n t i l A p r i l , 1 6 5 4 , a n d e n d e d

w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e s u p r e m a c y o f t h e B r i t i s h

f l e e t . W e h a v e s e e n h o w t h e n a t i o n w h i c h , a t t h e s u c -

cession of Elizabeth in 155 8, was but a small power

o c c u p y i n g o n l y a p o r t i o n o f t h e i s l a n d o f G r e a t B r i t a i n

a n d t o r n u p w i t h r e l i g i o u s d i s s e n s i o n s , h a d i n a l i t t l e




l e s s than o n e h u n d r e d y e a r s defeated the greatest

monarchy modern Europe had ever seen, and had also

reduced to a second place upon the sea that other

n a t i o n , s o a k i n t o h e r i n r a c i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i d e a l s

a n d r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s , w h i c h s h e h e r s e l f h a d h e l p e d t o

u p b u i l d . For some y ear s more , i n f a c t u n t i l t h e a c c e s -

sion of a Prin ce of Oran ge to the throne of England

in 1688, Holland continu ed to prosper u pon the sea ,

but never to quite the same extent as she h ad done

under Cromwell . When Charles II came to the throne

he was wise e nough to follow in general th e foreign

p o l i c y o f t h e C o m m o n w e a l t h , e x c e p t w h e r e i t d i r e c t l y

i n t e r f e r e d w i t h h i s p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s w i t h L o u i s X I V .

I t w a s o f e q u a l i n t e r e s t t o t h e F r e n c h k i n g , w h o w a s

b u s i l y b u i l d i n g u p a n a v y o f h i s o w n , t o c r i p p l e t h e

nava l power of both Holland an d England, so we find

h i s e m i s s a r i e s s e c r e t l y f o s t e r i n g f r i c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e

English a nd the Dutch .

W h e n , t h e r e f o r e , C h a r l e s w i s h e d t o f o r m a n a l l i a n c e

w i t h F r a n c e , h i s g o v e r n m e n t s u p p o r t e d h i m i n P a r l i a -

m e n t , a l t h o u g h i t w a s t o b e a n o t h e r a l l i a n c e b e t w e e n a

C a t h o l i c a n d a P r o t e s t a n t p o w e r a g a i n s t a P r o t e s t a n t

one . Willi am Ashley Cooper , a sta tesm an of the

Cro m w e ll i a n t y p e , m a d e a n i m p a s s io n e d s p e e c h i n

Parlia ment, quoting Cato's words, " D e l e n d a e s t

C a r t h a g o , " a n d s a y i n g " H o l l a n d i s o u r g r e a t r i v a l i n

trade, on the ocean and i n the New World . Let u s

d e s t r o y h e r , t h o u g h s h e b e a P r o t e s t a n t p o w e r ; l et u s

d e s t r o y h e r w i t h t h e h e l p o f a C a t h o l i c p o w e r ." Tha t

this destruc tion was accomplished is now a matter

o f h i s t o r y , b u t l i t t l e d i d t h e s t a t e s m e n o f t h a t d a y




believe that, by making the alliance which they so

strongly advocated, they were help ing to build up a

r i v a l b o t h on t h e s e a a n d i n t h e New World w ho

would draw them into a series of wars that would

s t r a i n E n g l i s h s t r e n g t h a n d d r a i n E n g l i s h c o f f e r s f o r

more than a hundred years .



CHAPTER III .

ENGLAND AND FRANCE .

TO tell in det ail the st ory of the str uggle be -

t w e e n E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e , w h i c h f i n a l l y r e s u l t e d

i n t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e l a t t e r a s a d a n g e r o u s r i v a l

upon the seas, would cover several volumes, as this

s t r u g g l e p r a c t i c a l l y b e g a n in the reign of Elizabeth

a n d c o n t i n u e d , i n t e r m i t t e n t l y , u n t i l t h e f i n a l d e f e a t o f

Napoleon at Water loo in 1815 .

I n t h e e a r l y p a r t o f E l i z a b e t h ' s r e i g n t h e C o n t i n e n t a l

p o w e r w h i c h s h e r e a l l y f e a r e d w a s n o t S p a i n , a g a i n s t

whom she later waged a succ essful war, but France .

T h e r e a s o n f o r t h i s i s e a s y t o u n d e r s t a n d b e c a u s e h e r

cousin, Mary Stuart , whom th e Catholics in England

r e g a r d e d a s t h e l e g i t i m a t e h e i r t o H e n r y V I I I , w a s t h e

wife of the Dauphin an d later , for a bri ef period,

queen consort of France . At thi s tim e the house of

V a l o i s , s o s o o n t o s u f f e r a t o t a l e c l i p s e , d i v i d e d w i t h

t h e h o u s e o f H a p s b u r g t h e s o v e r e i g n t y o f C o n t i n e n t a l

Europe, an d in the p erson of Mary Stuart clai med to

b e t h e r i g h t f u l r u l e r o f G r e a t B r i t a i n , b e c a u s e M a r y

Stuart was th e recognize d queen of Scotland . This

f a c t a l o n e a m p l y a c c o u n t s f o r E l i z a b e t h ' s r e l u c t a n c e

t o q u a r r e l w i t h P h i l l i p . By the time t hat it was no

l o n g e r p o s s i b l e t o a v o i d w a r w i t h S p a i n , t h e h o u s e o f




V a l o i s h a d b e c o m e e x t i n c t , a n d H e n r y o f N a v a r r e ,

t h e c h a m p i o n o f P r o t e s t a n t i s m i n F r a n c e , h a d s u c -

c e e d e d t o t h e t h r o n e a n d w a s e n g a g e d i n a b i t t e r c i v i l

w a r t o s e c u r e p o s s e s s i o n o f h i s i n h e r i t a n c e , w h i c h

P h i l i p I I , t h r o u g h h i s m a r r i a g e t o E l i z a b e t h o f V a l o i s ,

w a s c l a i m i n g f o r h i s o w n . W e h a v e s h o w n h o w E l i z a -

b e t h h a d b e c o m e r e c o g ni z e d i n E u r o p e a s t h e P r o t e s -

t a n t Q u e e n , b e c a u s e o f t h e a s s i s t a n c e w h i c h s h e h a d

f o r s o m a n y y e a r s g i v e n t o t h e L o w C o u n t r i e s i n t h e i r

struggle with Spain . W h e n s h e f o u n d h e r s e l f f a c i n g

a c t u a l w a r w i t h S p a i n , w h a t w a s n r l o r e n a t u r a l t h a n

t h a t s h e s h o u l d f o r m a n a l l i a n c e w i t h H e n r y o f

N a v a r r e , a P r o t e s t a n t p r i n c e e n g a g e d i n a l i f e a n d

d e a t h s t r u g g l e t o m a i n t a i n p o s s e s s i o n o f h i s t h r o n e .

T h e S p a n i s h W a r w a s p r a c t i c a l l y e n d e d b y t h e d e -

f e a t o f t h e A r m a d a , a l t h o u g h t h e s t a t e o f w a r b e t w e e n

t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s l a s t e d u n t i l 1 5 9 7 . I n 1 5 9 3 , h o w ev e r ,

a n e v e n t h a d t a k e n p l a c e w h i c h g r e a t l y c h a n g e d t h e

c o n d i t i o n o f a f f a i r s o n t h e C o n t i n e n t - H e n r y I V b e -

c a m e R o m a n C a t h o l i c . B y t h i s a c t h e r e m o v e d t h e m a i n

c a u s e o f o p p o s i t i o n t o h i m i n h i s o w n c o u n t r y a n d a l s o

p u t a n e n d t o t h e a n i m o s i t y o f P h i l i p a n d e n t e r e d u p o n

that policy of internal de v elopment, strengthened by

f o r e i g n a l l i a n c e s , w h i c h s o r a p i d l y r a i s e d t h e h o u s e o f

B o u r b o n t o a p o i n t o f e q u a l i t y w i t h t h e h o u s e o f H a p s -

b u r g . After the death of Henry IV, F rance, under the

m i n i s t r y o f t h e C a r d i n a l s R i c h e l i e u a n d M a z a r i n ,

shortly became the greatest power in Western Europe .

D u r i n g t h e s e y e a r s E n g l a n d w a s u n d e r g o i n g h e r o w n

c i v i l c o n f l i c t , a n d l a t e r , u n d e r t h e d i c t a t o r s h i p o f C r o m -

well, was engaged in her struggle with the Dutch Re-



ENGLAND AND FRANCE 2 3

p u b l i c . A f t e r H o l l a n d w a s r e d u c e d t o s e c o n d p l a c e

u p o n t h e s e a , C r o m w e l l f o r m e d a n a l l i a n c e w i t h h i s f o r -

m e r r i v a l a n d o s t e n s i b l y w a g e r w a r w i t h S p a i n , b u t i n

r e a l i t y h i s o p p o n e n t w a s F r a n c e , u n d e r M a z a r i n . I n

F r a n c e , i n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t M a z a r i n h a d f o r m a l l y

r e c o g n i z e d t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f C r o m w e l l , t h e s y m -

pathies were all with the house of Stuart, which was

so largely French in blood ; a n d i n F r a n c e , H e n r i e t t a

M a r i a , d a u g h t e r o f H e n r y I V , a n d w i d o w o f C h a r l e s

I h a d f o u n d a n a s y l u m f o r h e r s e l f a n d h e r s o n s . U n t i l

t h e R e v o l u t i o n o f 1 6 8 8 , w h i c h m a rk e d t h e b e g i n n i n g

o f m o d e r n E n g l a n d , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e

S t u a r t k i n g s , C h a r l e s I I a n d J a m e s I I , a n d t h e i r c o u s i n ,

L o u i s X I V , w a s o f t h e c l o s e s t t y p e . This period marks

a l u l l i n t h e s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d , b u t

w i t h t h e e x i l e o f J a m e s I I a n d t h e a c c e s s i o n o f W i l l -

i a m a n d M a r y , a n e w p e r i o d b e g i n s .

S i r J o h n S e e l e y s a y s o f t h i s p e r i o d

" B e t w e e n t h e R e v o l u t i o n ( 1 6 8 8 ) a n d t h e B a t t l e o f W a t e r -

lo o , i t ma y b e r e cko n e d t h a t w e w a ge d s e v e n gr e a t w a r s , o f

which the shortest lasted seven years, and the longest about

t w e l v e . O u t o f a h u n d r e d a n d t w e n t y - s i x y e a r s , s i x t y - f o u r

years, or more than half, were spent in war . "

" N o E n g l i s h h i s t o r ia n h a s c o v e r e d t h i s p e r i o d o f

s t r u g g l e m o r e t h o r o u g h l y t h a n h a s S e e l e y i n h i s t w o

great books, The Expan sion o f Engl and a n d Th e

G r o w t h o f B r i t i s h P o l i c y , a n d a s h e c o n c l u s i v e l y p r o v e s

t h a t t h e s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e w a s t h e

m o s t i m p o r t a n t e v e n t i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e B r i t i s h E m -

p i r e , I s h a l l q u o t e h i m v e r y f r e e l y i n t h i s c h a p t e r i n



2 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREo r d e r t o s h o w t h e m o t i v e s w h i c h w e r e b a c k of t h i s

gigantic struggle. Summarizing the wars of thisperiod, 1 688 to 1815, Seeley says

"Let us pass th ese wars in rev iew . T h e r e w a s f i r s t t h e

E u r o p e a n W a r , i n w h i c h E n g l a n d w a s i n v o l v e d b y t h e R e v o l u -

t i o n o f 1 6 8 8 . I t i s p r e t t y w e l l r e m e m b e r e d s i n c e t h e s t o r y o f

it has b een told by Macaulay . I t l a s t e d e i g h t y e a r s , f r o m

1 6 8 9 t o 1 6 9 7 . T h e n t h e r e w a s t h e g r e a t w a r c a l l e d f r o m t h e

S p a n i s h S u c c e s s i o n , w h i c h w e s h a l l a l w a y s r e m e m b e r b e c a u s e

i t w a s t h e w a r o f M a r l b o r o u g h ' s v i c t o r i e s I t l a s t e d e l e v e n

y e a r s , f r o m 1 7 0 2 t o 1 7 1 3 . T h e n e x t g r e a t w a r h a s n o w p a s s e d

a l m o s t e n t i r e l y o u t o f m e m o r y , n o t h a v i n g b r o u g h t t o l i g h t

a n y v e r y g r e a t c o m m a n d e r , n o r h a v i n g a c h i e v e d a n y d e f i n i t e

r e s u l t s - a n d y e t t h i s w a r , t o o , l a s t e d n i n e y e a r s , from 173 9

t o 1 7 4 8 . Next comes t he Seven Years ' War, i n whi ch we

h a v e n o t f o r g o t t e n t h e v i c t o r i e s o f F r e d e r i c k . I n t h e E n g l i s h

p a r t o f i t w e a l l r e m e m b e r o n e g r a n d i n c i d e n t , t h e b a t t l e o f

the Heights of Abraha m, the death of Wolfe and the c o n -

ques t of Canad a . W e h a v e q u i t e f o r g o t t e n t h a t t h a t v i c t o r y

was one of a long serie s, which t o contemporaries seemed

f a b u l o u s , s o t h a t t h e n a t i o n c a m e o u t o f i t i n t o x i c a t e d w i t h

g l o r y , a n d E n g l a n d s t o o d u p o n a p i n n a c l e o f g r e a t n e s s w h i c h

she had never reache d before . This is the fourth war . I t

i s i n s h a r p c o n t r a s t w i t h t h e f i f t h w h i c h w e h a v e t a c i t l y a g r e e d

t o m e n t i o n a s s e l d o m a s w e c a n . What we call the American

W a r , w h i c h , f r o m t h e f i r s t o u t b r e a k o f h o s t i l i t i e s t o t h e P e a c e

o f P a r i s , l a s t e d e i g h t y e a r s , f r o m 1 7 7 5 t o 1 7 8 3 , w a s i n d e ed

ignominious enough in America, but i n i t s l a t t e r p a r t i t

spread into a great naval war, in whi ch England stood a t

b a y a g a i n s t a l m o s t a l l t h e w o r l d , a n d i n t h i s , t h r o u g h t h e

v i c t o r i e s o f R o d n e y , w e c a m e o f f w i t h s o m e c r e d i t . T h e s i x t h

and seventh are th e two great wars with Revolutionar y

F r a n c e , w h i c h w e a r e n o t l i k e l y . t o f o r g e t , a l t h o u g h w e o u g h t

to keep them more separate in our minds t han we do . Th e

f i r s t l a s t ed n i n e y e a r s , f r o m 1 7 9 3 t o 1 8 0 2 , and the second

t w e l v e , f r o m 1 8 0 3 t o 1 8 1 5 . "




During the long period of time covered by the se

s e v e n g r e a t w a r s i t i s n o t t h e w a r s t h e m s e l v e s w h i c h

a r e o f i n t e r e s t t o t h e s t u d e n t o f h i s t o r y , b u t t h e m o t i v e s

back of these wars . If we look into these motives

w e w i l l f i n d t h a t e v e r y o n e o f t h e m i s f u n d a m e n t a l l y

a war for the purpose of secu ring some sort of com-

mercial supremacy . England fought Spain beca use of

t h e " r i g h t o f s e a r c h " w h i c h w a s c l a i m e d b y t h e

S p a n i a r d s a n d h a v i n g s e t t l e d t h a t q u e s t i o n t o h e r o w n

s a t i s f a c t i o n b y e l i m i n a t i n g t h e S p a n i s h n a v a l p o w e r ,

s h e i m m e d i a t e l y e s t a b l i s h e d t h a t s a m e p r i n c i p l e o f t h e

" r i g h t o f s e a r c h " a s b e i n g f u n d a m e n t a l t o t h e p r o t e c -

tion and preserva tion of her own naval suprema cy .

We Americ ans know how our fathers regar ded tha t

p r i n c i p l e i n 1 8 1 2 , a n d w h a t i t c o s t u s , a l t h o u g h t o d a y ,

s o c o m p l e t e l y d o e s t h e p a s s a g e o f t i m e c h a n g e p u b l i c

o p i n i o n , i t s e e m s t o b e t h e d e s i r e o f o u r g o v e r n m e n t

and our press to defend Great Britain's assump tions .

The fourth war me ntioned by Seeley i s what in our

Am e r i c a n t e x t b o ok s i s k n o w n a s t h e "Fr e n c h a n d

Ind ia n War . " D u r i n g t h e a b l e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f C o l -

ber t, un der Louis XIV, Franc e had not only firmly

e s t a b l i s h e d h e r s e l f o n t h e b a n k s o f t h e S t . Lawr enc e

River a nd in t he pe ninsu la of Nova Scotia, bu t she

n a d a l s o , u n d e r t h e i n t r e p i d l e a d e r s h i p o f L a S a l l e ,

B i e n v i l l e a n d o t h e r s , p u s h e d h e r d i s c o v e r i e s i n t o t h e

h e a r t of th e Nor t h Ame r i c a n Con t i n e n t a n d t a k e n

p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e w h o l e o f t h e M i s s i s s i p p i V a l l e y t o

th e Gulf of Mexic o .

It would almost seem to the casu al observer t hat

France was destined t o be the controlling power in



2 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREshap ing the desti nies of the North Americ an Conti-

n e n t , b u t , u n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r h e r , t h e v e r y e x t e n t o f

her possessi ons led to her loss of them . Engl an d

p o s s e s s e d a c o m p a c t s e t t l e m e n t o f h a r d y a n d i n t e l l i -

gent colonies rea chin g from the Bay of Fundy to the

peni nsula of Florida and extend ing inla nd to the

Appalachian Mountains . Nowhere in th e world w as

t h e p r i n c i p l e o f s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t m o r e d e e p l y i m p l a n t e d

t h a n i n t h e h e a r t s o f t h e B r i t i s h c o l o n i s t s , a s w a s s h o w n

i n 1 7 7 5 , w h e n t h e y e n t e r e d i n t o t h e i r l o n g s t r u g g l e f o r

t h e d e f e n s e o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e . U n d e r C o l b e r t ' s a d m i n i s -

tration France ha d not only greatly i ncreased her

f o r e i g n p o s s e s s i o n s b u t h a d a l s o b e c o m e t h e p r e d o m i -

n a n t p o w e r i n a l l E u r o p e a n a f f a i r s , s o t h a t w h e r e v e r

Engla n d t u r n e d s h e fou n d h e r s e lf oppos e d a n d

thwarted by what she considered French aggression .

The cen ter of trad e was no longer th e Medit erra nean

S e a , a s i t h a d b e e n e v e n a s l a t e a s t h e d a y s o f E l i z a -

beth, b ut was now upon the Atlantic Ocean, as the

C o n t i n e n t s u p o n i t s W e s t e r n s h o r e s o f f e r e d t o E u r o p e

b o u n d l e s s o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f d e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e c o n s e -

q u e n t t r a d e p o s s i b i l i t i e s r e s u l t i n g t h e r e f r o m . B r i t i s h

s t a t e s m e n w e r e k e e n t o s e e t h a t t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e c e n -

tral v alley of the North America n Continen t by a

hostile power effectually prevented the growth and

e x p a n s i o n o f h e r s e a b o a r d c o l o n i e s ; t h e y a l s o s a w t h a t

by t he conquest of North Americ a they would effec-

tually cri pple the ar rogant pretens ions of France .

After the s ucce ssful conclus ion of the Seven Years'

War, Europe set tled down to what was expect ed to be

a l o n g p e r i o d o f p e a c e a n d i n t e r n a l d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d




n o c o u n t r y f e l t i t s e l f m o r e s e c u r e t h a n E n g l a n d , w i t h

all of North Americ a excep t Mexico and Louisia na

f o r h e r f u t u r e e x p a n s i o n , a n d h e r s u p r e m a c y u p o n t h e

s e a s u n i v e r s a l l y r e c o g n i z e d .

I n l e s s t h a n t h i r t y y e a r s t h e c o n f l a g r a t i o n b r o k e o u t

a g a i n , a n d t h i s t i m e i t w a s s t a r t e d b y t h e s e s a m e u n -

grateful Americ an colonists i n whose behalf the

Mother Count ry ha d fought a b loody war, for whose

expansi on she had freed a continent from foreign

yoke, an d rea lly for whose de velopm ent George III

was ben ding eve ry effort to build u p a strong

p a t e r n a l g o v e r n m e n t s i m i l a r t o t h a t e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e

house of -Bourbon, which had made of France the

m o s t p o w e r f u l n a t i o n i n t h e w o r l d . We a ll k now h ow

Bourbonism was s oon dest royed both in England a nd-

Fran ce . The Engl i s h Gov e r n m e n t , u n d e r t h e w i s e

guidan ce of William Pitt and Charles Fox, acc epte d

the lessons which the American colonists had taught

i t a n d e n t e r e d u p o n t h a t r e c o n s t r u c t e d c o l o n i a l p o l i c y

which has so splendidly built up the present world-

wide British Empire . After the war, w hich cost Eng-

l a n d a l l o f h e r N o r t h A m e r i c a n c o l o n i e s e x c e p t C a n a d a

and Nova Scotia, France entere d hea dlong into her

great Revolution, whic h shook the very foundations

of European civiliza tion and see med, for a time, to

threaten th e destructi on of monarchical government .

Out of the French Revolution arose a new Europe, in

w h i c h a r e v i v e d F r e n c h n a t i o n s t r u g g l e d t h r o u gh v a r i -

ous forms of attempted self-government until, und er

the autocratic power of the most brilliant mi litary

genius since Julius Caesar, the Napoleonic Empire



2 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREdominated the entire Continent of Europe and entered

into its final st ruggl e for the overt hrow of Englan d's

s u p r e m a c y o f t h e s e a . Napoleon seems to haver e a l i z e d , f r o m t h e c o m m e n c e m e n t o f h i s m e t e o r i c

c a r e e r , t h a t En g l a n d a l o n e b l o c k e d t h e w a y t o t h e

p e r m a n e n t s u p r e m a c y of Fr a n c e , a n d t h a t , i n o r d e r

to attain to this su premacy, it was necessary for France

to recover her lost pla ce on the Americ an Continent ,

and some control of the sea, an d a careful stud y of

h i s p l a n s r e v e a l s h o w d e e p - l a i d w e r e N a p o le o n 's

designs for such recovery . Seele y say s

" H e s e e s i n E n g l a n d n e v e r t h e i s l a n d , t h e E u r o p e a n S t a t e ,

but a lways the World-Empire, th e network of dependencies

and colonies and islands covering every sea, among which

h e w a s h i m s e l f d e s t i n e d t o f i n d a t l a s t h i s p r i s o n a n d h i s

g r a v e .

" T h u s , w h e n i n 1 7 9 8 h e w a s p u t i n c h a r g e f o r t h e f i r s t

time of the war with England, he begins by examining the

B r i t i s h C h a n n e l , a n d , n o d o u b t , g l a n c e s a t I r e l a n d . But wha t

h e s e e s d o e s n o t t e m p t h i m , a l t h o u g h a f e w m o n t h s a f t e r w a r d

I r e l a n d b r o k e o u t i n a t e r r i b l e r e b e l l i o n , d u r i n g w h i c h , i f t h e

conqueror of Italy had s uddenly landed at the hea d of a

French army, undoubtedly he would have struck a heavier

b l o w a t E n g l a n d t h a n a n y s h e h a s y e t s u f f e r e d . His m ind is

p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h o t h e r t h o u g h t s . He re memb ers how Franc e

o n c e s e e m e d o n t h e p o i n t o f c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a , u n t i l E n g l a n d

c h e c k e d h e r p r o g r e s s ; a c c o r d i n g l y h e d e c i d e s , a n d c o n v i n c e s

t h e D i r e c t o r y , t h a t t h e b e s t w a y t o c a r r y o n t h e c o n t e s t w i t h

England is by occupying Egypt . . . a n d h e a c t u a l l y

c a r r i e s o u t t h i s p l a n s o t h a t t h e w h o l e s t r u g g l e i s t r a n s f e r r e d

f r o m t h e B r i t i s h C h a n n e l i n t o t h e b o u n d l e s s s p a c e s o f G r e a t e r

B r i t a i n .

"When this wa r was brought to an end by t he treaty of

Amiens, in 1 802, the results of it were such as to make a




g r e a t e p o c h i n t h e h i s t o r y o f G r e a t B r i t a i n . I n t h e f i r s t p l a c e

E g y p t i s f i n a l l y e v a c u a t e d b y F r a n c e - i n t h e c o l o n i a l w o r l d

England r emained mistress of Ceylon and Trinidad .

" B u t t h e l a s t w a r , t h a t w h i c h l a s t e d f r o m 1 8 0 3 t o 1 8 1 5 , w a s

t h i s i n a n y s e n s e a w a r f o r t h e N e w W o r l d ? I t d o e s n o t s e e m

to be so ; and naturally, be cause England from the very

b e g i n n i n g h a d s u c h a n a v a l s u p e r i o r i t y t h a t N a p o l e o n c o u l d

never again succeed in making his way back into the New

Worl d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , I b e l i e v e i t w a s i n t e n d e d b y N a p o l e o n

to be so . By the treaty of Amiens England h ad enga ged

w i t h i n a g i v e n t i m e t o e v a c u a t e M a l t a , a n d t h i s , f o r c e r t a i n

reasons which need not here be discussed, she afterwards

r e f u s e d t o d o . Now, why did Napoleon want he r to leave

Ma l ta , a nd w h y di d s he r e fu s e to do so? It wa s b ec au se

Malta was the key of Egypt, and she had good reason to

b e l i e v e t h a t h e w o u l d i n a m o m e n t r e - o c c u p y E g y p t a n d t h a t

t h e s t r u g g l e f o r I n d i a w o u l d b e g i n a g a i n . . . .

"The fact is that Napoleon's inte ntion in t his war is

o b s c u r e d t o u s b y t h e g r a n d f a i l u r e o f t h e m a r i t i m e e n t e r -

p r i s e w h i c h h e h a d p l a n n e d . . . .

" H e d r i f t s i n a d i r e c t i o n h e d o e s n o t i n t e n d , y e t t h e C o n -

t i n e n t a l s y s t e m a n d t h e v i o l e n t s e i z u r e o f S p a i n a n d P o r t u g a l

( g r e a t N e w W o r l d p o w e r s ) s h o w s t h a t h e d o e s n o t f o r g e t h i s

o r i g i n a l o b j e c t . Moreover , Colonel Matt ers on shows i n hi s

" L a t e r S t r u g g l e s o f F r a n c e i n t h e E a s t " w h a t a d e s t r u c t i v e

privateering war the French were able to keep up in the

I n d i a n O c e a n f r o m t h e i r i s l a n d o f M a u r i t i u s , l o n g a f t e r t h e i r

n a v a l p o w e r ' h a d b e e n d e s t r o y e d a t T r a f a l g a r . I t w a s b y t h e

conquest of this island and its ret ention at the Peace of

Englan d tha t the Hundred Years' War in England a nd Fran ce

for th e New World came to an en d . "

En g l a n d a l o n e , a m o n g Eu r o p e a n p o w e r s , c a m e o u t

of the Napoleonic conflict unsc athed . By he r contr ol

of th e s e a h e r cou n t r y h a d e s c a p e d i n v a s i on by t h e

conqueror, although we know, from both t he histories




a n d t h e r o m a n c e s o f t h a t p e r i o d , t h a t a s l o n g a s N a -

p o l e o n s a t o n t h e t h r o n e o f F r a n c e t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e

never felt secure from invasion, and only when she

h a d h i m c o m p l e t e l y i n h e r p o w e r d i d s h e f e e l t h a t s h e

h a d a t l a s t r e a c h e d h e r g o a l a s t h e f i r s t p o w e r o f t h e

world . Even th en, so long and bitte r had b een th e

s t r u g g l e a n d a t m a n y t i m e s s o c l o s e t h e c o n t e s t , t h a t

S e e l e y s a y s :

" I n f a c t , i n t h o s e t i m e s a n d d o w n t o o u r o w n m e m o r y t h e

e t e r n a l d i s c o r d o f E n g l a n d a n d F r a n c e a p p e a r e d s o m u c h a

law of nature that it was seldom spoken of . "



CHAPTER IV .

THE CONQUEST OF INDIA .

TH E s t o r y o f t h e B r i t i s h C o n q u e s t o f I n d i a i s

totally different from that of British Expansion

in other quarters of the globe, and in many ways re-

s e m b l e s t h e c o n q u e s t s o f M e x i c o a n d P e r u b y C o r t e z

a n d P i z z a r o . I n all three cases the conquests were

b e g u n b y p r i v a t e a d v e n t u r e r s f o r p r i v a t e g a i n , b u t , j u s t

a s t h e S p a n i s h G o v e r n m e n t t o o k o v e r t h e l a n d s p o s -

sessed by their sub jects in North and S outh America,

s o E n g l a n d , i n 1 7 8 4 , w h e n P i t t i n t r o d u c e d h i s I n d i a

B i l l t o P a r l i a m e n t , o f f i c i a l l y a s s u m e d t h e c o n t r o l o f t h e

a f f a i r s o f t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y , a n d o n t h e f i n a l

dissolution of that company India became an integral

p a r t o f t h e B r i t i s h E m p i r e , w i t h a S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e

f o r I n d i a w h o i s a r e c o g n i z e d m e m b e r o f t h e B r i t i s h

Cabinet, has a seat in Pa rliament and is respons ible

f o r t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f I n d i a n a f f a i r s . A l l a u t h o r -

i t i e s i n B r i t i s h h i s t o r y d w e l l , i n t h e i r a c c o u n t s o f t h e

c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a , u p o n t h e f a c t t h a t G r e a t B r i t a i n

d r i f t e d i n t o i t a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e l o n g - d r a w n - o u t

s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d . S e e l e y i s , a s

usual in dealing with the story of the upbuilding of

G r e a t e r B r i t a i n , t h e m o s t c l e a r a n d c o n c i s e o f

h i s t o r i a n s . H e s a y s



3 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE" O u r a c q u i s i t i o n o f I n d i a w a s m a d e b l i n d l y . Nothing grea t

that has ever been done by Englishmen was done so unin-

t e n t i o n a l l y , s o a c c i d e n t a l l y , a s t h e c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a . The re

h a s i n d e e d b e e n l i t t l e e n o u g h o f c a l c u l a t i o n o r c o n t r i v a n c e

i n o u r c o l o n i z a t i o n . When our first sett lers went out to

Virginia or New England, it was not inte nded to lay the

f o u n d a t i o n s o f a m i g h t y r e p u b l i c a n s t a t e . B u t h e r e t h e e v e n t

h a s d i f f e r e d f r o m t h e d e s i g n o n l y i n d e g r e e . We did inte nd

t o e s t a b l i s h a n e w c o m m u n i t y , a n d w e e v e n k n e w t h a t i t w o u l d

b e r e p u b l i c a n i n i t s t e n d e n c y ; what was hid den from us was

only its immense magnitude . But in India we me ant one

t h i n g a n d d i d q u i t e a n o t h e r . Our object was t rade, an d in

t h i s w e w e r e n o t p a r t i c u l a r l y s u c c e s sf u l . W a r w i t h t h e n a t i v e

s t a t e s w e d i d n o t t h i n k o f a t a l l t i l l a h u n d r e d y e a r s a f t e r

o u r f i r s t s e t t l e m e n t , a n d t h e n w e t h o u g h t o n l y o f s u c h w a r

a s m i g h t s u p p o r t o u r t r a d e ; a f t er t h i s ti m e a g ai n m o r e t h a n

h a l f a c e n t u r y p a s s e d b e f o r e w e t h o u g h t o f a n y c o n s i d e r a b l e

t e r r i t o r i a l a c q u i s i t i o n s ; the Ninete enth Century had almost

b e g u n b e f o r e t h e p o l i c y o f a c q u i r i n g a n a s c e n d e n c y o v e r t h e

native states was entered up on ; a n d ou r pr e s e n t s u pr e m e

p o s i t i o n c a n n o t b e s a i d t o h a v e b e e n e n t e r e d u p o n b e f o r e t h e

G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l s h i p o f L o r d D a l h o u s i e , a l i t t l e m o r e t h a n

a q u a r t e r o f a c e n t u r y a g o . All along we h ave b een looking

one way and moving another . . . . We cal l thi s Empire

a c o n q u e s t i n o r d e r t o . m a r k t h e f a ct t h a t i t w a s n o t ac q u i r e d

i n a n y d e g r e e b y s e t t l e m e n t o r c o l o n i z a t i o n b u t b y a s e r i e s o f

w a r s , e n d i n g i n c e s s i o n s o f t e r r i t o r y b y t h e n a t i v e P o w e r s t o

the East India Compa ny . "

It is in tere stin g to note that t he East India Com-

pany, the world's first great trad e monoply, came into

existence A . D . 1600, jus t after England h ad defeate d

Sp a i n a n d h a d b e g u n h e r m a r i t i m e c a r e e r . Shortly

after it s foundation th e Englis h colonizat ion of North

Am e r i c a b e g a n . That was truly the age of the great

adventure, when the world seemed to open up after its



1

THE CONQUEST OF INDIA 3 3

l o n g s l e e p d u r i n g t h e D a r k Ag e s a n d o ff e r g o l d e n

opportunities to any brave soul who felt the call of

t h e s e a . It was jus t at t his time that the first English

trade settlements were made in India . The East Indi a

Co m p a n y w a s c r e a t e d s o l e l y for p u r p o s e s of t r a d e ,

and for nearly a century and a half it devoted itself to

these purposes . In 174 8, when distu rban ces br oke out

in the Deccan, the Company, in order to quiet the se

distu rbanc es, assum ed some of the functions of gov-

e r n m e n t a n d w a r . In those days th e distanc e betwe en

England and India was infinitely greater than today,

a n d t h e h o m e g ov e r n m e n t w a s e n t i r e l y t o o m u c h

absorbed in European affairs to pay much atte ntion to

what might be hap pening in far-off India . Th e De c c a n

d i s t u r b a n c e s w e r e qu e l l e d , a n d t h e Com pa n y e n t e r e d

u p o n i t s s e c o n d p e r i o d , a p e r i o d o f c o n q u e s t a n d

assimilation which lasted until the company was de-

stroyed by Act of Parliament in 1858 : Of this peri od

o f c o n q u e s t S e e l e y s a y s ( E x p a n s i o n o f E n g l a n d ,

page 180)

"The c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a by E n g l i s h merchants s e e m s a

u n i q u e and abnormal phenomenon, but we should be mis-

taken if we supposed that there was anything peculiarly

E n g l i s h , e i t h e r i n t h e o r i g i n a l i t y w h i c h c o n c e i v e d t h e i d e a o r

i n t h e e n e r g y w h i c h c a r r i e d i t i n t o e x e c u t i o n . So far as an

i d e a o f c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a w a s d e l i b e r a t e l y c o n c e i v e d , i t w a s

conceived by Frenchmen ; F r e n c h m e n f i r s t p e r c e i v e d t h a t i t

w a s f e a s i b l e a n d s a w t h e m a n n e r i n w h i c h i t c o u l d b e d o n e ;

F r e n c h m e n f i r s t s e t a b o u t i t a n d a d v a n c e d s o m e w a y t o w a r d s

a c c o m p l i s h i n g i t . I n I n d i a i n d e e d t h e y h a d t h e s t a r t o f u s ,

much more decid edly than in North America ; i n I n d i a w e h a d

a t t h e o u t s e t a s e n s e o f i n f e r i o r i t y i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e m ,

a n d f o u g h t i n a s p i r i t o f h o p e l e s s s e l f - d e f e n s e . A n d I f i n d ,



34 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREw h e n I s t u d y t h e E n g l i s h c o n q u e s t o f I n d i a , t h a t w e w e r e

a c t u a t e d n e i t h e r b y a m b i t i o n n o r y e t b y a m e r e d e s i r e t o

a d v a n c e o u r t r a d e , b u t f r o m t h e f i r s t t o t h e l a s t , t h a t i s , f r o m

t h e f i r s t e f f o r t s o f C l i v e t o t h e t i m e w h e n L o r d W e l l e s l e y ,

L o r d M i n t o a n d L o r d H a s t i n g s e s t a b l i s h e d o u r a u t h o r i t y o v e r

t h e w h o l e v a s t p e n i n s u l a , w e w e r e a c t u a t e d b y t h e f e a r o f

t h e F r e n c h . B e h i n d e v e r y m o v e m e n t o f t h e n a t i v e P o w e r s w e

s a w F r e n c h i n t r i g u e , F r e n c h g o l d , F r e n c h a m b i t i o n , a n d n e v e r ,

u n t i l w e w e r e m a s t e r s o f t h e w h o l e c o u n t r y , g o t r i d o f t h e

f e e l i n g t h a t t h e F r e n c h w e r e d r i v i n g u s o u t o f i t , w h i c h h a d

d e s c e n d e d f r o m t h e d a y s o f D u p l e i x a n d L a b o u r d o n n a i s . "

James Mill, wh ose book, A History o f the British

I n d i a , w a s t h e f i r s t r e l i a b l e t r e a t i s e u p o n t h e B r i t i s h

Conquest, s ays

" T h e t w o i m p o r t a n t d i s c o v e r i e s f o r c o n q u e r i n g I n d i a w e r e

f i r s t , t h e w e a k n e s s o f t h e n a t i v e a r m i e s a g a i n s t E u r o p e a n

discipline ; s e c o n d , t h e f a c i l i t y o f i m p a r t i n g t h a t d i s c i p l i n e t o

n a t i v e s i n t h e E u r o p e a n s e r v i c e . . . . B o t h d i s c o v e r i e s

w e r e m a d e b y t h e F r e n c h . "

T h e t r u t h o f t h e m a t t e r i s t h a t t h e n a t i v e s t h e m s e l v e s

c o n q u e r e d I n d i a , a n d t h i s c a m e a b o u t s o l e l y b e c a u s e , i n

the modern se nse of the word, there wa s no India, bu t

only a vast conglomeration of r i v a l p r i n c i p a li t i e s . Th e

condition was very s imilar to that of Germany a t the

tim e of Nap oleon . Then t here were no Germans , as

we now use the w ord, but the re were Prussians, Ba-

varians, Austrians, Suabians, etc ., whose rivalr ies

Napoleon was ab le to make use of by settin g the

s o l d i e r y o f o n e p e t t y p r i n c i p a l i t y a g a i n s t a n o t h e r . Jus t

in this way did the East India Company employ nativ es

a g a i n s t , f i r s t t h e F r e n c h a n d l a t e r a g a i n s t o t h e r n a t i v e s .

Th e sepoys m a d e g o o d f i g h t e r s b u t p o o r o f f i c e r s . Dur -




i n g t h i s l o n g s t r u g g l e t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y s e c u r e d

t h e s e r v i c e s o f t w o o f t h e , m o s t r e m a r k a b l e m e n i n

m o d e r n h i s t o r y - L o r d C l i v e a n d W a r r e n H a s t i n g s .

A b o u t b o t h o f t h e s e m e n m u c h h a s b e e n w r i t t e n , b o t h

for and against, and about both hangs . t h e g l a m o u r o f

r o m a n c e b e c a u s e o f t h e t h i n g s t h e y a c t u a l l y a c c o m -

p l i s h e d a n d a l s o b e c a u s e , t o t h e E n g l i s h m i n d , t h e r e

has always been a tinge of romance and mystery about

e v e r y t h i n g c o n n e c t e d w i t h I n d i a , l a r g e l y d u e t o t h e

d i s t a n c e b e t w e e n t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s a n d t h e d i f f i c u l t y

t o o b t a i n e x a c t f a c t s . M a c a u l a y' s " E s s a y o n C l i v e "

i s a p an e g yr i c o n E n g l i s u v a l o u r . " N o n e c o u l d r e s i s t

C l i v e a n d h i s E n g l i s h m e n ," a n d y e t c a r e f u l a n d e x a c t

h i s t o r i a n s , l i k e S e e l e y , t e l l u s t h a t f o u r - f i f t h s o f t h e

E n g l i s h a r m y w a s c o m p o s e d o f s e p o y s , a n d t h a t t h e y

a l w a y s k e p t p a c e w i t h t h e E n g l i s h i n c o u r a g e a n d

e f f i c i e n c y . T h e l a t e s t e d i t i o n o f t h e E n c y c l o p c e d i a

B r i t a n n i c a d e s c r i b e s L o r d C l i v e a s " t h e f i r s t o f a

c e n t u r y ' s b r i l l i a n t s u c c e s s e s o f t h o s e ' s o l d i e r - p o l i t i c a l s , '

a s t h e y a r e c a l l e d i n t h e E a s t , t o w h o m G r e a t B r i t a i n

o w e s t h e c o n q u e s t a n d c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f i t s g r e a t e s t

d e p e n d e n c y . "

W a r r e n H a s t i n g s ' c a r e e r w a s e v e n m o r e f u l l o f t h o s e

" s l i n g s a n d a r r o w s o f o u t r a g e o u s f o r t u n e " w h i c h

a l w a y s c r e a t e a n a t m o s p h e r e o f r o m a n c e a b o u t a m a n .

I n h i s y o u t h h e w a s a b o o k k e e p e r a t C a l c u t t a i n t h e

s e r v i c e s o f t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y . I n 1 7 7 1 , a t t h e

a g e o f t h i r t y - n i n e , h e w a s m a d e g o v e r n o r o f B e n g a l

a n d l a t e r b e c a m e g o v e r n o r - g e n e r al o f E a s t I n d i a . I n

t h i s p o s i t i o n h e w o r k e d o u t t h e f i r s t s y s t e m a t i c c i v i l

g o v e r n m e n t a n d p u t a n e n d t o t h e w o r s t f o r m s o f



3 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREc o r r u p t i o n which ha d previously existed am ong gov-

ernment officials, and the wholesale plundering of

n a t i v e s . S p e a k i n g o f t h e p r o c e e d i n g s c a r r i e d o n u n d e r

C l i v e a n d H a s t i n g s , S e e l e y s a y s

" O u r f i r s t s t e p t o E m p i r e w a s v e r y p l a i n l y t a k e n w i t h a

v i e w s i m p l y o f d e f e n d i n g o u r f a c t o r i e s . T h e M a d r a s P r e s i -

d e n c y g r e w o u t o f a n e f f o r t , w h i c h i n t h e f i r s t i n s t a n c e w a s

q u i t e n e c e s s a r y , t o p r o t e c t F o r t G e o r g e a n d F o r t D a v i d f r o m

t h e F r e n c h . T h e B e n g a l P r e s i d e n c y g r e w i n a s i m i l a r w a y

o u t o f t h e e v i d e n t n e c e s s i t y o f p r o t e c t i n g F o r t W i l l i a m a n d

p u n i s h i n g t h e M u s s u l m a n N a w a b o f B e n g a l , S u r a j a h D o w l a h ,

f o r h i s a t r o c i t y o f t h e B l a c k H o l e . S o f a r t h e c a u s a t i o n i s

c l e a r . I n t h e p e r i o d w h i c h i m m e d i a t e l y f o l l o w e d t h e r e v o l u -

t i o n a r y a n d c o r r u p t p e r i o d o f B r i t i s h I n d i a , i t i s u n d e n i a b l e

t h a t w e w e r e h u r r i e d o n b y m e r e r a p a c i t y . "

H e c a l l s W a r r e n H a s t i n g s ' a c t i o n s a t B e n a r e s , O u d e

and Rohilcund mere "money speculations . " What eve r

t h e y m a y h a v e b e e n , t h e y g a v e r i s e t o o n e o f t h e g r e a t -

e s t , i f n o t t h e g r e a t e s t , l e g a l p r o c e s s i n h i s t o r y . "The

i m p e a c h m e n t o f W a r r e n H a s t i n g s " i s a s t o r y t h a t w i l l

b e r e a d a s l o n g a s t h e E n g l i s h l a n g u a g e i s s p o k e n . I t

dragge d on from Febr uary , 1788, to Apri l, 1795, and

e n d e d i n H a s t i n g s ' a c q u i t t a l i n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t

h e h a d p i t t e d a g a i n s t h i m E n g l a n d ' s g r e a t e s t o r a t o r ,

Ed m u n d B u r k e . P o s t e r i t y h a s e n d o r s e d h i s a c q u i t t a l

because of the genuine reforms which he introduced

i n I n d i a , b u t , d u r i n g h i s l i f e t i m e , h e w a s a l w a y s t h e

s u b j e c t o f b i t t e r a t t a c k a t h o m e b e c a u s e o f t h e c r u e l t y

with which he c arried out his reforms . Six year s

b e f o r e t h e t r i a l a g a i n s t H a s t i n g s b e g a n , H e n r y D u n d a s ,

Treasu rer of the Admira lty, who later beca me Lord

Melville and First Lord of the Admiralt y, address ed




t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s f o r t h r e e h o u r s ( A p r i l 9 , 1 7 8 2 )

o n t h e " c a u s e s a n d e x t e n t o f t h e n a t i o n a l c a l a m i t i e s i n

the East ." He lai d b efore t he House the misconduc t

o f t h e I n d i a n P r e s i d e n c i e s a n d o f t h e C o u r t o f D i r e c -

tors of the East India Company, showing th at th e

f o r m e r h a d p l u n g e d t h e n a t i o n i n t o w a r s o f c o n q u e s t ,

had condemned and violated treaties and plundered

a n d o p p r e s s e d t h e I n d i a n p e o p l e s , w h i l e t h e l a t t e r o n l y

blamed mis conduct when it had produced no profit

a n d h a d s y s t e m a t i c a l l y g l o s s e d o v e r t h e a c t i o n s o f t h e

greatest delinquents, whenever these actions had

brought profit to the Company . He end ed his spee ch

with a number of resolutions upon which the House

solemnly voted . A t t h i s t i m e t h e r e w a s a s t r o n g f e e l -

i n g i n E n g l a n d a g a i n s t t h e p r o c e e d i n g s i n I n d i a , w h i c h

p r o d u c e d a l l s o r t s o f i n f l a m m a t o r y a r t i c l e s , e v e n p o e m s .

Thus Cowper w rote of his countr y

" T h a t s h e i s r i g i d i n d e n o u n c i n g d e a t h

O n p e t t y r o b b e r s , a n d i n d u l g e s l i f e

And l iberty, and oft- tim es honor, too,

T o p e c u l a t o r s o f t h e p u b l i c g o l d .

T h a t t h i e v e s a t h o m e m u s t h a n g , b u t h e t h a t p u t s

I n t o h i s o v e r - g o r g e d a n d b l o a t e d p u r s e ,

T h e w e a l t h o f I n d i a ' s p r o v i n c e s e s c a p e s . "

After th e passa ge of Pitt's India Bill (1784) th ere

w a s a d i s t i n c t i m p r o v e m e n t i n t h e g o v e r n m e n t o f I n d i a

a n d f a r l e s s i n c r e a s e o f t e r r i t o r y u n d e r t h e E a s t I n d i a

Company u ntil the a ppointm ent of Lord Wellesle y as

Governor-General in 1798 . H e s t a r t e d t h e p o l i c y o f

i n t e r v e n t i o n i n n a t i v e a f f a i r s , f o l l o w e d b y a n n e x a t i o n .

D u r i n g h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d t h a t o f L o r d H a s t i n g s ,



38 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREhis successor, the boundaries of British dominion in

t h e p e n i n s u l a w e r e v e r y m a t e r i a l l y i n c r e a s e d . U n d e r

C l i v e a n d W a r r e n H a s t i n g s t h e B r i t i s h m a y b e s a i d

t o h a v e a c q u i r e d c o n t r o l o f t h e e a s t e r n c o a s t f r o m

M a d r a s t o C a l c u t t a ; u n d e r L o r d W e l l e s l e y a n d L o r d

H a s t i n g s t h e M a h r a t t a p o w e r w a s c o m p l e t e l y o v e r -

t h r o w n a n d B r i t i s h p o w e r w a s e s t a b l i s h e d o v e r t h e

c e n t r a l a n d w e s t e r n p o r t i o n s o f t h e c o u n t r y . T h i s

p e r i o d o f c o n q u e s t e n d e d i n 1 8 2 0 . F r o m t h e n u n t i l t h e

a p p o i n t m e n t o f L o r d D a l h o u s i e a s G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l

o f I n d i a a n d G o v e r n o r o f B e n g a l i n 1 8 4 8 , t h e r e w a s

c o m p a r a t i v e p e a c e t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e n i n s u l a . L o r d

D a l h o u s i e w a s G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l f o r n i n e y e a r s a n d

h i s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n i s i n m a n y w a y s t h e m o s t n o t a b l e

o f a n y o f t h o s e c a r r i e d o u t b y t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m -

p a n y . T h e r e c o r d o f t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n b y t h e C o m -

p a n y i s n o t a b l e f o r t h e n u m b e r o f v e r y r e m a r k a b l e

m e n w h o s e s e r v i c e s i t e m p l o y e d a n d a m o n g t h e s e m e n

n o o n e w a s m o r e r e m a r k a b l e t h a n J a m e s A n d r e w R a m -

s a y , f i r s t M a r q u i s a n d t e n t h E a r l o f D a l h o u s i e . He

w a s b o r n o n A p r il 2 2 n d , 1 8 1 2 , a n d d i e d o n D e c e m be r

1 9 t h, 1 8 6 0 . T h e E n c y c l o p e d i a B r i t a n n i c a s a y s o f

h i m

" H e c r o w d e d i n t o h i s s h o r t l i f e c o n s p i c u o u s p u b l i c s e r v i c e s

i n E n g l a n d , a n d e s t a b l i s h e d a n u n r i v a l e d p o s i t i o n a m o n g t h e

maste r build ers of the India n Empir e . Denoun ced on the

e v e o f h i s d e a t h , a s t h e c h i e f o f f e n d e r w h o f a i l e d t o n o t i c e

t h e s i g n s o f t h e I n d i a n M u t i n y o f 1 8 5 7 , a n d e v e n a g g r a v a t e d

t h e c r i s i s b y h i s o v e r b e a r i n g s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s , c e n t r a l i z i n g

a c t i v i t y a n d r e c k l e s s a n n e x a t i o n s , h e s t a n d s o u t i n t h e c l e a r

light of history as the far-sigh ted Governor-General wh o

c o n s o l i d a t e d B r i t i s h r u l e i n I n d i a . "




S e e l e y s p e a k s o f h i m a s " a r u l e r o f t h e t y p e o f F r e d -

erick the Great" and says that he "did deeds which

a r e a l m o s t a s d i f f i c u l t t o j u s t i f y a s t h e s e i z u r e o f

S i l e s i a o r t h e P a r t i t i o n o f P o l a n d ." Almos t i m m e d i -

a t e l y a f t e r h i s a r r i v a l i n I n d i a a f i e r c e r e b e l l i o n b r o k e

o u t i n t h e P u n j a b d i s t r i c t . Without wait ing for any

ins truc tions from Englan d, Lord Dalhousi e quickl y

s u p p r e s s e d t h i s r e b e l l i o n a n d t o o k o v e r t h e e n t i r e d i s -

t r i c t i n 1 8 4 9 , t a k i n g i n t o h i s o w n c u s t o d y t h e i n f a n t

Mahara jah . H e i n a u g u r a t e d w h a t i s c a l l e d t h e " p o l i c y

o f l a p s e s , " w h i c h c o n s i s t e d i n a n n e x i n g t o t h e B r i t i s h

do m i n ion s a n y n a t i v e Hin d u s t a t e w h i c h h a d be e n

c r e a t e d o r r e v i v e d b y t h e B r i t i s h g o v e r n m e n t , i n w h i c h

t h e r e w a s a f a i l u r e o f t h e l i n e a l m a l e l i n e o f s u c c e s s i o n .

Under th is policy, in 1849, he added to the British

dominions the pr ovinces of Satara , Jaip ur and Sam-

b a l p u r . By t he . s a m e p r o c e s s , i n 1 8 5 3 , , h e a n n e x e d

J h a n s i a n d Nag p u r . In 1852, as a re sult of one of

t h o s e u p r i s i n g s a m o n g t h e n a t i v e s w h i c h h a d c o n s t a n t l y

sprung up u nder th e rule of the East India Company,

Dalhousie had conquered Martab an, Rangoon a nd

Bassein a nd in 1853 ha d also annexed Pegu . All of

these annexations had been quietly approved by the

Britis h Government , but in 1856 his war wit h the

King of Oudh, wh ich wa s the im media te cau se of the

Sepoy Rebe llion of 1857 a nd th e final downfall of

the East India Company, a roused a s torm of indi gna-

tion in England a nd b rought ab out Lord Dalhousie's

r e s i g n a t i o n .

T h e m o t t o , " U n i t y o f a u t h o r i t y c o u p l e d w i t h d i r e c t

responsibility," seems to have been the keynote of




D a l h o u s i e ' s p o l i c y . I n p u r s u i t o f t h i s p o l i c y h e t r i e d

t o f o r c e t h e K i n g o f O u d h t o s i g n a t r e a t y w h i c h l e f t

h i m , t h e K i n g , w i t h h i s t h r o n e a n d a n e m p t y t i t l e b u t

depriv ed him of all administra tive authority in his

hereditary d ominions . This t reaty the King refused

to sign and consequently his Kingdom was made a

p a r t o f t h e B r i t i s h d o m i n i o n s . With t his a nne xation

the conquest of India may be sai d to be complete .

T h a t t h e r e w a s g r e a t d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n a m o n g t h e n a t i v e

peoples cannot be denied . Had th e Brit ish r egar ded

the r eligious feelings of the Hindus and Mohamme-

d a n s , a n d n o t d o n e v i o l e n c e t o t h e p r e j u d i c e s o f c a s t e ,

t h e c o n q u e s t m i g h t a l m o s t b e d e s c r i b e d a s o n e o f b e n e v -

o l e n t a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d t h e S e p o y r e b e l l i o n m i g h t n e v e r

have taken place . T h e s t o r y o f t h i s r e b e l l i o n a s t o l d

by Colonel Malles on in hi s Hist ory o f the Indi an

Mutiny is one of the gruesome horrors perpetrated

b y b o t h s i d e s , a n d i t s s u p p r e s s i o n p r o f o u n d l y s t i r r e d

Europe because of the atrocities p erpetrated , among

t h e m b e i n g t h e m e t h o d o f e x e c u t i n g r e b e l s b y b i n d i n g

them to the mouths of cannons whic h were the n ex-

p l o d e d . Th e E n c y c l o p a e d i a B r i t a n n i c a i n i t s a c c o u n t

o f t h e m u t i n y , s a y s , " a s e a r l y a s 1 7 6 4 i t b e c a m e n e c e s -

sary to stamp out mutiny by b lowing thirty Sepoys

from the cannon's mouth ." Colonel Mall eson giv es

a s t h e p r i n c i p a l c a u s e o f t h e m u t i n y t h e b a d f a i t h o f

t h e B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s t h e S e p o y s . He s ay s

" T h e G o v e r n m e n t p u n i s h e d t h e S e p o y s f o r d e c l i n i n g t o

fulfill a contract which the Go v ernment had broken . "

For this he blames Lord Dalhousi e, especially for

his a nnexati on of the King dom of Oudh . "Of these




a c t s , " h e s a y s , " o f t h e a t t e m p t s , a s I h a v e t e r m e d i t ,

to disregard t he silent growth of ages and to force

We s t e r n i d e a s u p o n a n Eas t e r n peo pl e a n d i n t h e

c o u r s e o f t h a t a t t e m p t t o t r a m p l e u p o n p r e j u d i c e s a n d

t o d i s r e g a r d o b l i g a t i o n s , t h e m u t i n y w a s t h e t o o c e r t a i n

consequence . " W i t h t h e s u p p r e s s i o n o f t h e m u t i n y a l l

a c t i v e o p p o s i t i o n t o B r i t i s h p o w e r c e a s e d a n d i n 1 8 5 8

I n d i a c a m e u n d e r t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f t h e c r o w n . As

in our Revolution England learned, from the opposi-

t i o n o f t h e A m e r i c a n c o l o n i s t s , h o w t o a d m i n i s t e r h e r

E n g l i s h s p e a k i n g d e p e n d e n c i e s s o a s t o w i n t h e i r s u p -

port to the Empire, s o from the mu tiny of 1857 she

gained an insight int o the workings of the Oriental

m i n d w h i c h s h e , h a s n e v e r l o s t , a n d w h i c h g a i n e d f o r

h e r t h e s u p p o r t o f I n d i a i n t h e p r e s e n t w a r . War r e n

H a s t i n g s w a s s a i d t o h a v e i n c r e a s e d t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f

the British Empire by two hundred millions and the

receipts of the state by from three to five million

po u n d s . E v e n b e f o r e t h e w h o l e h i s t o r y o f h i s a d m i n -

i s t r a t i o n w a s s h o w n f o r t h b y t h e m a t c h l e s s e l o q u e n c e

of Edmun d Burk e, Richa rd Pric e wri ting h is Obs er-

vations on the Nature o f Civil Liberty, th e Princip les

o f Justice and t he Policy o f the War wi th America,

s a i d i n 1 7 7 6 :

" T u r n y o u r e y e s t o I n d i a . T h e r e m o r e h a s b e e n d o n e t h a n

i s n o w a t t e m p t e d i n A m e r i c a . T h e r e E n g l i s h m e n , a c t u a t e d

b y t h e l o v e o f p l u n d e r a n d t h e s p i r i t o f c o n q u e s t h a v e d e -

p o p u l a t e d w h o l e K i n g d o m s , r u i n e d m i l l i o n s o f i n n o c e n t p e o p l e

b y t h e m o s t i n f a m o u s o p p r e s s i o n a n d r a p a c i t y . T h e j u s t i c e

o f t h e n a t i o n h a s s l e p t o v e r t h e s e e n o r m i t i e s . W i l l t h e

j u s t i c e o f H e a v e n s l e e p ? "



4 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRESeeley, su mming up h is account of the conquest,

w h i l e a c k n o w l e d g i n g t h a t i t w a s b e g u n " i n p u r s u i t o f

t r a d e a n d h a d g r e a t t r a d e f o r o n e o f i t s r e s u l t s , " c o m e s

t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t u n d e r t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f t h e

B r i t i s h g o v e r n m e n t i t h a s d e v e l o p e d i n t o a c o n q u e s t o f

a h i g h e r p l a n e , t h a t o f c a r r y i n g W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n t o

t h e h a l f - b u r i e d E a s t e r n w o r l d .



CHAPTER V .

ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES IN 1812A S a p h a s e o f h e r g r e a t s t r u g g l e w i t h N a p o l e o n ,

E n g l a n d , t o h e r o w n s u r p r i s e , f o u n d h e r s e l f o n c e

a g a i n i n v o l v e d i n w a r w i t h t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . A f t e r

t h e t r e a t y o f S e p t e m b e r 3 r d , 1 7 8 3 , r e c o g n i z i n g t h e i n -

d e p e n d e n c e o f t h e f o r m e r c o l o n i e s , B e n j a m i n F r a n k l i n

s a i d t h a t t h e w a r e n d i n g w i t h t h e s u r r e n d e r o f C o r n -

w a l l i s w a s s i m p l y a w a r o f R e v o l u t i o n a n d t h a t t h e

w a r f o r t h e r e a l i n d e p e n d e n c e o f A m e r i c a h a d y e t t o

be fought . Few prophesies have come true more

q u i c k l y t h a n t h i s o n e o f F r a n k l i n ' s . The ca uses of

t h e t r o u b l e b e g a n s o o n a f t e r t h e a d o p t i o n o f t h e C o n -

s t i t u t i o n b y t h e s e v e r a l s t a t e s , b e c a u s e o f E n g l a n d ' s

a g g r e s s i v e p o l i c i e s o n t h e h i g h s e a s . On Novemb er

1 1 t h , 1 8 0 7 , G r e a t B r i t a i n i s s u e d a s e r ie s o f O r d e r s i n

C o u n c i l i n w h i c h s h e f o r b a d e a n y n e u t r a l t r a d e w i t h

F r a n c e o r h e r a l l i e s , e x c e p t t h r o u g h G r e a t B r i t a i n .

T h e c o n d i t i o n s o n t h e c o n t i n e n t w e r e s u c h t h a t t h i s

o r d e r p r e v e n t e d n e u t r a l s f r o m t r a d i n g w i t h a l l t h e

c o n t i n e n t a l n a t i o n s b u t S w e d e n . The Order s in Coun-

c i l a l s o d e c l a r e d t h a t a l l n e u t r a l v e s s e l s b o u n d f o r

Fran ce o r a n y c o u n t r y a l l i e d t o F r a n c e m u s t t o u c h a t

s o m e B r i t i s h o r I r i s h p o r t , p a y r e - e x p o r t a t i o n d u t i e s

and upon paymen t of such duti es receiv e a British



4 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRElicense to trade with the continent of Europe ; t h a t

t h e r e s h o u l d b e n o e x p o r t a t i o n f r o m F r a n c e e x c e p t i n

v e s s e l s w h i c h h a d c o m p l i e d w i t h t h e a b o v e c o n d i t i o n s

a n d f u r t h e r t h a t a l l v e s s e l s m u s t r e t u r n t o a B r i t i s h

port and unload .

In ret aliation for the Briti sh Orders in Council,

N a p o l e o n i s s u e d h i s M i l a n D e c r e e i n w h i c h h e d e c l a r e d

t h a t a n y v e s s e l s u b m i t t i n g t o t h e c o n d i t i o n s s e t f o r t h

i n t h e B r i t i s h o r d e r s f o r f e i t e d a l l i t s r i g h t s .

P r e p a r a t o r y t o i s s u i n g h e r O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l , G r e a t

B r i t a i n h a d , o n O c t o b e r 1 9 t h o f t h e s a m e y e a r , 1 8 0 7 ,

summoned for service all seam en who had ever served

u n d e r t h e B r i t i s h f l a g . T h i s w a s a d i r e c t s l a p a t t h e

U n i t e d S t a t e s a s i t w a s p r a c t i c a l l y a c l a i m t h a t a l l

America n seamen over twen ty years of age were

B r i t i s h s u b j e c t s . N e u t r a l t r a d e w a s a l m o s t c o m p l e t e l y

des troyed b y the tw o decree s . President Jefferson

d r o v e t h e l a s t n a i l i n t o i t s c o f f i n b y h i s f a m o u s E m -

bargo Act of Decemb er 2 2nd, 1807 . P r e v i o u s t o t h i s

time the Americans had b uilt up wh at was, for those

d a y s , a l a r g e s h i p - b u i l d i n g i n d u s t r y a n d t h e A m e r i c a n

f l a g w a s t o b e f o u n d f l y i n g b r a v e l y i n a l l t h e S e v e n

Seas . After the passa ge of the Embargo the har bors

o f Ne w E n g l a n d a n d t h e Ch e s a p e a k e Ba y w e r e

c r o w d e d w i t h s i l e n t s h i p s ; b u s i n e s s w a s a t a c o m p l e t e

s t a n d s t i l l a n d t h e f u t u r e o f A m e r i c a l o o k e d v e r y d a r k .

I n s p i t e o f t h e c a l a m i t i e s t o A m e r i c a n p r o s p e r i t y d u r -

i n g h i s t w o a d m i n i s t r a t i o n s J e f f e r s o n ' s p e r s o n a l p o p u -

larity was undiminished . The p eople d id n ot forget

t h a t i n 1 8 0 3 h e h a d b o l d l y s e t a s i d e t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l

l i m i t a t i o n s o f h i s e x e c u t i v e p o w e r , a n d h a d s e c u r e d f o r



ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES 4 5

his country by his Louisiana purchase, the r ich and

f e r t i l e M i s s i s s i p p i V a l l e y , s o h e w a s a g a i n u r g e d t o

s t a n d f o r r e - e l e c t i o n . This he refused to do, not be-

c a u s e , l i k e W a s h i n g t o n , h e w a s w e a r i e d b y t h e s t r a i n

o f a g i g a n t i c s t r u g g l e , b u t b e c a u s e h e w i s h e d t o e s t a b -

l i s h a p r e c e d e n t t h a t n o m a n s h o u l d b e p r e s i d e n t m o r e

t h a n e i g h t y e a r s . T h e p r e c e d e n t t h u s e s t a b l i s h e d b e -

c a m e a n u n w r i t t e n l a w w h i c h c o n t i n u e d i n f o r c e w i t h -

o u t a s i n g l e a t t e m p t t o s e t i t a s i d e f o r a p e r i o d o f o n e

hundred and four years .

If Jefferson would not ris k an other ele ction for

himself, he nevertheless deter mined who should suc-

c e e d h i m t o t h e h i g h o f f i c e , a s h e m a d e J a m e s M a d i s o n

p r e s i d e n t . U n d e r M a d i s o n ' s f i r s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n c o n -

ditions in the country remaine d unchanged . All Eu-

r o p e w a s a t w a r t h e n a s i t i s t o - d a y a n d t h e n , a s n o w ,

the whole world suffered in c onsequence . Earl y i n

Madis on's admi nist rati on Mr . Erskine, the British

M i n i s t e r i n W a s h i n g t o n , n o t i f i e d t h e S t a t e D e p a r t m e n t

that he had been informed by Mr . C a n n i n g t h a t t h e

o b j e c t i o n a b l e B r i t i s h O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l w o u l d b e c a n -

c e l l e d o n J u n e 1 0 , 1 8 0 9 . This news was recei ved with

u n i v e r s a l r e j o i c i n g i n A m e r i c a , b u t a l a s ! a l m o s t b e f o r e

the pu blic celeb rations of joy were over, word came

t o t h i s c o u n t r y t h a t t h e O r d e r s w e r e s t i l l i n f o r c e , t h a tMr. Erskine ha d exceeded his i nstruct ions and thath e w a s r e c a l l e d . Grea t Brit ain sen t in Mr . E r s k i n e ' s

place as Minister Francis James Jackson, who proved

as objectionable to our government as the notorious

Genet whom Washi ngton sen t bac k to Franc e . Jack -

son was recalled a nd for over a year ther e was no



4 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREB r i t i s h M i n i s t e r i n t h i s c o u n t r y . In th e sp rin g of

1 8 1 0 C o n g r e s s p a s s e d a b i l l r e m o v i n g a l l r e s t r i c t i o n s

o n f o r e i g n c o m m e r c e , b u t f o r b i d d i n g i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h

e i t h e r F r a n c e o r E n g l a n d , i f e i t h e r c o n t i n u e d h o s t i l e t o

o u r t r a d e . T h e p u b l i c s e n t i m e n t o f t h e c o u n t r y r i g h t l y

c o n d e m n e d t h i s b i l l a s a d i s g r a c e f u l p i e c e o f l e g i s l a -

tion savoring of bribery to one or the other of the

g r e a t p o w e r s a n d i t w a s e v e n t u a l l y r e p e a l e d . In 1 811

William Pinckn ey, one of the ab lest di plomats th at

our country h as ever produced, ret urned from Eng-

l a n d , w h e r e h e h a d s p e n t f i v e y e a r s o f a r d u o u s l a b o r

in an at temp t to gain for the Unite d States p roper

c o n s i d e r a t i o n a n d t r e a t m e n t . England refused to re-

g a r d t h i s c o u n t r y a s a n y t h i n g b u t a s e c o n d - r a t e p o w e r

whose rights upon . the s ea w ere w orthy of no con-

s i d e r a t i o n .

When our trad e with France was re opened, English

vesse ls blockad ed New York for the purp ose of cap-

turing all boats bound for France and impressing

America n seamen . T h e a f f a i r o f t h e " G u e r r i e r e " a n d

t h e " P r e s i d e n t , " t r i v i a l a s i t w a s , b r o u g h t m a t t e r s t o

an issu e and caused Great Britain to send Mr . F o s t e r

t o r e p r e s e n t h e r i n W a s h i n g t o n . The "Guerr ier e" ha d

i m p r e s s e d , f r o m a v e s s e l b o u n d f o r F r a n c e , a n A m e r i -

can seama n named Diggio with seve ral others . Th e

Secretar y of the Navy se nt in pursui t of the "Guer-

r i e r e " a f o r t y - f o u r g u n f r i g a t e , t h e " P r e s i d e n t , " t o

rescu e Diggio and the other Americ ans, and pr otect

our commerce and vi ndicate the honor of our navy .

While und er sail th e "Preside nt" sighte d a boat

t h o u g h t t o b e t h e " G u e r r i e r e ." On th e de man d "What




s h i p i s t h a t ? " a s h o t w a s f i r e d w h i c h l o d g e d i n t h e m a i n

mast of the "Presiden t" ; a s k i r m i s h e n s u e d i n w h i c h

one boy on the "Presid ent" was wounded . At d ay-

b r e a k t h e o p p o s i n g s h i p w a s , f o u n d t o b e a B r i t i s h c o r -

v e t t e o f t w e n t y g u n s , n a m e d t h e " L i t t l e B e l t ." As a

r e s u l t o f t h e s k i r m i s h s e v e n t y - t w o m e n o n t h e " L i t t l e

Belt" were killed and twenty-one wounded . Shortly

after th is affair Mr . Foster ar rived in t he United

States, but when it was found that he had no power

t o r e p e a l t h e o b n o x i o u s O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l f e e l i n g i n

this country ran very high . The Pres ide nt an d his

cabinet were opposed to war, as was a large portion

of Congress, but, as has s o often happ ened in the

w o r l d ' s h i s t o r y , t h e j i n g o e s p r e v a i l e d .

In December, 1811, a new session of Congress, the

t w e l f t h , e n t e r e d u p o n i t s d u t i e s . This Congre ss, in

its makeup , was very different from its immediate

pred ecess ors, becau se of the infusi on of new and

y o u n g e r b l o o d i n t o i t s c o u n c i l s . Two mem be rs of the

Ho u s e , w h o a ft e r w a r d s b e c a m e v e r y p r o m i n e n t i n

A m e r i c a n a f f a i r s , f i r s t c a m e b e f o r e t h e p u b l i c a t t h i s

time. They were Henry Clay of Kentuc ky a nd J ohn

C . Calhoun of South Carolina . Clay w as ele cted to

t h e s p e a k e r s h i p o f t h e H o u s e , a p o s i t i o n w h i c h h e h e l d

for many yea rs . That this Congress would acc ept

f r o m E n g l a n d n o t h i n g l e s s t h a n a n u n q u a l i f i e d r e p e a l

of the Order s in Council was s oon evid ent, a nd thi sMr . F o s t e r h a d n o a u t h o r i t y t o g r a n t . A b i l l t o r a i s e

the army from ten thousand to thirty-five thousand

men pa ssed b oth Houses and a loan of eleven mill ion

d o l l a r s w a s a u t h o r i z e d . I n A p r i l , 1 8 1 2 , C o n g r e s s o r -

d e r e d t h e P r e s i d e n t t o c a l l f o r o n e h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d



4 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREv o l u n t e e r s a n d t o d e c l a r e a n E m b a r g o f o r n i n e t y d a y s

in order to make needed pr eparat ions in the navy .

O n J u n e 1 s t t h e P r e s i d e n t s e n t t o C o n g r e s s a m e s s a g e

in which he gave four reasons for war w ith Great

B r i t a i n . They we re

F i r s t - T h e impre ssmen t of America n seamen .

S e c o n d ! The har assing of our shi pping by British

c r u i s e r s a l o n g o u r c o a s t .

T h i r d - T h e pretend ed blockade of European coasts

and the plundering of American ship s .

F o u r t h - T h e B r i t i s h O r d e r s i n C o u n c i l .

In the spring of 1812 the admi nistrat ion had pur-

chased from an Irishma n name d John Henry, for the

sum of fifty thousand d ollars, pape rs showing tha t

during Je fferson's emba rgo he had been employed by

the Governor-General of Canada as se cret agent in

New England t o connive wi th the Feder alist s, who

w e r e s u p p o s e d t o b e s t r o n g l y p r o - E n g l i s h i n f e e l i n g ,

t o b r i n g a b o u t a s e p a r a t i o n o f t h e N e w E n g l a n d s t a t e s

from the Uni on. Mr . M a d i s o n f e l t t h a t t h e s e p a p e r s

s h o w e d a w i d e s p r e a d c o n s p i r a c y t o b r e a k u p t h e u n i o n

o f t h e s t a t e s . While the agitati on in Congress wa s

goin g on Mr . F o s t e r , t h e B r i t i s h M i n i s t e r , t r i e d t o

prevail up on his government to repeal t he Orders in

Council, but , as Spencer Perceva l, who was t hen

prime-mi nister, would not consider for a moment any

possibility of the United States declarin g war upon

G r e a t B r i t a i n , t h e O r d e r s c o n t i n u e d i n f o r c e . On t he

11 th of May Mr . P e r c e v a l w a s a s s a s s i n a t e d , a n d o n

June 23r d the Orders were repea led-but it was then

too late, for on Jun e 18th, 1812, Congress declar ed




t h a t a s t a t e o f w a r e x i s t e d b e t w e e n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s

a n d G r e a t B r i t a i n . T h i s d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r w a s u n i q u e

i n i t s f o r m , a s i t w a s t h e f i r s t f o r m a l d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r

e n a c t e d b y l a w t h r o u g h a l l t h e d e l i b e r a t i v e f o r m s o f

two distinct an d indepe ndent houses in a Congress

e l e c t e d b y a n e n t i r e p e o p l e , a n d i n d i c a t e d t h e c o n s t i -

t u t i o n a l t r a n s f e r o f t h e p o w e r o f d e c l a r i n g w a r f r o m

t h e e x e c u t i v e t o t h e l e g i s l a t i v e b r a n c h o f a n a t i o n a l

go v e r n m e n t . This power had be en vested in the

C o n g r e s s b y t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n , r a t i f i e d 1 7 8 7 , a s a p l e d g e

of peace a nd a pre ventiv e of wanton warfare and

w a s a g i f t f i r s t c o n f e r r e d o n m a n k i n d b y A m e r i c a n i n -

stitu tions . The new s of the de clar ation was r ecei ved

in England, according to Green, wit h surpri se and

d e r i s i o n . The Bri t i s h gov e r n m e n t co n s i d e r e d ou r

army an d navy alm ost worthy of contemp t and our

r e p u b l i c a n i n s t i t u t i o n s a m e n a c e t o t h e p e a c e o f t h e

world . Parli amen t declared that th e Orders in Coun-

cil, which had caus ed such resentm ent in the United

S t a t e s , h a d b e e n a j u s t i f i a b l e m e a s u r e o f s e l f - d e f e n s e

which had finally been r epealed before the news of

t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r h a d r e a c h e d E n g l a n d . On J ul y

3 1 s t , 1 8 1 2 , G r e a t B r i t a i n , a s a w a r m e a s u r e , o r d e r e d

a n e m b a r g o f o r t h e d e t e n t i o n o f a l l A m e r i c a n s h i p s i n

European waters . I n A m e r i c a t h e d e c l a r a t i o n o f w a r ,

i n s t e a d o f u n i f y i n g t h e n a t i o n , t h r e a t e n e d t h e d i s s o l u -

t i o n o f t h e r e p u b l i c . When t he Pres ide nt ca lled out

the militia, Massachus etts, Connecticut and Rhode

I s l a n d f l a t l y r e f u s e d t o c o n t r i b u t e e i t h e r m e n o r m o n e y .

T o t h e c i t i z e n s o f t h o s e s t a t e s t h e p r o s e c u t i o n o f t h e

war seemed worse than hopeless-suicidal in fact .



5 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREThe Unite d States navy consisted of six first class

f r i g a t e s a n d t w e l v e s m a l l e r v e s s e l s , w h i l e t h e E n g l i s h

n a v y b o a s t e d o f n e a r l y a t h o u s a n d s h i p s . Against su ch

o d d s t h e r e w e r e c e r t a i n e x i s t i n g c o n d i t i o n s w h i c h g a v e

some hope to America . England w as he avily involved

i n t h e E u r o p e a n s t r u g g l e w i t h N a p o l e o n , a n d h e r n a v y

w a s s c a t t e r e d ; on the other hand the ti ny America n

n a v y w a s i n t h e h a n d s of you n g a n d a bl e m e n w ho

h a d b e e n b r o u g h t u p o n t h e s e a , a n d C a n a d a , B r i t a i n ' s

vulnerable point, was open to attack all along the

border . The war open ed with a defeat wh ich would

have discouraged an older nation, especially as t he

d e f e a t w a s a t t e n d e d w i t h d i s g r a c e . Pres ide nt Madi son

had appointed General Dearborn commander- in-chi ef

of the ar my . When war b roke out Dearborn wa s in

Boston and for some time he dal lied be tween t here

and Albany tryin g to . g a t h e r i n t r o o p s . At th at t ime

W i l l i a m H u l l w a s g o v e r n o r o f t h e t e r r i t o r y o f M i c h i -

g a n , a n d D e t r o i t w a s a t r a d i n g p o s t o f e i g h t h u n d r e d

i n h a b i t a n t s . Rumors ca me pouri ng int o Detr oit that

t h e B r i t i s h w e r e a d v a n c i n g i n g r e a t f o r c e a g a i n s t t h i s

p o i n t . Without wait ing a decent time for rei nforce-

m e n t s , o r e v e n l o n g e n o u g h t o v e r i f y t h e r e p o r t s a s t o

the Briti sh adva nce, Governor Hull surr ender ed the

t e r r i t o r y w i t ho u t e v e n a t t e m p ti n g t o r e s i s t . G r e a t B r i t -

a i n a t o n c e j u m p e d t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t a t a r e a s o n -

able ad vance of Britis h soldiery the w hole country

would go to pieces and easily again come under the

a u t h o r i t y o f t h e B r i t i s h c r o w n . I t i s n o t m y i n t e n t i o n

t o g o i n t o t h e s t o r y o f t h e w a r , w h i c h l a s t e d n e a r l y

t h r e e y e a r s . The Americans were continually defeated




on land and won no decisive victory until J ackson

won the b attle of New Orleans, which took plac e

a c t u a l l y a f t e r p e a c e h a d b e e n d e c l a r e d . On th e se a,

h o w e v e r , t h e l i t t l e A m e r i c a n n a t i o n f i r s t f o u n d h e r s e l f .

S i n c e t h e d a y s o f t h e A r m a d a E n g l a n d h a d p r a c t i c a l l y

met with no naval defeat, and, in consequence, had

c o m e t o r e g a r d h e r s e l f a s " m i s t r e s s o f t h e s e a s ." On

August 19, 1912, a b attle took place between t he

Briti sh shi p "Guerr iere " and the "Constitu tion," in

which the former was defeated . This a roused grea t

enthusiasm in the States and was regarded, even in

Great Britain, as a blow to English na val sup remacy .

Henr y Adam s say s of it : "A small affair it m ight

appe ar among the world's battles ; it took but half

a n h o u r , b u t i n t h a t h a l f h o u r t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s r o s e

t o t h e r a n k o f a f i r s t - c l a s s p o w e r ." The yea r of 1812

w a s t r u l y a g l o r i o u s o n e i n t h e a n n a l s o f t h e h i s t o r y

of the American n avy . I n t h a t y e a r , i n a d d i t i o n t o

the skirmi sh bet ween the "Guerriere" and the "Con-

s t i t u t i o n , " t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s s h i p " E s s e x " d e s t r o y e d

the "Alert," th e "Wasp " and th e Brit ish "Frolic, "

and t he "United States" v anquish ed the "Mace-

donian . " In thi s last battle Stephen Decatur, for-

ever dea r to the American s ailor, was in command .

T h e y e a r ' s r e c o r d o f v i c t o r i e s w a s r o u n d e d o u t b y t h e

defeat of the "Ja va" by the "Const itut ion" on De-

cember 29th, making two battles in which that ship

had been victorious . When t he n ews of these de-

feats reached England it seemed t o Parliamen t in-

credible that suc h reports could be true . Can ni ng

sai d t o the House of Commons : "It can not be t oo



5 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREd e e p l y f e l t t h a t t h e s a c r e d s p e l l o f t h e i n v i n c i b i l i t y o f

t h e B r i t i s h n a v y i s b r o k e n ." During 1 813 in t he war

o n t h e s e a , h o n o r s w e r e m o r e e v e n l y d i v i d e d .

It was in th is year, on June 1 st, that the famous

fight between the "Chesapeak e" and the "Shannon"

t o o k p l a c e . T h e s t o r y o f t h i s f i g h t , l i k e t h a t o f t h e

B a t t l e o f B u n k e r H i l l i n t h e R e v o l u t i o n , i s o n e t h a t

h a s a l w a y s b e e n p e c u l i a r l y d e a r t o t h e A m e r i c a n h e a r t ,

although in both cases the British w on the victory .

At Bun k e r Hill t h e Min u t e - m e n s ho w e d t h a t t h e y

c o u l d b e a r d e f e a t a n d y e t g o o n t o v i c t o r y , w h i l e i n

the fight betwee n the "Chesap eake" and the "Shan-

non," the dying David Lawrence utte red the words,

" D o n ' t g i v e u p t h e s h i p , " w h i c h h a v e e v e r s i n c e b e e n

t h e c h o s e n m o t t o o f o u r n a v y . I n t h i s b a t t l e t h e E n g -

lish lost eighty-three m en and the Americans one

hundred a nd forty-five . To those in Parl iam ent as-

s e m b l e d i t s e e m e d t h a t t h e t i d e h a d t u r n e d , a n d t h a t

B r i t i s h n a v a l s u p r e m a c y h a d a g a i n a s s e r t e d i t s e l f , b u t

a t t h e e n d o f 1 8 1 3 t h e r e c o r d s t o o d a s f o l lo w s : The

English had cap tured seve n America n ships, mount-

ing one hundred and nineteen guns, and the Ameri-

c a n s h a d c a p t u r e d t w e n t y - s i x B r i t i s h s h i p s , m o u n t i n g

five hundred and sixty guns . Whe n on e r e m e m b e r s

the difference in s ize between the two navies, one

r e a l i z e s t h a t s u c h v i c t o r i e s a s t h e A m e r i c a n s h a d w o n

could do no actual h arm to the British navy, b ut,

nevertheless, the w hole world recognized the truth

o f C a n n i n g ' s w o r d s , t h a t t h e s p e l l o f t h e i n v i n c i b i l i t y

of the British navy h ad bee n broken . In 1 813 the

Americ ans won another vic tory of far-reach ing con-




sequence, this time on an inland sea, far from any

base of supplies . On Sept e m b e r 1 0 t h Com modor e

Olive r H . P e r r y , w i t h a s m a l l s q u a d r o n o f b o a t s b u i l t

o n t h e s h o r e s o f L a k e E r i e , m e t t h e f l e e t w h i c h G r e a t

B r i t a i n u s e d t o p a t r o l t h e G r e a t L a k e s , a n d d e f e a t e d

them n ear Put-in-Bay, opposite t he ci ty of Sandusky .

His mes sage an nouncing hi s vict ory to Congress,

"We h a v e m e t t h e e n e m y a n d t h e y a r e o u r s , " w a s

t y p i c a l o f t h e w h o l e s p i r i t o f h i s c a m p a i g n , w h i c h h a s

s e t t l e d f o r e v e r , w e h o p e , t h e s t a t u s o f t h o s e i n l a n d

w a t e r s . Aside from her tiny navy , the United States

m a d e v e r y e f f e c t i v e u s e o f p r i v a t e e r s d u r i n g t h e T h r e e

Yea rs ' War . The Govern ment l icens ed tw o hundred

a n d f i f t y o f t h e s e s m a l l c r a f t , a n d t h e y m a d e s e v e r a l

hundred captures and succeeded in making both the

I r i s h S e a a n d t h e E n g l i s h C h a n n e l u n s a f e f o r B r i t i s h

merchant ships . I n t h i r t y - s e v e n d a y s t h e s l o o p " T r u e

Blooded Yanke es" not only cap ture d a town on the

coast of Scotland and burned seven ship s, but also

c a p t u r e d t w e n t y - s e v e n v e s s e l s . The "Surp ris e" t ook

twenty pr izes in one month, and the "Leo" captured

a n Ea s t Ind i a n m e r c h a n t m a n w i t h a boot y of two

million five hundr ed thousand dollars . It i s u n-

d o u b t e d l y t r u e t h a t t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f t h e p r i v a t e e r s h a d

much to do with hastening the en d of the war, whic h

had never been popular in either country . Dur in g

the peace dis cussion one event took place which wa s

regarded with equal opprobrium in both England and

Americ a . The British army a ttacked the d efenseless

city of Washington an d set fire to the Capitol, the

W h i t e H o u s e , t h e n a v y y a r d a n d a l l p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s ,



5 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREe x c e p t t h e P a t e n t O f f i c e , d e s t r o y i n g p u b l i c r e c o r d s a n d

archives which we re of priceless value to the Gov-

ernme nt of the United States . This p roceedi ng was

denounced in t he British Parliamen t as "an outrage,

i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h c i v i l i z e d w a r f a r e , " o n e m i g h t c a l l

i t a w o r k o f t h e " H u n s " o f t h o s e d a y s . Flush ed w ith

their victory at Washington the British advanced

a g a i n s t B a l t i m o r e , b u t w e r e t h e r e r e p u l s e d . This at-

tempt on Baltimore will be ever memorable because,

duri ng the atta ck on Fort William Henry , Franc is

S c o t t K e y h a d r o w e d o u t t o t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t u n d e r a

f l a g o f t r u c e t o a r r a n g e f o r t h e p a r o l e o f a b r o t h e r

s o l d i e r a n d h a d b e e n d e t a i n e d a l l n i g h t o n a B r i t i s h

s h i p . It was while i n detention and eagerly watch-

i n g t o s e e w h e t h e r t h e a t t a c k o n t h e f o r t w a s s u c c e s s -

ful that he comp osed "The Star Span gled Banne r,"

which has b ecome our national anthem . Whil e t he

a r b i t r a t o r s f o r p e a c e w e r e i n s e s s i o n i n G h e n t , i n t h e

autum n of 1814, th e news of Jackson's vict ory at

N e w O r l e a n s , t h e f i r s t r e a l A m e r i c a n v i c t o r y o n l a n d ,

reached Europe and en ded the war . Before thi s news

had bee n receive d the British Commissioners had de-

mande d th e ces sion to Canada of a portion of Maine

and Northern New York, and th at a la rge te rritory

in the Northwest, betwee n the Ohio River an d the

Great Lakes, should be reserved for the Indians and

regarded as neutral territory. The fai lur e of the

B r i t i s h t o c a p t u r e B a l t i m o r e a n d t h e i r d e f e a t a t N e w

Orlean s caus ed Great Britai n to greatly modify her

d e m a n d s . The United States was compelled to yield

on the impressment question, but the boundaries of



5 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREbe cap able of permanent development or of carrying

on war . The li ttle war of 1812 showed t o Europe

t h a t b o t h o f t h e s e t h i n g s w e r e p o s s i b l e , a n d a r o u s e d

in the various states which formed the American Re-

p u b l i c t h e f i r s t r e a l l y n a t i o n a l f e e l i n g t h a t t h e c o u n t r y

had ever known . Why I have p lace d an outline of

t h i s p a r t i c u l a r w a r i n t h e m i d s t o f a n a c c o u n t o f t h e

upbu ilding of the British Empire will be s hown in a

l a t e r c h a p t e r .



CHAPTER VI .

ENGLAND AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON .

BEFORE des crib ing t he m eth ods by whic h Great

B r i t a i n , a f t e r t h e f a l l o f N a p o l e o n , b u i l t u p h e r

s p l e n d i d w o r l d - w i d e e m p i r e t o i t s p r e s e n t d i m e n s i o n s

it is n ecessary to tell of an expedition whic h took

p l a c e d u r i n g t h e h e i g h t o f t h e N a p o l e o n i c s t r u g g l e , i n

order to underst and exactly with what consistency

G r e a t B r i t a i n h a s r e g a r d e d t h e i n t e g r i t y o f s m a l l n a -

t i o n s . The p eace of Tilsit, betw een Napoleon and

the Czar Alexander, was si gned on the 7 th of July,

1807, and Continental Europe breathed a sigh of re-

l i e f , ~ b u t a l m o s t b e f o r e t h e i n k w a s d r y u p o n t h e t r e a t y

s e c r e t ' a r r a n g e m e n t s w e r e b e i n g m a d e t o a g a i n p l u n g e

Europe into war, and this time England started the

c o n f l a g r a t i o n . Rumors reac hed Canning that w hen

the Emperor and the Czar ha d met at Tilsit, on Ju ne

2 5 t h , t h e y h a d m a d e a s e c r e t ag r e e m e n t by w h i c h

Napoleon would g ain c ontrol of Schl esw ig-Holste in

and cu t the Briti sh nav y off from any commun icat ion

with the Baltic Sea . We ha ve s een how in Crom-

well's day England prev ented a sim ilar move between

Denma rk a nd Holland . A rep ort of this agre eme nt

was placed in Canning's hands on July 21st, and on

July 2 6th a Briti sh fleet, un der comma nd of Admir al



5 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREG a m b i e r , w a s o r d e r e d t o t h e B a l t i c . On August 3rd ,

a t a c o n f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e E n g l i s h M i n i s t e r t o D e n -

mar k, Mr . Taylor, and Count Bernstorff, the Danish

Minis ter of Foreign Affairs, th e former stat ed that

he had positive information that a secret agreement

against England had b een entered into between

France a nd Russia , and that Denmark was a p arty to

that agreement . Later in August, Cannin g ann ounced

that his government was positively informed that

F r a n c e h a d a l r e a d y t a k e n p o s s e s s i o n o f S c h l e s w i g a n d

H o l s t e i n .

When Cannin g was questioned by the House of

C o m m o n s , h e r e p l i e d t h a t " t h e m i n i s t e r s h a v e n o t s a i d

t h a t t h e y h a d i n t h e i r p o s s e s s i o n a n y o n e s e c r e t a r t i c l e ,

b u t t h a t t h e s u b s t a n c e o f s u c h s e c r e t a r t i c l e h a d b e e n

confiden tia lly commu nic ate d to His Majes ty's Gov-

ernment, and that suc h communication had been made

a long time previous to the date alluded to by the

honorable gentleman ." In th e Decla rat ion of West -

minster, given out on September 25th, it is stated

"that the English Government had re ceived the most

p o s i t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n o f t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n o f t h e p r e s -

ent ru ler of France to occupy with a military force

t h e t e r r i t o r y o f H o l s t e i n f o r t h e p u r p o s e o f e x c l u d -

ing Great Britai n from all her acc ustomed cha nnels

of communic ation ; o f i n d u c i n g o r c o m p e l l i n g t h e c o u r t

o f D e n m a r k t o c l o s e t h e p a s s a g e o f t h e S o u n d a g a i n s t

the British commerce a nd navigat ion ; a n d o f a v a i l i n g

himself of the ai d of the Danish marine for the in-

vasion of Great Britain and Ireland." This dec lar a-

tion was, as I have said, made pub lic on September



AFTER THE FALL OF NAPOLEON 5 9

2 5 t h , but previ ous to this, on July 28th, a special

Mini ste r, Mr . Jack son, was app ointed to the Danish

Court, and on the next day, July 29th, he rece ived

from the Secretary of State h is inst ructions, whic h

w e r e i n Mr . Cannin g's own handwr iting a nd mark ed

" v e r y c o n f i d e n t i a l . "

A p o r t i o n o f t h e s e i n s t r u c t i o n s r e a d s a s f o l l o w s

" Y o u w i l l c a r e f u l l y b e a r i n m i n d t h a t t h e p o s s e s s i o n o f

t h e D a n i s h f l e e t i s t h e o n e m a i n a n d i n d i s p e n s a b l e o b j e c t t o

w h i c h t h e w h o l e o f y o u r n e g o t i a t i o n s i s t o b e d i r e c t e d a n d

w i t h o u t w h i c h n o o t h e r s t i p u l a t i o n o r c o n c e s s i o n c a n b e c o n -

s i d e r e d a s o f a n y v a l u e o r i m p o r t a n c e . I n t h e e v e n t , t he r e -

f o r e , o f t h e D a n i s h G o v e r n m e n t e v e n c o n s e n t i n g t o e n t e r i n t o

a t r e a t y o f a l l i a n c e , a s p r o p o s e d i n t h e p r o j e c t w i t h w h i c h

y o u a r e f u r n i s h e d , i t w i l l b e n e c e s s a r y t h a t a s e c r e t a r t i c l e

s h o u l d b e a d d e d t o t h i s t r e a t y b y w h i c h t h e d e l i v e r y o f t h e

D a n i s h f l e e t m u s t b e s t i p e n d e d t o t a k e p l a c e f o r t h w i t h a n d

w i t h o u t w a i t i n g f o r t h e f o r m a l i t y o f t h e r a t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e

t r e a t y . "

The ne gotiat ions be twe en Mr . Jack son and Count

B e r n s t o r f f w e r e f r u i t l e s s . I n s p i t e o f pr o t e s ts , B ri t i s h

soldiers landed, on August 16th, at Vibeck, bet ween

Copenha gen a nd Helsi ngor . On S e p t e m b e r 2 n d t h e

bombard ment of Copenhagen b egan, and was continu ed

for three days . During the bombardment the cathe-

dral, a number of the university bui ldings and over

three hundred houses were burned . In the end th e

c i t y c a p i t u l a t e d , a n d t h e B r i t i s h t o o k f o r c i b l e p o s s e s -

sion of the entire Danish fleet . Erik Molle r, th e

Danish hi storian, in his account of this expedition

against Denmark, pub lished in 1910, quotes Council-

lor Manth ey, wh o says



6 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE" T o d a y , w h e n t h e w h o l e v e i l i s r e n t w h i c h h i t h e r t o c o n -

c e a l e d f r o m p r i n c e s a n d p e o p l e s E n g l a n d ' s s e l f i s h n e s s a n d

a m b i t i o n , l e t u s c o n s i d e r w h e t h e r s o m a n y a c r o w n w o u l d

h a v e b e e n b r o u g h t l o w a n d s o m a n y a f l o u r i s h i n g l a n d d e v -

a s t a t e d i f E n g l a n d ' s p o l i c y , E n g l a n d ' s g o l d a n d E n g l a n d ' s

s e c r e t c r i m e s h a d n o t b e e n t h e g r e a t f e r m e n t b y w h i c h , i n o u r

r e m a r k a b l e g e n e r a t i o n , t h e e x c i t e d m a s s e s w e r e b r o u g h t t o

r e v o l t a n d b y w h i c h d i s s o l u t i o n s , s e p a r a t i o n s a n d n e w a l l i a n c e s

w e r e b r o u g h t a b o u t , a n d e v e r y t h i n g t e n d e d t o w a r d a n a l t e r e d

s t a t e o f a f f a i r s w h o s e e v e n t u a l r e a l i z a t i o n w a s t o c o s t m a n k i n d

m u c h b l o o d a n d m a n y t e a r s . "

M o l l e r , i n t h e s a m e b o o k , p u b l i s h e s t h e s e c r e t a g r e e -

ment be tween Napoleon and the Czar, whic h did, un-

der certain conditi ons, provide for pressure being pu t

upon Denmark, bu t differed entirely from the asser-

t i o n s m a d e b y Ca n n i n g . He also states that th e

Duchies of Schleswi g and Holstein had never been

occupied b y French t roops . The gener al indigna tion

which wa s aroused by th e British a ssault up on Copen-

hagen w as not confined to Continen tal Europe, but

was even m ore strongly expressed in England . In

t h e P o l i t i c a l Revi ew for Septem ber, 1 807, the whole

p roc e e d i n g i s d e s c r i b e d a s "a s c e n e of com pl i c a t e d

i n i q u i t y ." Th e Rev iew s a y s : "If anythin g could ad d

to that disgust, that horror which we feel whene ver we

c o n t e m p l a t e t h e s u b j e c t , i t i s t h e l a n g u a g e o f h u m a n i t y

and piety affected by our commander-i n-chie f em-

p l o y e d i n t h i s e x p e d i t i o n . " When Parlia ment opened

i t s s e s s ion i n J a n u a r y , 1808, t h e a d d r e s s from t h e

throne commended th e Danish expedi tion as a glori-

ous deed . Six me mbe rs of the House of Lords p ro-

t e s t e d ag a i n s t t h i s com m e n d a t ion "be c a u s e no proof




of hostile inte ntion on the par t of Denmark has be en

adduced , nor any case of necessi ty made out to justify

the attack up on Copenhagen, without which the mea s-

u r e i s , i n o u r c o n c e p t i o n , d i s c r e d i t a b l e t o t h e c h a r a c -

ter and injur ious to the interests of this country . "

L o r d E r s k i n e , i n h i s i n d i v i d u a l p r o t e s t , s a y s

" N o s p e c u l a t i o n o f t h e p r o b a b l e f a l l o f t h e D a n i s h f l e e t i n t o

t h e p o s s e s s i o n o r p o w e r o f F r a n c e w o u l d j u s t i f y i t s h o s t i l e

s e i z u r e b y G r e a t B r i t a i n ; t h a t s u c h a s e i z u r e w o u l d b e s u b -

v e r s i v e o f t h e f i r s t e l e m e n t s o f p u b l i c l a w , a n d t h a t , u n t i l

t h i s a t t a c k u p o n C o p e n h a g e n s h a l l r e c e i v e v i n d i c a t i o n b y p r o o f

o f i t s j u s t i c e , G r e a t B r i t a i n h a s l o s t h e r m o r a l s i t u a t i o n i n

t h e w o r l d . " '

While p rotests wer e bei ng made in the House of

Lords, the renowned orator, William Windham , who

had only recently been made a member of the Cabinet,

said, in th e House of Commons, "the only w ay left of

effacing the stains thus brought upon the country was

the pub lic disavowal of their atr ocity," and he openly

accused the ministry of having deliberately sacrificed

the national reputation, declaring that "the ruins of

Copenhagen are monuments to their disgrace ."' Som e

years later, in 1822, Thomas Campbell, the poet, in

some verses dedica ted to a Danish friend, said :

" T h a t a t t a c k , I a l l o w , w a s a s c a n d a l o u s m a t t e r ;

I t w a s t h e d e e d o f o u r m e r c i l e s s T o r i e s ,

W h o m w e h a t e , t h o u g h t h e y r u l e u s , , a n d I c a n a s s u r e y o u

T h e y h a d s w u n g f o r i t i f E n g l a n d h a d s a t a s t h e i r j u r y . "

' F l o w e r ' s " P o l i t i c a l R e v i e w - R e f l e c t i o n s o n t h e W a r W i t h

Denmar k . "

' P a r l i a m e n t a r y R e g i s t e r f o r 1 8 0 8 , V o l u m e I .



6 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREL a t e r h i s t o r i a n s , i n t r e a t i n g o f t h i s " l i t t l e w a r , " a r e

naturally far less heated than the men speaking and

w r i t i n g a t t h e t i m e .

In v olume 9 of the C a m b r i d g e M o d e r n H i s t o r y ,H. W . W i l s o n , o f T r i n i t y C o l l e g e , O x f o r d , a t t e m p t s

1 < o j u s t i f y i t b y s a y i ng : " T h a t t h e a t t a c k w a s n e c e s s a r y

no one wi ll now deny . Englan d was fighting for her

e x i s t e n c e , a n d , h o w e v e r d i s a g r e e a b l e w a s t h e t a s k o f

s t r i k i n g a w e a k n e u t r a l , s h e r i s k e d h e r o w n s a f e t y i f

s h e l e f t i n N a p o l e o n ' s h a n d s a f l e e t o f s u c h p r o p o r -

t i o n s . " H o w s t r a n g e l y s i m i l a r t h e s e w o r d s a r e t o t h e

excuses p ut forth by a nother power in our own day,

and almost universally condemned by the American

p r e s s ! J . Holland Rose, in t he sa me volume from

w h i c h I h a v e j u s t q u o t e d , s a y s :

" G r e a t B r i t a i n s u f f e r e d a l o s s o f m o r a l r e p u t a t i o n w h i c h

p a r t l y o u t w e i g h e d t h e g a i n b r o u g h t b y t h e a c c e s s i o n o f m a -

terial streng th to her na v y and the added sense of sec u rity .

" T h e p e o p l e s o f t h e C o n t i n e n t , u n a w a r e o f t h e r e a s o n s

w h i c h p r o m p t e d t h e a c t i o n o f G r e a t B r i t a i n , r e g a r d e d i t a s a

l i t t l e b e t t e r t h a n p i r a t i c a l . "

After Napoleon w as fina lly d efeated at Waterloo,

i n 1 8 1 5 , t h e s o v e r e i g n s o f E u r o p e m e t t o g e t h e r , u n i t e d

i n o n e d e t e r m i n e d p u r p o s e , w h i c h w a s t o u t t e r l y s t a m p

out the democratic ideas which h ad permea ted Europe

d u r i n g a n d a f t e r t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , a n d t o r e s t o r e

t h e s t a t u s q u o a n t e . I n a l l o f t h e s e c o n f e r e n c e s t h e

m a s t e r m i n d w a s t h a t of Pri n c e Met t e r n i c h , De-

mocracy's most implac able foe . Duri ng the Napole-

onic upheaval a new republi c had sprung into exist-

ence at the eas tern end of the Mediterra nean called



6 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREreforms and to report to the home governmen t as to

t h e e x a c t c o n d i t i o n o f a f f a i r s . His re port wa s nev er

p u b l i s h e d , b e c a u s e i t w a s a g r e e d b y t h e c o l o n i a l o f f i c e

t h a t s u c h p u b l i c a t i o n w a s n o t e x p e d i e n t , o w i n g t o t h e

e x c i t e d c o n d i t i o n o f p u b l i c o p i n i o n , s o i t w a s f i l e d i n

t h e a r c h i v e s o f t h e c o l o n i a l o f f i c e . In s pi te of Mr .

Gladstone's efforts, conditi ons continued to grow

steadily w orse, and the British p rotectorate was

a b o l i s h e d i n 1 8 6 4 , E n g l a n d r e t a i n i n g f o r h e r s e l f t h e

island of Malta, whic h she de emed ne cessary for her

p r o t e c t i o n i n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n .

The years im mediate ly following the fall of Napo-

l e o n w e r e y e a r s o f r e c u p e r a t i o n , r e a d j u s t m e n t a n d c o m -

p a r a t i v e p e a c e . G r e a t B r i t a i n , o u t s i d e o f t h e B r i t i s h

I s l e s , w a s m a i n l y o c c u p i e d w i t h s t r e n g t h e n i n g h e r p o w e r

i n I n d i a . A l l f e a r o f F r a n c e w a s f o r e v e r r e m o v e d , b u t

t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f I n d i a t u r n e d t h e a t t e n t i o n o f t h e

B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t t o t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d a m b i t i o n s

o f t h e E m p i r e o f R u s s i a . F r o m 1 8 1 7 t o t h e e n d o f t h e

c e n t u r y , t h e f e a r o f R u s s i a l o o m e d l a r g e i n t h e m i n d s

o f E n g l a n d ' s r u l e r s , a n d g o v e r n e d t h e i r e n t i r e f o r e i g n

p o l i c y .

The first a ctive conflict betw een t he two Powers

took plac e in Afghanistan . In thi s unha ppy country

English and Russia n interes ts were eve rywher e op-

po s e d , a n d e v e r y w h e r e Rus s i a s e e m e d to ha v e t h e

advant age a nd to sta nd i n favor with Dost Mo-

hammed, the ru ler of the easte rn territory, who re-

sided in Kabul . R u s s i a a n d P e r s i a , i n a l l i a n c e w i t h

Dost Mohamme d, att acke d Hera t, the ca pit al of the

w e s t e r n d i s t r i c t , i n 1 8 3 6 . At t his tim e Lord Auck -




l a n d w a s G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l o f I n d i a , a n d h e c o n s i d e r e d

t h e t i m e r i p e f o r B r i t i s h i n t e r v e n t i o n , i n o r d e r t o p r o -

tect th e Indian b oundary from any possible Russi an

advance . Makin g an allia nce wi th the Sikhs he pro-

ceede d to depose Dost Mohammed an d set up in his

place an unpopular pretender who had been expelled

f r o m t h e c o u n t r y a n d w a s l i v i n g i n e x i l e . T h i s a c t i o n

of Lord Auck lan d's was ap pr oved b y the Home Gov-

ernment and cau sed rejoicing in London .

In 1841 the native Afghans revolted agai nst the

ruler who had been imp osed upon them contrary to

t h e i r w i s h e s . I n t h e c o n f l i c t w h i c h e n s u e d , t h e B r i t i s h

t r o o p s w e r e c o m p l e t e l y d e f e a t e d a n d c o m p e l l e d t o l e a v e

the country . Akb ar Khan , th e s on of Dost Mo-

hammed, had b een the leade r of the revolt . He fol-

l o w e d t h e r e t r e a t i n g B r i t i s h a r m y a n d e v e n t u a l l y t o o k

under his protection the large number of women and

children who were with the British and who not only

s u f f e r e d g r e a t h a r d s h i p , b e c a u s e o f t h e s e v e r i t y o f t h e

w i n t e r , b u t w e r e i n c o n s t a n t d a n g e r , a s t h e a r m y w a s

continually attacked by fanatical mountain tribes .

A f t e r s e v e r a l t h o u s a n d o f t h e B r i t i s h h a d l o s t t h e i r

l i v e s , t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h e a r m y f o u n d i t s e l f t r a p p e d

i n t h e J u g d u l l u k Pas s , w h e r e t h e y w e r e br u t a l l y

massacred ; o n l y o n e m a n o u t o f t h e o r i g i n a l s i x t e e n

t h o u s a n d e s c a p e d , a n d h e f o u n d r e f u g e u n d e r t h e w a l l s

o f D i e l l i b a d , w h e r e a B r i t i s h g a r r i s o n w a s m a i n t a i n e d .

Akbar Khan tried in vain to gain this garri son, but

w a s d r i v e n b a c k b y r e - e n f o r c e m e n t s o f B r i t i s h , u n d e r

G e n e r a l P o l l o c k , a n d t h e s i e g e w a s r a i s e d . On Octob er

1, 1 842, Lord Ellenborough, wh o had su cceed ed Lord




Summing up hi s acc ount of the whole affair, Urqu-

hart further says

"Into Central Asia we m arch a n army among a pe ople so

friendly as to be ready to even accept our government-we

set up a pretender-we support the perp etration of every

interna l folly and crime-we do everyth ing that can arouse

a p e o p l e , a l r e a d y s u b j e c t t o u s t h r o u g h g o o d w i l l a n d r e s p e c t ,

i n t o h a t r e d a n d c o n t e m p t . Our ar my is destroyed . We m a k e

up our minds that we sh all have nothing to do with the

c o u n t r y , a n d y e t w e s e n d a n a r m y t h e r e a g a i n t o r a v i s h a n d

d e s t r o y w i t h o u t e v e n t h e t h o u g h t o f r e t a i n i n g p o s s e s s i o n , s o

t h a t t h e c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n t h e M o n g o l s a n d t h e B r i t i s h i s t h i s

-that the first destroyed and ravished by calculation and

w i t h o u t e i t h e r h a t r e d o r v e n g e a n c e , a n d t h a t o u r t r o o p s , c o m -

p o s e d o f s o - c a l l e d c i t i z e n s a n d C h r i s t i a n s , a n d s e n t f o r t h

from a country honoring itself with the na me of Britain,

e s t e e m i n g i t s e l f e n l i g h t e n e d , p h i l a n t h r o p i c a n d r e l i g i o u s , a p -

p e a r t h e r e w i t h o u t a n y c a l c u l a t i o n , t o d e v a s t a t e a n d d e s t r o y ,

moved only by hatred and vengeance . A s t o t h e p r e t e x t t h a t

we marched to regain the prisoners, however it might have

s e r v e d f o r t h e c r y o f t h e m o m e n t , i t i s - t o o h o l l o w a n d a b s u r d

t o r e f e r t o n o w . The prisoners c ould have been end angered

o n l y b y t h e s t e p w e t o o k ; a n d f o r t h e m t o b e r e t u r n e d t o u s

i t r e q u i r e d t h a t w e s h o u l d c e a s e t o r e p e r p e t r a t e c r i m e a n d t o

h o l d a s a s l a v e t h e P r i n c e w h o m w e h a d s o c r u e l l y d e t h r o n e d . "

J u s t i n McCar t h y , from w hos e His tor y of Our Own

T i m e s I have gathered most of the facts related in

this chap ter, calls the hist ory of these years, 1839 to

1842,

" a t a l e o f s u c h m i s f o r t u n e , b l u n d e r a n d h u m i l i a t i o n a s t h e

annals of England do not anywhere else p resent . Blund ers

which were, indeed, worse than crimes and a principle of

a c t i o n w h i c h i t i s a c r i m e i n a n y r u l e r t o s a n c t i o n , b r o u g h t

t h i n g s t o s u c h a p a s s t h a t i n a f e w y e a r s f r o m t h e a c c e s s i o n

o f t h e Q u e e n w e h a d i n A f g h a n i s t a n s o l d i e r s w h o w e r e p o s i -



6 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREt i v e l y a f r a i d t o f i g h t t h e e n e m y a n d s o m e E n g l i s h o f f i c i a l s w h o

w e r e n o t a s h a m e d t o t r e a t f o r t h e r e m o v a l o f o u r m o s t f o r -

m i d a b l e f o e s b y p u r c h a s e d a s s a s s i n a t i o n . T h i s c h a p t e r w i l l

t e a c h u s h o w v a i n i s a p o l i c y f o u n d e d o n e v i l a n d i g n o b l e

p r i n c i p l e s . W e h a d g o n e c o m p l e t e l y o u t o f o u r w a y f o r t h e

p u r p o s e o f m e e t i n g m e r e s p e c u l a t i v e d a n g e r s . "

After this unfortunate experience England k ept

p r a c t i c a l l y o u t o f A f g h a n i s t a n f o r f o r t y y e a r s , b u t i n

1879 there was again a revolution in Kabul, and on

S e p t e m b e r 3 r d , o f t h a t y e a r , t h e e n t i r e B r i t i s h l e g a t i o n

was massacred . A s a r e s u l t o f t h i s m a s s a c r e , a f t e r

several skirmish es with the Afghans, England was

again compelled to withdraw and to give up her de-

mand for a permanen t Briti sh legati on at Kabul . I t

w a s n o t u n t i l h e r a g r e e m e n t w i t h R u s s i a , n e a r l y t h i r t y

y e a r s l a t e r , t h a t t h e A f g h a n i s t a n q u e s t i o n c o u l d b e c o n -

s i d e r e d s e t t l e d , b u t t h a t A n g l o - R u s s i a n a g r e e m e n t o f

1 9 0 7 w i l l b e d e s c r i b e d i n a n o t h e r c h a p t e r - .

About the same time that sh e was attempt ing to

impose upon Afghanistan a ru ler whom the people

w o u l d n o t a c c e p t , E n g l a n d t r i e d , f o r p u r p o s e s o f t r a d e ,

t o c o m p e l t h e C h i n e s e E m p i r e t o a d m i t i n t o i t s t e r r i -

tory a commodity whi ch China both feared and hated .

The story of the "Opium War" is not a pr etty story,

b u t i s o f i n t e r e s t t o u s b e c a u s e t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , i n

s p i t e o f i t s p o l i c y o f n o t m i x i n g i n E u r o p e a n a f f a i r s ,

was outspoken in its condemnat ion of the opium

t r a d e . Morse, in his h istory of Th e I n t e r n a t i o n a l

R e l a t i o n s o f t h e C h i n e s e E m p i r e , s a y s

" P u b l i c o p i n i o n i n A m e r i c a w a s p r o n o u n c e d a g a i n s t t h e

o p i u m t r a d e . O f t h e P r o t e s t a n t m i s s i o n a r i e s i n C h i n a d u r -

i n g t h e y e a r s 1 8 3 4 t o 1 8 6 0 , i t m a y b e s a i d g e n e r a l l y t h a t t h e




A m e r i c a n s o u t n u m b e r e d t h e E n g l i s h i n t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f t w o

t o o n e ; a n d t h e i r r e p o r t s t o t h e h o m e s o c i e t i e s p r o d u c e d a

m a r k e d e f f e c t u p o n t h e d e e p l y r e l i g i o u s s e n s e o f t h e A m e r i c a n

p e o p l e . "

During t he negotiations of the years 1832 to 1844

t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s w a s t h e o n l y

one who strongly supported the Chinese Government

i n i t s e f f o r t s t o p r e v e n t t h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f o p i u m , a n d

even b efore thes e negotiations, a num ber of Ameri-

c a n m e r c h a n t s h a d d e c l i n e d t o t r a d e i n o p i u m o n m o r a l

grounds . T h e o p i u m t r a d e i n t o C h i n a w a s f i r s t i n t r o -

d u c e d b y t h e E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y , w h i c h c o n t r o l l e d t h e

c u l t i v a t i o n o f p o p p i e s i n I n d i a . After t he powers of

the company were curtai led, in 1784, the government

monopolized th e cultiv ation of the poppy . A t f i r s t

the tra de into China wa s confined to smuggli ng, as

the Chinese Government ab solutely forbade all im-

p o r t a t i o n o f o p i u m b e c a u s e o f t h e h o r r i b l e m o r a l a n d

p h y s i c a l e f f e c t s r e s u l t i n g f r o m t h e u s e o f t h i s d r u g .

I n s p i t e o f t h e e f f o r t s o f C h i n a t o e n t i r e l y s u p p r e s s

t h i s t r a d e , t h e s m u g g l i n g w e n t o n , b e c a u s e t h e B r i t i s h

Government took no measures to prevent it . Great

B r i t a i n o f f i c i a l l y d e c l a r e d t h a t s h e w o u l d n o t p r o t e c t

British sub jects when carry ing on a trade which was

contrary to the laws of the country with whi ch they

were trading, but this declaration was never taken

seriously, as no provisions were made for enforcing

i t . Towards the end of the year 1837, the Chinese

Empe ror, Suan Tsung, took a deci sive s tep by order-

ing the Governor of Canton to deman d the de liver ing

to the government of all contraban d stores of opium .




ston, who regarded Russia ve ry much as Pitt had re-

garded France . McCarth y sa ys

" H e ( P a l m e r s t o n ) b e l i e v e d f r o m t h e f i r s t t h a t t h e p r e -

t e n s i o n s o f R u s s i a w o u l d h a v e t o b e p u t d o w n b y f o r c e o f

a r m s a n d c o u l d n o t b e p u t d o w n i n a n y o t h e r w a y ; h e b e l i e v e d

t h a t t h e d a n g e r t o E n g l a n d f r o m t h e a g g r a n d i z e m e n t o f R u s -

s i a w a s a c a p i t a l d a n g e r c a l l i n g f o r a n y e x t e n t o f n a t i o n a l

s a c r i f i c e t o a v e r t i t . H e b e l i e v e d t h a t w a r w i t h R u s s i a w a s

i n e v i t a b l e , a n d h e p r e f e r r e d t a k i n g i t s o o n e r t o t a k i n g i t

l a t e r . . H e u n d e r s t o o d b e t t e r t h a n a n y o n e e l s e t h e

p r e v a i l i n g t e m p e r o f t h e E n g l i s h p e o p l e . "

The war w as und ertak en for the supp ort of Turke y

and to preser ve the "balance of power" in Europe .

T h e o n l y p a r t i c i p a n t w h o r e a p e d a n y r e a l p r o f i t f r o m

it wa s the Frenc h Empe ror, Louis Napoleon, wh ose

p r e s t i g e i n E u r o p e w a s g r e a t l y i n c r e a s e d . Peac e w as

s i g n e d i n P a r i s i n 1 8 5 6 . What England lear ned, as a

r e s u l t o f t h e w a r , w a s t h a t h e r m i l i t a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n ,

e s p e c i a l l y o n t h e s a n i t a r y s i d e , w a s w h o l l y i n a d e q u a t e

a n d i n e f f i c i e n t . This was plainly shown in t hat re-

markab le novel by Richard Dehan, entitled , B e t w e e n

T w o T h i e v e s , whi ch, n ext to Tolstoi's War an d

P e a c e ,g i v e s t h e b e s t p i c t u r e o f t h e h o r r o r s o f t h i s

unnecessary war . From its inception the war had

b e e n o p p o s e d b y m a n y o f t h e c l e a r e s t t h i n k e r s i n E n g -

land, notabl e among them bei ng John Bright , whom

Lord Salisbury describ ed as th e "greatest English

o r a t o r o f h i s c e n t u r y ." During the preliminar y pea ce

n e g o t i a t i o n s , w h i c h w e r e h e l d a t V i e n n a , J o h n B r i g h t

s a i d : "The Angel of Death has b een a broad th rough-

o u t t h e l a n d ; y o u m a y a l m o s t h e a r t h e b e a t i n g o f h i s

wings . " The inab ility of the belligeren ts to agree



7 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREu p o n t h e n e u t r a l i z a t i o n o f t h e B l a c k S e a b r o u g h t t h e

n e g o t i a t i o n s a t V i e n n a t o a n e n d , a n d t o g a i n t h i s p o i n t

P a l m e r s t o n p r o l o n g e d t h e w a r f o r a n o t h e r y e a r . Ru s-

s i a w a s c o m p e l l e d t o c o n s e n t t o t h i s n e u t r a l i z a t i o n , b u t

in 1870, when France was at war wi th Prussia, s he

a v a i l e d h e r s e l f o f t h e o p p o r t u n i t y a n d r e p u d i a t e d t h e

agreem ent about th e Black Sea, so that all of Eng-

l a n d ' s e f f o r t s i n t h a t d i r e c t i o n h a d b e e n i n v a i n . B r i g h t

h a d v i g o r o u s l y o p p o s e d , w i t h a l l t h e f o r c e o f h i s s p l e n -

d i d o r a t o r y , t h e p r i n c i p l e o f w a g i n g w a r s t o p r e s e r v e

the balan ce of power, also alliances wh ich had only

t h a t e n d i n v i e w . T h a t h e w a s r i g h t i n h i s t h e o r y t h e

p r e s e n t c o n f l i c t i n E u r o p e i s a n e l o q u e n t p r o o f .



CHAPTER VII .

ENGLAND IN EGYPT .

N order to round out and c omplete th e story

I of the growth of the Britis h Empir e duri ng the

N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , a b r i e f a c c o u n t m u s t b e g i v e n o f

t h e a c q u i s i t i o n o f E g y p t , w h i c h , o n ly l a s t y e a r ( 1 9 1 5 ) ,

w a s d e c l a r e d b y S i r E d w a r d G r e y t o b e f o r m a l l y a n -

n e x e d t o t h e B r i t i s h E m p i r e . From the tim e of the

F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , w h e n N a p o l e o n m a d e h i s s p e c t a c u -

l a r a s s a u l t u p o n E g y p t , u n t i l t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t h e

N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , t h e c o u n t r y o f t h e P h a r a o h s h a s

been a bone of contention bet ween France a nd Eng-

l a n d . I n 1 8 6 4 F e r d i n a n d d e L e s s e p s f o u n d t h a t a l l

h i s e f f o r t s t o f i n a n c e h i s p r o j e c t o f a c a n a l t h r o u g h

the Isthmu s of Suez w ere b eing th warte d by Lord

P a l m e r s t o n , w h o s e a g e n t s t i r r e d u p o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e

p r o j e c t i n C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . S o s h o r t - s i g h t e d w a s L o r d

Palmerston as to the treme ndous advantages wh ich

t h e b u i l d i n g o f t h i s c a n a l w o u l d b r i n g t o t h e e n t i r e

w o r l d , t h a t h e s t a t e d i n P a r l i a m e n t " t h a t i n t h e o p i n i o n

o f t h e B r i t i s h G o v e r n m e n t t h e c a n a l w a s a p h y s i c a l

i m p o s s i b i l i t y ; t h a t i f i t w a s m a d e i t w o u l d i n j u r e B r i t -

ish maritime supremacy ; and that the project was

m e r e l y a d e v i c e f o r F r e n c h i n t e r f e r e n c e i n t h e E a s t . "

I n s p i t e o f B r i t i s h o p p o s i t i o n , d e L e s s e p s , i n 1 8 6 6 ,



7 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREsecure d the neede d concession from the Sultan and

proceeded to build the canal, which was opened for

t r a f f i c i n N o v e m b e r , 1869 . I n 1875 D i s r a e l i , w h o w a s

always an idealist and dreamer of empire, purchased

f r om t h e K h e d i v e h i s c a n a l s t o c k , a m o u n t i n g t o

176,602 s h a r e s , f o r f o u r m i l l i o n s t e r l i n g . This pu r-

chase t he Prime Minister carried through on his own

p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l it y , w i t h t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e g r e a t

bank ing house of Rothschild , and even a fter it was

accomplishe d, it was rega rded b y the British Gov-

ernment and people with very mixed feelings . Tha t

it was a bi t of far-sighted w isdom on the part of

D i s r a e l i h a s l o n g s i n c e b e e n r e c o g n i z e d , a n d t h i s t r a n s -

a c t i o n r e a l l y m a r k s t h e b e g i n n i n g o f B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t s

in Egypt . A t t h e t i m e o f t h e p u r c h a s e , t h e r e i g n i n g

Khedive, Ismail, found himself overwhelme d with

d e b t , o w i n g t o t h e f a i l u r e o f m o s t o f h i s s c h e m e s f o r

personal aggrandizement, including the AbyssinianWar . His relat ions with France h ad bee n such that

he feared to apply t o the French Government for

f i n a n c i a l a s s i s t a n c e , a n d , a s h i s n e e d s w e r e d e s p e r a t e ,

he mad e overtures to the English Government through

C o l o n e l S t a u n t o n , i n t h e a u t u m n o f 1875 . I n t h e m a t -

t e r o f t h e b u i l d i n g o f t h e c a n a l , E g y p t h a d b e c o m e v e r y

s u s p i c i o u s o f t h e u l t i m a t e m o t i v e s o f t h e F r e n c h G o v -

e r n m e n t , s o w h e n I s m a i l d e c i d e d t o s e l l h i s s h a r e s i n

t h e c a n a l , i t w a s n a t u r a l t h a t h e s h o u l d f i r s t o f f e r t h e m

to the Europea n Power whic h was most frien dly to

the Ottoman Empi re . D i s r a e l i w a s , f o r a t i m e , b l a m e d

for involving England in a transa ction which was

bound to have serious political consequences, as at



ENGLAND I N EGYPT 7 5

that tim e the Britis h Government was not disposed

to enter into any complicated sit uation in the East .

I s m a i l w a s a l s o u n d o u b t e d l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r M r . C a v e ' s

mission to Egypt, w hich almost immediately followed

t h e p u r c h a s e o f t h e c a n a l s h a r e s . He s e e m e d t o t h i n k

t h a t h e h a d d i s c o v e r e d a n e w s o u r c e o f s u p p l i e s u p o n

w h i c h h e m i g h t d r a w i n d e f i n i t e l y , a n d , i n o r d e r t o r e -

cover his credit u pon the European stock exchanges,

h e w i s h e d t o s e c u r e s o m e p u b l i c t e s t i m o n i a l a s t o h i s

s o l v e n c y . Mr . C a v e , w h o w a s s e n t o u t b y t h e B r i t i s h

Government, was evidently an honorable and public-

s p i r i t e d m a n , b u t h e w a s u t t e r l y i g n o r a n t o f t h e E a s t ,

and soon beca me a tool in the hands of the Khedive .

I t w a s I s m a i l ' s p o l i c y t o d a z z l e d i s t i n g u i s h e d f i n a n c i a l

v i s i t o r s , w h o s e a i d h e d e s i r e d t o e n l i s t w i t h a s h o w o f

O r i e n t a l m a g n i f i c e n c e a n d p o w e r , a n d t o p r e v e n t t h e m

from seein g any of the nakedness and poverty of the

land . Ha d Mr . C a v e u n d e r s t o o d a n y t h i n g o f t h e w o r k -

ings of the Orient al mind , he would have s oon dis-

c o v e r e d t h a t I s m a i l ' s d e b t s w e r e t h e r e s u l t o f p u r e l y

personal extravagance and were i n no sense of the

word national, but he was completely decei ved, and,

b y h i s r e p o r t t o h i s h o m e g o v e r n m e n t , l e d t o t h e r e c o g -

n i t i o n o f I s m a i l ' s d e b t s a s a p u b l i c o b l i g a t i o n , a n d s o

b r o u g h t a b o u t p o l i t i c a l i n t e r v e n t i o n . The s tory of the

B r i t i s h o c c u p a t i o n o f E g y p t h a s b e s t b e e n t o l d i n t w o

books, which are fairly well known in this country,

a n d i t i s f r o m t h e s e t w o b o o k s t h a t I h a v e g o t t e n m o s t

o f t h e f a c t s m e n t i o n e d i n t h i s c h a p t e r . Thes e books

a r e Modern Egyp t, b y Lor d Cromer, and S e c r e t

History of the English Occupation of Egypt, by Wil-



7 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREfr i d Sca w e n Blu n t . Lor d Cr o m e r 's c a r e e r i n Eg y p t

began a fter the defeat of Arabi Pasha and the first

active English interv ention . As a care ful and grap hic

a c c o u n t o f t h e u p b u i l d i n g o f Br i t i s h p o w e r w h i c h

finally resulted in actual ann exation to the British Em-

pire, his book is an invaluable document, but he was

n o t a t Ca i r o d u r i n g a n y p a r t of t h e Re v o l u t i o n a r y

p e r iod , a n d i n h i s w r i t i n g s h e al w a y s a s s u m e d t h a t t h e

"official truth" wa s the o n l y t r u t h . Mr . Blunt first

visited Egypt in 1875, and ever sinc e then has resided

in that countr y for a large portion of each yea r, and

was personally intimate with all of the participants in

the drama which has resulted in the elimination of this

ancient land as a p olitically independent nationality .

S p e a k i n g o f h i s f i r s t v i s i t , h e s a y s

" I w a s a s y e t , t h o u g h n o t p e r h a p s e v e n t h e n e n t h u s i a s t i c a l l y

s o , a b e l i e v e r i n t h e c o m m o n E n g l i s h c r e e d t h a t E n g l a n d h a d

a p r o v i d e n t i a l m i s s i o n i n t h e E a s t , a n d t h a t o u r w a r s w e r e

w a g e d t h e r e f o r h o n e s t a n d b e n e f i c e n t r e a s o n s . Nothing was

further from my mind than tha t we English could ever b e

g u i l t y , a s a n a t i o n , o f a g r e a t b e t r a y a l o f j u s t i c e i n a r m s f o r

o u r m e r e s e l f i s h i n t e r e s t s . "

Within less than thre e years a fter Disraeli's pur-

chase of the canal shares came the war between Rus-

s i a a n d Tur k e y , w h i c h e n d e d i n t h e s pr i n g of 1878 .

In th i s w a r Rus s i a w a s e v e r y w h e r e v i c tor iou s , a n d

would have gain ed posses sion of Constant inople had

it not been for the active int erference of England in

beh alf of the Sultan . By th i s t i m e Engl i s h p u bl i c

opinion had become entirely reconciled to the canal

purchase, and the English Government had decided to



ENGLAND IN EGYPT 7 7

t a k e a n a c t i v e p a r t i n a f f a i r s o f t h e n e a r E a s t a s t h e

champ ion of the Ottoman Empire . By th e tr eaty of

San Stefano, whi ch termin ated the Russo-Turkish

War, the integri ty of the Turkish Empire was p re-

s e r v e d , a n d , a s a c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h i s t r e a t y , a s e c r e t

convention was drawn u p betw een England and Tur-

key by wh ich the English gained possession of the

Island of Cypr us . In the meantime , affairs in Egypt

had gone from bad to worse . The Cave Missi on, to

which I have referred, had be en followed by sever al

other missions which had resulted in an arrangem ent

for the se ttlement of the Khedive's debts unde r the

"Dual Contr ol" of Engla nd a nd Fran ce, b y wh ich a n

a n n u a l c h a r g e o f n e a r l y s e v e n m i l l i o n p o u n d s s t e r l i n g

h a d b e e n a d d e d t o t h e Eg y p t i a n r e v e n u e s , w h i c h

enormous sum had to be wrung out of the alre ady

a l m o s t s t a r v i n g f e l l a h i n . The gen eral e lecti ons in

England in 1 880 proved to have far-rea ching con-

s e q u e n c e s f o r E g y p t b e c a u s e t h e y b r o u g h t i n t o s u p r e m e

powe r Mr . G l a d s t o n e , w h o , i n s p i t e o f h i s s t r o n g l i b e r a l

s y m p a t h i e s , d i d m o r e t h a n a n y o t h e r p r i m e m i n i s t e r t o

destroy the independence of Egypt . In 1 8 7 7 , i n t h e

Augu s t n u m b e r of th e Ninet eent h Centu ry Revie w,Mr . Gladstone contri bute d an art icle on Egypt a nd

the freedom of the East, in wh ich he expressed him-

s e l f a s o p p o s e d t o f u r t h e r B r i t i s h a g g r e s s i o n i n A f r i c a .

Pointing out the danger s which would result in an

a g g r e s s i v e p o l i c y , h e m a d e a p r o p h e c y o f i t s p r o b a b l e

r e s u l t s w h i c h h a s b e e n s o n e a r l y f u l f i l l e d t h a t i t i s

worthy of quotation .

"Ou r first site in E g yp t (he writes), be it by l arc eny or be



7 8 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREi t b y e x e m p t i o n , w i l l b e t h e m o s t c e r t a i n e g g o f a North

African Empire that will gr ow and grow until another Vic-

t o r i a a n d a n o t h e r A l b e r t , t i t l es of t h e l a k e s o u r c e s o f t h e

w h i t e N i l e , w i l l c o m e w i t h i n o u r b o r d e r s a n d u n t i l w e f i n a l l y

j o i n h a n d s a c r o s s t h e E q u a t o r w i t h N a t a l a n d C a p e T o w n , t o

say nothi ng of the Trans vaal an d the Orange River on th e

s o u t h , o r o f A b y s s i n i a , o r Z a n z i b a r t o b e s w a l l o w e d b y w a y o f

viaticum on our journey, and then, with a great empire i n

e a c h o f t h e f o u r q u a r t e r s o f t h e w o r l d , w e m a y b e t e r r i t o r i a l l y

c o n t e n t b u t l e s s t h a n e v e r a t o u r e a s e . "

C o n t i n u i n g , h e s a i d ( I q u o t e o n l y i n p a r t s )

" T h e s u s c e p t i b i l i t i e s w h i c h w e m i g h t o f f e n d i n E g y p t a r e

r a t i o n a l a n d j u s t . For very many centurie s she has be en

inhabited by a Mohammedan community . That c ommunity

has always b een governed by Mohammedan i n f l u e n c e s a n d

powers . Dur ing a p o r t i o n o f t h e p e r i o d i t h a d s u l t a n s o f i t s

ow n . O f l a t e , w h i l e p o l i t i c a l l y a t t a c h e d t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , i t

h a s b e e n p r a c t ic a l l y g o v e r n e d f r o m w i t h i n , a h a p p y i n c i d e nt

i n t h e c o n d i t i o n o f a n y c o u n t r y a n d o n e w h i c h w e s h o u l d b e

s l o w t o c h a n g e 1 The grieva nces of the people are indeed

g r e a t , b u t t h e r e i s n o p r o o f w h a t e v e r t h a t t h e y a r e i n c u r a b l e .

. . . M y b e l i e f i s t h a t t h e d a y w h i c h w i t n e s s e s o u r o c c u p a -

t i o n o f E g y p t w i l l b i d a l o n g f a r e w e l l t o a l l c o r d i a l i t y o f

p o l i t i c a l r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n F r a n c e a n d E n g l a n d . There mi ght

b e n o i m m e d i a t e q u a r r e l , n o e x t e r i o r m a n i f e s t a t i o n , but a

s il en t r an kl in g gru dg e t he re wou ld b e , li k e t h e now ex-

tinguish ed grudge of America during the Civil War, which

a w a i t e d t h e o p p o r t u n i t y o f s o m e e m b a r r a s s m e n t o n o u r s i d e ,

a n d o n h e r s , o f r e t u r n i n g p e a c e a n d l e i s u r e f r o m w e i g h t i e r

m a t t e r s . Nations have long memories . "

T h i s w a s G l a d s t o n e ' s a t t i t u d e i n 1 8 7 7 . In 1 880 h e

beca me Prime Minist er of England , and Ismail was

deposed in Egypt and suc ceeded by his son Tewfik .

' I t a l i c s a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s .



ENGLAND I N EGYPT 7 9

I n t h e m e a n t i m e , t h e N a t i o n a l i s t p a r t y i n E g y p t , u n d e r

t h e g u i d a n c e o f o n e o f t h e m o s t r o m a n t i c a n d c h i v a l -

. r o u s l e a d e r s i n m o d e r n h i s t o r y , A r a b i P a s h a , h a d s u c -

c e e d e d i n w r e s t i n g f r o m t h e K h e d i v e c e r t a i n c o n s t i t u -

t i o n a l p r i v i l e g e s , w h i c h l e a d o n e t o t h i n k t h a t h a d t h e

Egyptians b een left alone they mi ght have succ eeded

in becoming a constitutionally independent nation .

Only since his defeat and elimination has the true

characte r of Arabi become known in England . Duri ng

the revolution, which he led, he was held up to the

B r i t i s h p u b l i c - b y t h e j i n g o p r e s s , w h i c h w a s c o n t r o l l e d

b y t h e f i n a n c i a l i n t e r e s t s d e s i r i n g i n t e r v e n t i o n , a s a n

u n s p e a k a b l e t y r a n t w o r t h y o n l y o f t o t a l a n n i h i l a t i o n ;

y e t a s l o n g a g o a s 1 8 8 2 , s h o r t l y a f t e r t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t

had bombarded Alexandria and set fire to the city,

Gener al Gcrdon, th at tr uly Briti sh her o, wrote from

Cape Town, where he wa s th en st ationed, "As for

Arabi, what ever may become of him individ ually, he

w i l l l i v e f o r c e n t u r i e s i n t h e p e o p l e , " a n d B i s m a r c k

spoke of him as "a p owerful factor with whom one

must reckon ." On Ju ly 11 , 1882, the British b om-

barde d and destroyed Alexandria , and Gladstone,

whose views in 1877 I h a v e a l r e a d y q u o t e d , d e f e n d e d

this bombard ment in th e House of Commons !

P u b l i c o p i n i o n i n E n g l a n d , p r i o r t o t h e a c t u a l b o m -

bardment , was almost equally divided . John Bri ght ,

t h e a b l e s t m e m b e r o f G l a d s t o n e ' s c a b i n e t , w a s s o o p -

p o s e d t o a c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n t h a t h e r e s i g n e d f r o m t h e

cabinet on June 1 9th . On J une 21 st Mr . B l u n t , a t

t h e p e r s o n a l r e q u e s t o f F r e d e r i c H a r r i s o n , e d i t o r o f

t h e P a l l M a l l G a z e t t e , and an ardent sympathizer with




" T h e m a i n p o i n t s i n t h e p a s t w h i c h I w o u l d s t a t e a r e t h e s e :

" 1 . I n t h e m o n t h o f D e c e m b e r l a s t , I a s s i s t e d t h e N a t i o n a l

party to publish a program of their views which w as j u s t

a n d l i b e r a l a n d t o w h i c h t h e y h a v e s i n c e r i g i d l y a d h e r e d . At

t h i s t i m e , a n d d o w n t o t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f t h e D u a l N o t e o f t h e

8 t h o f J a n u a r y , t h e E g y p t i a n s h a d n o q u a r r e l w h a t e v e r w i t h

England or the English, neit her had the y any real quar rel

w i t h t h e K h e d i v e o r t h e ( D u a l ) C o n t r o l , t r u s t i n g i n t h e s e t o

p e r mi t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f p o l i t ic a l l ib e r ty i n t h e i r c o un t r y

in the direction of parliamentary a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n a l s e l f -

government . T h e i r a i m w a s , a n d i s , t h e r e s u m p t i o n b y E g y p t

o f h e r p o s i t i o n a s a n a t i o n , t h e r e d e m p t i o n o f h e r d e b t , a n d

t h e r e f o r m o f j u s t i c e . T h e y t r u s t e d t h e n , a s n o w , t o t h e a r m y

w h i c h w a s , a n d i s , t h e i r s e r v a n t , t o s e c u r e t h e m t h e s e r i g h t s ,

a n d t o t h e i r P a r l i a m e n t t o s e c u r e t h e m t h e s e e n d s ; a n d t h e y

w e r e p r e p a r e d t o a d v a n c e g r a d u a l l y a n d w i t h m o d e r a t i o n , i n

t h e p a t h t h e y h a d t r a c e d .

" 2 . The Dual Note, dra wn u p b y M . G a m b e t t a , w i t h t h e

view of making England a part ner of his anti-Mussulman

p o l i c y , a n d u n d e r s t o o d b y t h e E g y p t i a n s a s t h e f i r s t s t e p i n a

p o l i c y a n a l o g o u s t o t h a t r e c e n t l y p u r s u e d i n T u n i s , changed

t h i s c o n f i d e n c e i n t o a s e n t i m e n t o f p r o f o u n d d i s t r u s t . I n -

s t e a d o f a w i n g t h e m i t p r e c i p i t a t e d t h e i r a c t i o n . I t c a u s e d

t h e m t o i n s i s t u p o n t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f S h e r i f P a s h a , whomt h e y s u s p e c t e d o f t h e d e s i g n t o b e t r a y t h e m , a n d t o a s s i s t

with . the Khedive in summoning a Nationalist m i n i s t r y t o

o f f i c e . T h i s i n s i s t e n c e , t h o u g h r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e E n g l i s h

j o u r n a l s a s t h e w o r k o f t h e a r m y , w a s , i n f a c t , t h e w o r k o f

t h e n a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e i r r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s , t h e n o t a b l e s . Of

t h i s I c a n f u r n i s h a m p l e e v i d e n c e .

" 3 . The u nexpec ted fall of M . Gambe tta prev ented t h e

e x e c u t i o n o f t h e t h r e a t o f a r m e d i n t e r v e n t i o n i m p l i e d b y t h e

Dual Note . N e v e r t h e l e s s , a p l a n o f i n d i r e c t i n t e r v e n t i o n w a s

p e r s i s t e d i n . The Engli sh and French Controlle rs- Gene ral

p r o t e s t e d a g a i n s t t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n g r a n t e d b y t h e K h e d i v e on

t h e 6 t h o f F e b r u a r y , a n d t h e E n g l i s h a n d F r e n c h G o v e r n m e n t s

c a r e f u l l y w i t h h e l d t h e i r c o n s e n t t o i t , s i g n i f y i n g o n l y t h a t



8 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREt h e A r t i c l e g i v i n g t o t h e E g y p t i a n P a r l i a m e n t t h e r i g h t o f

v o t i n g t h a t h a l f o f t h e B u d g e t w h i c h w a s n o t a f f e c t e d t o t h e

payment of the debt was an infringemen t of international

engagements . T h e a r g u m e n t f o r t h i s , b a s e d o n c e r t a i n f i r m a n s

of the Port and certa in decree s of the Khedive, has be en

c o n s t a n t l y d e n i e d b y t h e E g y p t i a n s .

" 4 . A c t i n g , i t m u s t b e p r e s u m e d i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e i r

i n s t r u c t i o n s , t h e E n g l i s h a g e n t s a t C a i r o h a v e f o r t h e p a s t

t h r e e m o n t h s s e t t h e m s e l v e s s t e a d i l y t o w o r k t o b r i n g a b o u t

a r e v o l u t i o n c o u n t e r t o t h e w i l l o f t h e p e o p l e a n d t h e l i b e r t i e s

granted to them by the Viceroy . The Engli sh Controlle r-

General, th rough a paid a gent of the Egyptian Government,

h a s n o t s c r u p l e d t o t a k e p a r t i n t h i s ; a n d t h e E n g l i s h R e s i d e n t

M i n i s t e r h a s s p a r e d n o p a i n s t o c r e a t e a q u a r r e l b e t w e e n t h e

K h e d i v e a n d h i s M i n i s t e r s . Th e C o n t r o l l e r -G e n e r a l , s i t t i n g i n

c o u n c i l w i t h t h e M i n i s t e r s a s t h e i r o f f i c i a l a d v i s e r , h a s w i t h -

held his advice, counting, it would seem, on the mistakes

l i k e l y t o b e m a d e b y m e n n e w t o o f f i c e , a n d n o t i n g t h e s e i n

s i l e n c e . T h e E n g l i s h p r e s s c o r r e s p o n d e n t s , h i t h e r t o h e l d i n

c h e c k b y t h e R e s i d e n t , h a v e b e e n p e r m i t t e d f u l l l i c e n s e i n t h e

dissem ination of news injur ious to the Ministry a nd known

t o b e f a l s e . I w i l l v e n t u r e t o r e c a l l t o y o u s o m e o f t h e s c a r e s

reported at this time and disseminated through Europe-the

scare of bandit ti in the Delta-the sc are of the Bedouins

rising-t he scare of the revolt in the Soudan-the sca re of

an Abyssinian war-the scare of huge military expenditure-

t h e s c a r e o f a g e n e r a l r e f u s a l t o p a y t a x e s , o f t h e r e s i g n a t i o n

o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l g o v e r n o r s , o f t h e n e g l e c t o f i r r i g a t i o n w o r k s ,

o f d a n g e r o f t h e S u e z C a n a l , t h e s c a r e o f A r a b i P a s h a h a v -

i n g b e c o m e t h e b r i b e d a g e n t , i n t u r n , o f I s m a i l , o f H a l i m a n d

o f t h e S u l t a n . For some of these a very s light foundation

m a y h a v e e x is t e d, i n f a c t ; f o r m o s t , t h e r e w a s n o f o u n d a t i o n

whatsoever .

" 5 . On the 20th of March I addre ssed Lord Granvi lle by

A r a b i P a s h a ' s r e q u e s t , o n t h i s s u b j e c t , a n d p o i n t e d o u t t o h i m

t h e d a n g e r c a u s e d t o p e a c e i n E g y p t t h r o u g h t h e a t t i t u d e o f




t h e E n g l i s h a g e n t s , u r g i n g t h a t a c o m m i s s i o n s h o u l d b e s e n t

t o C a i r o t o e x a m i n e i n t o E g y p t i a n g r i e v a n c e s .

" I n t h e m o n t h o f A p r i l a d v a n t a g e w a s t a k e n b y t h e E n g l i s h

and French Consuls -Genera l of the discovery o f a p l o t t o

a s s a s s in a t e th e N a t io n a l M i n i s t r y , a n d t r a c e d b y t h e s e t o a n

a g e n t o f I s m a i l P a s h a ' s , t o i n d u c e t h e K h e d i v e t o p u t h i m s e l f

i n o p e n o p p o s i t i o n t o h i s m i n i s t e r s . T h o s e i m p l i c a t e d i n t h e

plot and condemned to banishm ent were men o f p o s i t i o n ,

Turks and Circassians, and as such of the same race and

s o c i e t y w i t h t h e K h e d i v e , a n d h e w a s u n w i l l i n g t o r a t i f y t h e i r

s e n t e n c e a n d s u f f e r e d h i m s e l f t o b e p e r s u a d e d t o r e f u s e h i s

s i g n a t u r e . T h i s l e d t o t h e r u p t u r e w h i c h t h e p r e v i o u s d i p l o -

m a t i c a c t i o n o f t h e C o n s u l - G e n e r a l h a d p r e p a r e d . A s u m m o n s

was sen t by Mahmud Sami Pasha to the Deput ies to come to

C a i r o a n d d e c i d e b e t w e e n t h e M i n i s t e r s a n d t h e K h e d i v e , a n d

t h e D e p u t i e s c a m e . S u l t a n P a s h a , h o w e v e r , t h r o u g h j e a l o u s y ,

r e f u s e d t o p r e s i d e a t a n y f o r m a l s i t t i n g , a n d a d v a n t a g e w a s

again take n by the Consul-General to encourage all who

w e r e i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e N a t i o n a l p a r t y t o r a l l y a r o u n d t h e

Khedive . A s e c t i o n o f t h e r i c h E g y p t i a n s , f e a r i n g d i s t u r b -

a n c e s , s i d e d w i t h t h e C i r c a s s i a n s , a n d t h e C o n s u l - G e n e r a l ,

deceived by appearances, v e n t u r e d a coup d e m a i n . Anultimatum, dictated by them, was sent in to the M i n i s t e r s ,

i n s i s t i n g o n t h e r e s i g n a t i o n o f t h e m i n i s t r y a n d A r a b i P a s h a ' s

d e p a r t u r e f r o m t h e c o u n t r y . T h e s t e p f o r a n i n s t a n t s e e m e d

t o s u c c e e d , f o r t h e m i n i s t r y r e s i g n e d . I t b e c a m e , h o w e v e r ,

i m m e d i a t e l y a p p a r e n t t h a t t h e f e e l i n g o f t h e c o u n t r y h a d b e e n

m i s c a l c u l a t e d b y o u r d i p l o m a c y , a n d A r a b i , b y t h e m a n i f e s t

will of the nation, retu rned next day to power . I can not

understand th at the action of our C o n s u l - G e n e r a l i n t h i s

m a t t e r w a s j u s t i f i e d b y a n y p r i n c i p l e s o f L i b e r a l p o l i c y , i t

c e r t a i n l y h a s n o t b e e n j u s t i f i e d b y s u c c e s s .

" 6 . W h e n t h e f l e e t w a s o r d e r e d t o A l e x a n d r i a , I e n d e a v o r e d

t o c o n v e y a w a r n i n g , a s m y p r i v a t e o p i n i o n , b a s e d u p o n a l l I

h a d w i t n e s s e d l a s t w i n t e r o f t h e t e m p e r o f t h e E g y p t i a n p e o -

p l e , t h a t t h e p r e s e n c e o f E n g l i s h m e n - o f - w a r a t t h a t m o m e n t

i n t h e p o r t o f A l e x a n d r i a , e s p e c i a l l y i f t h e i r c r e w s s h o u l d b e



8 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREa l l o w e d o n a n y p r e t e n s e t o l a n d , w o u l d b e e x c e e d i n g l y l i k e l y

t o p r o v o k e a s e r i o u s d i s t u r b a nc e ; a n d i t w a s m y i n t e n t i o n t o

go myself to Egypt t o do what I could toward s miti gating

w h a t I f e a r e d w o u l d b e t h e r e s u l t s .

" 7. About the same t ime th e English Government con-

s e n t e d t o t h e d e s p a t c h o f a T u r k i s h C o m m i s s i o n e r t o C a i r o .

I t w a s s u p p o s e d t h a t t h e a u t h o r i t y o f t h e S u l t a n w a s s o g r e a t

in Egypt tha t obedience would be sh own to whatev er orders

h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e m i g h t b r i n g , o r t h a t , a t a n y r a t e , l i t t l e

o p p o s i t i o n w o u l d b e o f f e r e d . I n a n y c a s e , t h e P o r t e w a s a u -

t h o r i z e d t o a c t i n i t s o w n w a y . Dervi sh Pasha was s ent ; a n d

i t i s a l a m e n t a b l e f a c t t h a t h e w a s a m a n n o t o r i o u s l y un-

s c r u p u l o u s i n h i s m e t h o d o f d e a l i n g w i t h r e b e l s . I h a v e r e a s o n

to know that what was expec ted of him was that he s hould

summ on Arabi Pasha to Constan tinople ; t h a t , f a i l i n g t h i s , h e

s h o u l d h a v e r e c o u r s e t o b r i b e r y ; a n d t h a t in the extreme

r e s o r t h e s h o u l d a r r e s t o r s h o o t t h e M i n i s t e r o f War a s a

mutineer, with his own hand . Whether t hese we re Dervish

P a s h a ' s i n s t r u c t i o n s o r i n t e n t i o n s I will not a rgue . Th e

P o r t e s e e m s t o h a v e b e e n a s l i t t l e p r e p a r e d a s H e r M a j e s t y ' s

G o v e r n m e n t w e r e f o r t h e s t r e n g t h o f t h e N a t i o n a l f e e l i n g i n

Egypt ; a n d o n l y t h e u n i o n a n d c o u r a g e s h o w n b y t h e p e o p l e

w o u l d s e e m t o h a v e c o n v i n c e d t h e S u l t a n t h a t m e t h o d s , s u c h

a s t h o s e f o r m e r l y u s e d b y D e r v i s h P a s h a a g a i n s t t h e A l b a n -

i a n s , w o u l d b e h e r e o u t o f p l a c e . Humaner counsels h ave in

a n y c a s e p r e v a i l e d , a n d p e a c e h a s b e e n r e c o m m e n d e d b e t w e e n

t h e K h e d i v e a n d h i s p e o p l e .

" S u c h , s i r , i s s h o r t l y t h e h i s t o r y o f E n g l a n d ' s d i p l o m a t i c

a c t i o n i n E g y p t d u r i n g t h e p a s t s i x m o n t h s . I t i s o n e o f t h e

m o s t d e p l o r a b l e o u r f o r e i g n o f f i c e h a s t o r e c o r d . T h e f u t u r e ,

however, in some measure remains to us, though, when t h e

C o n f e r e n c e a s s e m b l e s , E n g l a n d ' s w i l l be only one of many

v o i c e s r a i s e d i n t h e s e t t l e m e n t . I t i s n o t f o r m e t o s u g g e s t

t h e w o r d s w h i c h s h o u l d t h e r e b e s p o k e n ; b u t I wi l l v e n tu r e

t o e x p r e s s m y c o n v i c t i o n t h a t i f H e r M a j e s t y ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e

t h e n c o m e s f o r w a r d w i t h a n h o n e s t c o n f e s s i o n o f t h e m i s t a k e s

m a d e , a n d a d e c l a r a t i o n o f E n g l a n d ' s s y m p a t h y w i t h E g y p t i a n




f r e e d o m , E n g l a n d w i l l r e g a i n h e r l o s t gr o u n d . I n s p i t e o f

t h e j u s t a n g e r o f t h e E g y p t i a n s a t t h e u n w o r t h y t r i c k s w h i c h

have b een pla yed up on them by our Foreign Office, the y

b e l i e v e t h a t a m o r e g e n e r o u s f e e l i n g e x i s t s i n t h e b o d y o f

t h e E n g l i s h n a t i o n w h i c h w o u l d n o t s u f f e r s o v a s t a p u b l i c

w r o n g t o b e c o m m i t t e d a s t h e s u b j u g a t i o n o f t h e i r c o u n t r y

f o r a m i s u n d e r s t o o d i n t e r e s t i n E g y p t i a n f i n a n c e a n d i n t h e

S u e z C a n a l . T h e y h a v e , o v e r a n d o v e r a g a i n , a s s u r e d m e ,

a n d I k n o w t h a t t h e y s p e a k t r u l y , t h a t t h e i r o n l y a i m i s

p e a c e , i n d e p e n de n c e a n d e c o n o m y , a n d t h a t t h e S u e z C a n a l

c a n n o t b e b e t t e r p r o t e c t e d f o r E n g l a n d , a s f o r t h e r e s t o f t h e

w o r l d , t h a n b y t h e a d m i s s i o n o f t h e E g y p t i a n p e o p l e i n t o

t h e c o m i t y o f n a t i o n s . O n l y l e t t h e h a n d o f f r i e n d s h i p b e

h e l d o u t t o t h e m f r e e l y , a n d a t o n c e , a n d w e s h a l l s t i l l e a r n

t h e i r g r a t i t u d e .

" I a m , S i r , y o u r o b e d i e n t s e r v a n t ,

"WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT"

Unfortunately, for t he Egyptian dreams of political

indep endenc e, neither th e Prime Ministe r nor the

Foreign Office p aid any attention to thi s app eal ofMr . B l u n t ' s . After the bombard ment of Alexandria ,

w h i c h Mr . Gladstone s o eloquently de fended, British

troops, unde r Sir Garnet, after ward s Lord Wolseley,

e n t e r e d Eg y p t b y w a y o f t h e c a n a l a n d d e f e a t e d

Arabi a t Pel-el-Kebi r on Septem ber 1 3th, an d Egypt

virtually passed into the control of Great Britain .

Arabi, after a long and sensa tional trial, was sen-

tenc ed to exile in Ceylon . The "Dual Control" con-

t i n u e d , t h e o r e t i c a l l y , i n f o r c e u n t i l 1 9 0 4 , w h e n , b y t h e

s e c r e t ag r e e m e n t be t w e e n Fra n c e a n d Engl a n d , w h i c h

will b e des crib ed in the s tory of Morocco, Franc e

finally withdrew all her Egyptian claims, and England

assumed a protectorate over Egypt . Under t he Briti sh



8 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREcontrol there is no doubt that the country has been

wisely adminis tered by Lord Cromer and the m en as-

sociated with him, but the Egyptians feel that they

h a v e l o s t t h e i r i n d e p e n d e n c e . F o r e i g n r u l e , n o m a t t e r

h o w w i s e o r h o w l e n i e n t , i s n e v e r g r a t e f u l t o t h e p e o p l e

under it and is always regarded as a burd en . Whena l a c k o f c o m p r e h e n s i o n o f n a t i v e c u s t o m s a n d h a b i t s

b f t h o u g h t i s j o i n e d t o s e v e r i t y a g a i n s t c r i m e s w h i c h

r e s u l t f r o m a t t e m p t s t o p r e s e r v e t h e s e n a t i v e c u s t o m s ,

d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n a l w a y s r e s u l t s . Professor Sayce, the

well-known authority on Semitic language, says

" T h o s e w h o h a v e l i v e d i n t h e E a s t a n d h a v e t r i e d t o m i n g l e

w i t h t h e n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n k n o w w e l l h o w u t t e r l y i m p o s s i b l e

i t i s f o r t h e E u r o p e a n t o l o o k a t t h e w o r l d w i t h t h e s a m e e y e s

as the Oriental . F o r a w h i l e , i n d e e d , t h e E u r o p e a n m a y f a n c y

t h a t h e a n d t h e O r i e n t a l u n d e r s t a n d o n e a n o t h e r , b u t s o o n e r

o r l a t e r a t i m e c o m e s w h e n h e i s s u d d e n l y a w a k e n e d f r o m

h i s d r e a m a n d f i n d s h i m s e l f i n t h e p r e s e n c e o f a m i n d w h i c h

i s a s s t r a n g e t o h i m a s w o u l d b e t h e m i n d o f a n i n h a b i t a n t

o f S a t u r n . "

I n s p i t e o f t h e a b l e m a n n e r i n w h i c h t h e a f f a i r s o f

Egypt have b een administered, there has been con-

t i n u e d o p p o s i t i o n i n E n g l a n d t o t h e s t e a d y e n c r o a c h -

ment of Briti sh power , and Sir Edwar d Grey h as be en

s e v e r e l y c r i t i c i z e d b o t h i n t h e H o u s e o f C o m m o n s a n d

among his own party . How the m ass of the Brit ish

p u b l i c r e g a r d t h e f i n a l i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f E g y p t i n t o t h e

Empire, so recently ann ounced to the world by Sir

Edward Grey, the present ce nsorship has, thu s f a r ,

preven ted the outside world from knowing . I t m a y b e

t h a t a f t e r t h e w a r w e s h a l l l e a r n m o r e a b o u t t h i s l a s t

i n s t a n c e o f " b e n e v o l e n t a s s i m i l a t i o n ." The conque st



ENGLAND IN EGYPT 87

o f t h e S o u d a n f o l l o w e d a s a n a t u r a l c o r o l l a r y t o t h e

contr ol of Egyp t . One thing during thi s conquest

s t i r r e d t h e e n t i r e w o r l d , a n d t h a t w a s t h e t r a g i c f a t e

of the her oic Gordon at Khartoum . S h o r t l y b e f o r e

t h e n e w s o f G o r d o n ' s f a t e r e a c h e d E n g l a n d , H e r b e r t

S p e n c e r w r o t e , i n 1 9 0 3 :

"Love of country is not fostered in me on remem berin g

t h a t w h e n , a f t e r o u r P r i m e M i n i s t e r h a d d e c l a r e d t h a t w e w e r e

b o u n d i n h o n o r t o t h e K h e d i v e t o r e c o n q u e r t h e S o u d a n , w e ,

a f t e r t h e r e - c o n q u e s t , f o r t h w i t h b e g a n t o a d m i n i s t e r i t i n t h e

n a m e o f t h e Q u e e n a n d t h e K h e d i v e , p r a c t i c a l l y a n n e x i n g i t .

. . . . C o n t e m p l a t i o n o f t h e a c t s b y w h i c h E n g l a n d h a s

a c q u i r e d o v e r e i g h t y p o s s e s s i o n s - s e t t l e m e n t s , c o l o n i e s , p r o t e c -

t o r a t e s , e t c . - d o e s n o t a r o u s e f e e l i n g s o f s a t i s f a c t i o n . "



P A R T I I ,

ENGLAND AND THE TWENTIETH CENTURY



CHAPTER VIII .

THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL .

TH E b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e w c e n t u r y f o u n d t h e B r i t -

i s h E m p i r e e n g a g e d i n t h e m o s t s e r i o u s s t r u g g l e

i n h e r l o n g h i s t o r y , t h e w a r w i t h t h e t w o l i t t l e S o u t h

A f r i c a n R e p u b l i c s . S h o r t l y b e f o r e t h e w a r b r o k e

o u t , o n S e p t e m b e r 1 2 , 1 8 9 9 , L o r d W o l s e l e y , w h o ,

a l o n e a m o n g B r i t i s h g e n e r a l s s e e m s t o h a v e a p p r e -

c i a t e d t h e B o e r s t r e n g t h , w r o t e : " I f t h i s w a r c o m e s

o f f i t w i l l b e t h e m o s t s e r i o u s w a r E n g l a n d h a s e v e r

h a d . " T h e s t o r y o f t h i s w a r i s o f s u c h r e c e n t d a t e

a n d h a s b e e n s o w e l l t o l d b y n u m e r o u s w r i t e r s t h a t I

s h a l l n o t g o i n t o i t i n t h i s c h a p t e r . T h e t w o m o s t

i n t e r e s t i n g b o o k s o n t h e s u b j e c t a r e T h e G r e a t B o e r

W a r , b y S i r A . C o n a n D o y l e , w h i c h t r e a t s i t f r o m

t h e B r i t i s h s t a n d p o i n t , a n d The Thr ee Yea rs ' War ,

b y G e n e r a l C h r i s t i a n d e W e t , w r i t t e n w i t h g r e a t c l e a r -

n e s s o f m i n d f r o m t h e B o e r p o i n t o f v i e w . W i t h t h e

r e s u l t s o f t h e w a r a n d t h e w i s e a n d h u m a n e B r i t i s h

p o l i c y a f t e r c o n q u e s t , a l l t h e w o r l d i s f a m i l i a r . L e t

u s c o n s i d e r f o r a f e w m o m e n t s t h e e a r l y h i s t o r y o f

t h i s i n t e r e s t i n g l i t t l e c o u n t r y , t h e T r a n s v a a l , a n d h o w

i t ' f i r s t c a m e u n d e r B r i t i s h c o n t r o l .

I n 1 8 3 5 a s m a l l b o d y o f D u t c h f a r m e r s f r o m Ca p e

C o l o n y , i n s p i r e d b y m u c h t h e s a m e m o t i v e s w h i c h l e d



9 0 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREour forefathers in 1620 to brav e the pe rils of the

A t l a n t i c a n d s e t t l e o n t h e b a r r e n c o a s t s o f N e w E n g -

land, crossed the Vaal River and trekked as far as

the Zoutpansberg . T h e f i r s t p a r t y , u n d e r t h e l e a d e r -

ship of Louis Trichar d and Jan von Rensbu rg, con-

sisted of about a hundred p ersons . Thei r mai n de-

s i r e w a s t o g e t e n t i r e l y a w a y f r o m B r i t i s h c o n t r o l a n d

govern themselves and the natives as they saw fit .

Whe n t h e y r e a c h e d t h e Zou t p a n s b e r g t h e pa r t y

d i v i d e d u p , a p o r t i o n , u n d e r T r i c h a r d , s e t t i n g o u t t o

explore the country as far as Delagoa Bay . Theremai nder of the par ty, under Rensb urg, were , soon

a f t e r t h e s e p a r a t i o n , m u r d e r e d b y t h e n a t i v e s . Tri ch -

a r d ' s p a r t y d i d n o t r e a c h t h e c o a s t u n t i l 1 8 3 8 , a f t e r

a number of them had pe rished . The s urv ivors p ro-

ceeded to Natal by boat . In 1846 anothe r party, led

by Andries Hendri k Potgieter, c rossed th e Vaal and

establis hed themse lves on the banks of the Vet, but

no permanent settlement was made until 1838, when

P o t g i e t e r a n d h i s f o l l o w e r s , i n N o v e m b e r o f t h a t y e a r ,

founded the town of Potchefstroom . An e lem en ta ry

f o r m o f g o v e r n m e n t w a s e s t a b l i s h e d , a n d i n 1 8 4 0 t h e s e

c o l o n i s t s e n t e r e d i n t o a v e r y l o o s e f o r m o f c o n f e d e r a c y

w i t h t h e B o e r s o f N a t a l . In 1 848 And ri es W . J . P r e -

torius b ecam e comma nder of the Boers of Potchef-

str oom . U n d e r h i s l e a d e r s h i p t h e c o l o n y g r e w r a p i d l y ,

and its re cognition by Great Britai n was sought by

t h e c o l o n i s t s . This re cognition was s ecur ed on Janu -

ary 17, 1852, when a convention, known as the Sand

River Convent ion, was draw n up b etwee n Pretorius

and other Boers on one hand and ass istant commis-



THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 9 1

sioners nomin ated b y the Britis h High Commissi oner

on the other . The first clause of this convention reads

as follows

" T h e a s s i s t a n t c o m m i s s i o n e r s g u a r a n t e e i n t h e f u l l e s t m a n -

ner on the pa rt of the British Government to the emigr ant

farmers beyond the Vaal River, the r ight to manage their

o w n a f f a i r s a n d t o g o v e r n t h e m s e l v e s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r o w n

laws without any i nterference on the part of the British

Government, and that no encroachmen t shall be made by the

s a i d g o v e r n m e n t o n t h e t e r r i t o r y b e y o n d t o t h e n o r t h o f t h e

Vaal River, with th e further assuran ce that the warm est

wish of the Britis h Governmen t is to promote pea ce, free

t r a d e a n d f r i e n d l y i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h t h e e m i g r a n t f a r m e r s n o w

inhabiti ng, or who may hereafter inhabit that country ; i t

being underst ood that this system of non-interference is

b i n d i n g u p o n b o t h p a r t i e s . "

This convention ma rks the first recognition of the

existence of a new incipient nationality . The p opu l a -

tion of white p eople north of the Vaal consisted of

about five thousand families, numb ering in all, includ-

i n g w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n , a b o u t fo r t y t h o u s a n d p e r -

sons . Th e s e p e o p l e w e r e o n l y u n i t e d i n o n e t h i n g ,

and that was their determin ation to live independ ent

of Britis h control in what they consid ered the ir own

t e r r i t o r y . Am o n g t h e m s e l v e s d i s p u t e s w e r e m a n y a n d

b i t t e r , b u t i n 1856 Mar t h i n u s W . Pretori us, who, on

the death of his father, had succeeded to the leadershi p

a mon g t h e Bur g h e r s , w a s a bl e to br i n g a bou t a sor t

of unity among the scattered 'factions and to estab-

l i s h a pe r m a n e n t for m of gov e r n m e n t . A rep rese nta-

tive assem bly of delegate s was chosen for the purp ose

of drafting a constit ution . The t it le , "The South




h e s a i d , w o u l d b e o f i n c a l c u l a b l e b e n e f i t t o t h e O r a n g e

F r e e S t a t e b u t o f s m a l l b e n e f i t t o t h e T r a n s v a a l . Fol-

l o w i n g t h i s o u t b r e a k i t w a s d e c l a r e d u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l

for the same man to be presid ent of both republics .

At th e end of his s ix months' leave of absen ce Pre-

t o r i u s , a f t e r a s t o r m y m e e t i n g o f t h e V o l k s r a a d , r e -

s i g n e d t h e p r e s i d e n c y o f t h e T r a n s v a a l . In Octobe r,

1 8 6 0 , a m a s s m e e t i n g o f c i t i z e n s w a s h e l d a t P o t c h e f -

s t r o o m , t h e o l d c a p i t a l , w h i c h r e s u l t e d i n t h e p a s s i n g

o f t h e f o l l o w i n g r e s o l u t i o n s

"A. T h a t t h e v o l k s r a a d n o l o n g e r e n j o y e d t h e c o n f i d e n c e

o f t h e p e o p l e .

"B . T h a t P r e t o r i u s s h o u l d r e m a i n p r e s i d e n t o f t h e S o u t h

A f r i c a n R e p u b l i c a n d s h o u l d h a v e a y e a r ' s l e a v e o f a b s e n c e

t o b r i n g a b o u t u n i o n w i t h t h e F r e e S t a t e .

"C. T h a t S c h o e m a n s h o u l d a c t a s p r e s i d e n t i n t h e a b s e n c e

o f P r e t o r i u s .

"D . T h a t b e f o r e t h e r e t u r n o f P r e t o r i u s t o r e s u m e h i s

d u t i e s a n e w v o l k s r a a d s h o u l d b e e l e c t e d . "

Had the Transva al Boers not been a ctuat ed by an

extremely narrow and distrustful policy, it is un -

doubtedly true that a strong and compact rep ublican

s t a t e w o u l d h a v e r e s u l t e d f r o m P r e t o r i u s ' e f f o r t s , a s

the b urghers of the Orange Free State w ere not at

t h a t t i m e o p p o s e d t o t h e u n i o n , b u t t h e c o m p l i c a t i o n s

whic h followed Pretoriu s' resi gnation brought about

a l m o s t a s t a t e o f a n a r c h y , w i t h t w o a c t i n g p r e s i d e n t s

a n d t w o r i v a l g o v e r n m e n t s i n c o n t r o l o f t h e T r a n s v a a l .

To put an end to this distressing and demoralizing

stat e of affairs, Commandant Paul Kruger took mat-

t e r s i n t o h i s o w n h a n d s . C a l l i n g o u t t h e b u r g h e r s o f h i s

own district , he d rove Schoeman and his followers



9 4 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREout of Pretoria and then attac ked Potschefstroom,

which, after a sharp skirmish, in which three men

were killed and seven wounded, fell into his hands .

I n 1 8 6 3 P r e t o r i u s r e s i g n e d t h e p r e s i d e n c y o f t h e F r e e

S t a t e a n d r e t u r n e d t o P r e t o r i a , w h e r e , a c t i n g a s m e d i a -

t o r b e t w e e n r i v a l f a c t i o n s , h e b r o u g h t a b o u t a c o n d i -

t i o n o f a t l e a s t t e m p o r a r y p e a c e . A confere nce b e,

tween factions was held in Januar y, 1864, which was

followed b y a new elec tion, in which Pretorius was

again chosen president, and Kruger was made c om-

mandant-general .

A s a r e s u l t o f t h i s c i v i l w a r t h e c o n d i t i o n o f t h e

country was deplorable . The p ublic exchequer w as

e m p t y , a n d , i n o r d e r t o m e e t c u r r e n t e x p e n s e s , p a p e r

money was introduced, with the usual results which

have followed such an e xpedient in a ll parts of the

world . The exact b oundaries of the state had not

been defined in the Sand River Convent ion, so when

g o l d w a s d i s c o v e r e d a t T a t i , i n 1 8 6 8 , P r e s i d e n t P r e -

torius, by proclamation, extended the b oundaries of

the Transvaal on the north and west to include the

g o l d f i e l d s a n d t h e w h o l e o f B e c h u a n a l a n d , a n d o n t h e

e a s t t o D e l a g o a B a y . T h i s p r o c l a m a t i o n b r o u g h t f o r t h

s t r o n g p r o t e s t s f r o m S i r P h i l i p W o d e h o u s e , t h e B r i t -

ish High Commis sione r and from the Portu gue se Con-

s u l - G e n e r a l . T h e e a s t e r n b o u n d a r y q u e s t i o n w a s f i n a l l y

s e t t l e d b y t r e a t y w i t h P o r t u g a l i n 1 8 6 9 . T h e t e r r i t o r y

to the north, which Pretorius wi shed to annex, was

claimed not only by the South African Republi c, bu t

also by the Bechua nas, th e Koranas and als o by one

Nicholas Water boer, a Griqua captain . T o s e t t l e t h i s



THE ACQUISITION OF THE TRANSVAAL 95

q u e s t i o n , i n 1 8 7 1 , a n a r b i t r a t i o n b o a r d w a s a p p o i n t e d ,

c o n s i s t i n g o f A . A. O ' R e i l l y , o n b e h a l f o f t h e S o u t h

African Repub lic ; John Campb ell, on behalf of the

o t h e r c l a i m a n t s ; and Lieute nant- Governor Keate, of

Natal, w ho was to act as referee . The ju dges dis-

a g r e e d , a n d , t h e d e c i s i o n b e i n g l e f t t o t h e r e f e r e e , h e ,

on October 17, decid ed in favor of Waterb oer .

What ren dered t his dec ision of far-reac hing con-

sequenc es was the fact that on August 25 , 1870, a

year b efore the "Keate Award ," Water boer had

o f f e r e d h i s t e r r i t o r y t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . A few d a y s

a f t e r t h e d e c i s i o n o f t h e " K e a t e A w a r d , " t h e B r i t i s h

High Commi ssi oner, Sir Henr y Bark ly, i ssu ed a

p r o c l a m a t i o n t a k i n g o v e r , i n t h e n a m e o f G r e a t B r i t a i n ,

a l l o f W a t e r b o e r ' s t e r r i t o r y w h i c h h e c a l l e d G r i q u a -

l a n d Wes t . T h i s t e r r i t o r y i n c l u d e d a l l o f t h e t h e n

discovered diamond diggings . This a nne xation by

G r e a t B r i t a i n , a l t h o u g h b a s e d u p o n t h e K e a t e d e c i s i o n

a n d W a t e r b o e r ' s o r i g i n a l o f f e r , a r o u s e d g r e a t r e s e n t -

ment among the Boers, and led to the res ignat ion of

P r e s i d e n t P r e t o r i u s . The Boers, wi shi ng to ha ve i n

the presidenc y a man w hom they felt to be strong

e n o u g h t o c o p e w i t h G r e a t B r i t a i n , o f f e r e d t h i s p o s i -

tion to Mr . (afterwards Sir) John Brand, p resident

o f t h e O r a n g e F r e e S t a t e , b u t h e d e c l i n e d . F a i l i n g t o

s e c u r e t h e s e r v i c e s o f M r . B r a n d t h e b u r g h e r s e l e c t e d

the Rev : Thomas Francois Burgers, a mini ster of the

Reformed Churc h and a memb er of a prominent Cape

C o l o n y f a m i l y , t o t h e p r e s i d e n c y . This was in 1 872 .

and marked a ne w departu re in policy, as heretofore

every officer of the republ ic had be en chosen from



9 6 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIREa m o n g t h e f a m i l i e s o f t h e o r i g i n a l c o l o n i s t s . Bur ge rs

was an able, active and patriotic man, but was more

v i s i o n a r y t h a n a g g r e s s i v e , a n d h e b e c a m e i n v o l v e d i n

many entanglements with the native chiefs . In 1875

he wen t to Europe for the pur pose of raisi ng money

t o f i n a n c e t h e b u i l d i n g o f a r a i l r o a d t o D e l a g o a B a y ,

b u t w a s n o t s u c c e s s f u l . He ret urne d to the Transvaal

i n 1 8 7 6 t o f i n d t h a t i n h i s a b s e n c e t h e a c t i n g p r e s i d e n t ,

with the consent of the Volksraad, had attemp ted to

carry out many measures opposed to the public wel-

f a r e , h a d u n w i s e l y a n d i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y a l l o t t e d n a t i v e

lands to various adventurers, and that war wi th the

Zulus was imminent . In 1877 the paper currenc y had

so deprecia ted that Transv aal one-pound notes only

` b r o u g h t o n e s h i l l i n g i n a c t u a l c a s h . J u s t a t t h i s t i m e

the South African Colonial Secr eta ry, t he Earl of

Carnarv on, was agit ating a union of all the South

African States und er the Briti sh Governm ent . OnO c t o b e r 5 , 1 8 7 6 , h e h a d a p p o i n t e d a c o m m i s s i o n , u n d e r

S i r T h e o p h i l u s S h e p s t o n e , t o v i s i t t h e T r a n s v a a l a n d

try to arra nge wi th the Boers for the an nexation of

t h e c o u n t r y t o t h e B r i t i s h c r o w n . Sheps tone went to

Pretoria in J anuary, 1 877, escorted by twenty-five

m o u n t e d p o l i c e , a n d a f t e r c a r e f u l c o n s i d e r a t i o n d e c i d e d

t h a t a n n e x a t i o n w a s t h e o n l y s a l v a t i o n f o r t h e T r a n s -

v a a l , b u t t o h i s d i s a p p o i n t m e n t t h e V o l k s r a a d d i d n o t

agree with him . T h e c o n d i t i o n o f a f f a i r s c o u l d h a r d l y

have been worse, as the treasury was empty and the

Boers would not pay their taxes ; government con-

t r a c t o r s w e r e u n p a i d ; t h e c o u n t r y w a s i n d e b t t o t h e

a mou n t of $ 1, 0 7 5, 0 0 0 ; a n d t h e r e s e e m e d to be no




p o w e r a b l e t o c o m p e l t h e B o e r s t o m e e t t h e i r o b l i g a -

t i o n s . Findin g that the Volksraad would do nothing

to remedy c onditions, on April 1 2, 1877, Shepstone

issued a proclamation formally annexing the country

t o G r e a t B r i t a i n . The p roclamation graciously stated

tha t "It is the wis h of Her Most Gracious Majes ty

t h a t t h e S t a t e s h a l l e n j o y t h e f u l l e s t l e g i s l a t i v e p r i v i -

l e g e s c o m p a t i b l e w i t h t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s o f t h e c o u n t r y

a n d t h e i n t e l l i g e n c e o f i t s p e o p l e ." This i nst anc e of

b e n e v o l e n t a s s i m i l a t i o n , l i k e a l m o s t a l l o f t h e m o r e r e -

c e n t a d d i t i o n s t o B r i t i s h t e r r i t o r y , w a s r e c e i v e d b y t h e

people of England w ith mi xed feelings . Sir Bar tl e

Frere defende d Sheps tone's act of annexation on the

ground t hat Burge rs, Presi dent of the South African

Repu blic , had alre ady ap proache d some of the Conti-

n e n t a l P o w e r s w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o f o r m i n g a n a l l i a n c e ,

and that Germany w ould surely intervene if Great

B r i t a i n d i d n o t f o r e s t a l l h e r . In th e Tran sva al Shep-

s t o n e ' s p r o c l a m a t i o n a r o u s e d a l m o s t i n s t a n t o p p o s i t i o n ,

although Presiden t Burgers seemed to be i n favor of

t h e a n n e x a t i o n . I n A p r i l F r e r e v i s i t e d t h e T r a n s v a a l

a n d t r i e d t o p e r s u a d e t h e B o e r s t o a c c e p t t h e a n n e x a -

t i o n a s b e i n g f o r t h e i r u l t i m a t e g o o d , a s s u r i n g t h e m

that unde r the British cr own they would have com-

plete self-government in all local affairs with the

a d d e d s e c u r i t y o f t h e B r i t i s h a g a i n s t t h e Z u l u s , w h o

were the common enemy . The Boer s, h owev er , felt

t h a t t h e Z u l u s w e r e m o r e t h a n a m a t c h f o r t h e B r i t i s h

army, and that this w as the time for them to secure

absolute independe nce . The conflict with the Zulus,

w h i c h e n s u e d , w a s c a r r i e d o n w i t h o u t a n y c o - o p e r a t i o n




from the Boers, and cost Great Britain many lives

and $25,000 ,000 before it was ended . Sir Garn et

Wolseley, who had come out to Africa in June to

c o m m a n d t h e B r i t i s h f o r c e s , d e c l a r e d t o t h e B o e r s , i n

a p u b l i c g a t h e r i n g h e l d a f t e r t h e Z u l u s h a d b e e n d e -

f e a t e d , t h a t " S o l o n g a s t h e s u n s h i n e s , t h e B r i t i s h

f l a g w i l l f l y a t P r e t o r i a ." This w as in 1879 ; o n t h e

1 3 t h o f D e c e m b e r , 1 8 8 0 , t h e B o e r s a g a i n d e c l a r e d t h e

indep enden ce of the South African Republic an d ap-

p o i n t e d a t r i u m v i r a t e , c o n s i s t i n g o f K r u g e r , P r e t o r i u s

a n d J o u b e r t , a s a p r o v i s i o n a l g o v e r n m e n t . The y fel t

justified in assu ming that th e British Governm ent

w o u l d a c q u i e s c e i n t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n b e c a u s e i n t h e e l e c -

tions held in England in 1880, Gladstone had been

m a d e Pri m e Min i s t e r. While cond ucti ng his c am-

p a i g n i n M i d - L o t h i a n b e f o r e t h i s e l e c t i o n , G l a d s t o n e

had, in his spee ches, seeme d to favor Boer indepen-

dence . He had accused the British of having plac ed

themse lves in t he position of "free subject s of a

monarchy going to coerce th e free subject s of a re-

p u b l i c , " a n d i n o n e o f h i s s p e e c h e s h a d s a i d

" I f t h e s e a c q u i s i t i o n s w e r e a s v a l u a b l e a s t h e y a r e v a l u e -

less, I would repudiate them, because they were obtained b y

means dishonorable to the character of our country . "

T h e s e s p e e c h e s w e r e c i r c u l a t e d f r e e l y i n t h e T r a n s -

v a a l , a n d f r o m t h e m t h e B o e r s n a t u r a l l y a s s u m e d t h a t ,

wi th Mr . G l a d s t o n e i n c o n t r o l , t h e i r e f f o r t s t o s e c u r e

complete independence would be crowned with suc-

c e s s . In Februa ry, 1881, came the comple te defeat

of the British a rmy, unde r Sir George Colley, at

Majuba Hill, in which batt le Colley himse lf was




slain. This defeat at Majuba Hill was a tremendous

blow to British prestige in South Africa and was so

regarded in Great Britai n . A truce was declared on

March 3rd, and on March 21st a treaty was drawn

up between Sir Evelyn Wood on behalf of Great

Britain and the Boer Triumvirate by which complete

in terna l self-government under Britis h suzerain ty was

granted to the Boers. This treaty was confirmed in

a convention held in Pretoria on August 3rd, and on

the 8th the government wa s handed over to the Trium-

virate, who contin ued in control until May, 1883, when

Kruger was elected president. After the Pretoria

convention the Boers felt that their in dependence was

a ssured, and that the Britis h suzera inty was merely a

nominal concession to save the face of the British

Government at home. In 1884 a convention was held

in London in which certain articles were substituted

for those of the Pretoria convention. The timidity

of Lord Derby, in the London convention, only

strengthened the Boer belief in the actual indepen-

dence of the republic . At first Lord Derby repudiated

the Majuba treaty, on the ground that treaties could

only be drawn up between. equally sovereign states . At

the same time he acted as i f he wished to conci liate

the Boers, and while he was not willing to formally

relinquish the suzerainty, he consented not to men-

tion it. Lord Cairns, i n the House of Lords, openly

accused Lord Derby of havi ng reli nqui shed the Britis h

suzerai nty in substan ce even if he had refrain ed from

usi ng the word, and the impress ion of British defeat



100 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE

made upon Kruger and his associates was as strong

as that created by the surrender at Majuba Hi ll .

The increased discoveries of gold in 1883, followed by

those in the Rand in 1886, brought an influx of diggers

and prospectors into the country from the British

Colonies and from Europe, and in 1886 Johannesburg

was founded, a nd i n ten years became a city of 108,000

inhabitants . The whole country was on a boom, and

the wealth which was pouring into the Boer treasury

exceeded an ything that Kruger and his thrifty burgh-

ers had ever imagined. By 1896 fully one-third of

the land areas had been purchas ed by Uitlanders . In

spite of the fact that these outsiders were fil ling up

the land and bringing to it untold prosperity, the

Boers would not recognize them as citizens, andadopted towards them a policy of rigid political ex-

clusion . In 1888 Cape Colony, the Orange Free State

and Natal attempted to form a customs-union with

the Transvaa l, but to this Kruger was rigidly opposed .

Because of his hostility to Great Britain, Krugeradopted a policy which was distinctly prejudicia l to

the gold in dustry, an d this na tural ly caused friction

between the Uitlanders and the Boers. To the de-

mands of the former for some share in the govern-

ment, Kruger replied by extending the period of

qualifi cation for suffrage from five to ten years . Acompromise of a seven years' period was fin all y agreed

upon, but this was never satisfactory to the Uit-

landers, who, by 1890, formed a majority of the

popula tion . The friction between the native and out-

side elements became so strong that in 1895 the ques-




tion of a direct appeal to the British Government was

considered by the Uitlanders, but was opposed by the

men of Colon ial birth, who, because of the defeat at

Majuba and the vacillating policy of the home gov-

ernment, had lost faith in the ability of Great Britai n

to coerce the Boers . In October, 1895, Cecil Rhodes,

Prime Minister of Cape Colony and the real origina-

tor of the dream of uniting al l Africa under the British

crown, made overtures to the Uitlanders through Dr.

Jameson, which led to what is known as the "Jameson

Raid ." The coll apse of this raid, endin g in the arrest

of Jameson and his associates, only intensified the

feeling between Boers and Uitlanders, and greatly

strengthened Kruger's power, while increasing his

an tipathy to Great Britain . When Sir Hercules Robin-

son, the Britis h High Commis sioner, heard of the raid

he at once sent an order to the British Resident at

Pretoria advisin g al l Britis h subjects i n Johannesburg

against any co-operation with Jameson. On January

7, 1896, Sir Hercules telegraphed to the British agent

at Johannesburg "that if the Uitlanders do not

comply with my request they will forfeit all claims

to sympathy from Her Majesty's Government and

from British subjects throughout the world, as the

lives of Jameson and the other prisoners are now prac-

tically in their hands ." Upon the receipt of this tele-

gram, the rifles and ammunition which had been dis-

tributed among the Uitlanders at Johannesburg were

given up. After the disarmament at Johannesburg,Kruger proceeded to arrest sixty-four members of the




reform committee while declaring to the world that

his motto would be "Forget and Forgive. "

In the period between the col lapse of the raid an d

the outbreak of the war in October, 1899, Kruger's

policy became more and more aggressive against the

Uitla nders . Sir Alfred Milner, who had succeeded

Sir Hercules Robinson in 1897, did everything that

was humanly possible to persuade the Transvaal Gov-

ernment to consider the much needed reforms, but his

efforts were fruitless . At the conference, held at

Bloemfontein from May 31, to June 5, 1899, between

Sir Alfred and President Kruger, it was evident from

the outset that the latter was determined to wring

further concessions from the British Government

rather than make any on his own part. After this

conference Sir Alfred urged the home government to

rigidly insist upon certain reforms, among them the

return to the five years' franchise, and his recom-

mendations were loyally supported by Mr. Chamber-

lain. Mr. Kruger mai ntai ned that the franchis e ques-tion was a local one in which Great Britain had no

right to interfere. He persi sted in ass erting the full

independence of the South African Republic as a

sovereign state and formally denied the claim of

British suzerai nty. Thus an impasse was reached, and

in October the war broke out .

As I said at the beginnin g of this chapter, I will not

attempt to tell the story of the war. Much has been

written i n En gli sh reviews, both before and during the

war, of the attitude of Germany towards both of the

belligerents . In view of the present struggle, which i s




their new al legi an ce has been splendidly shown i n the

present war. What the attitude of South Africa will

be after the war no man now knows, but it looks as if

this la st case of assi milation in to the Empire would

be permanent, because of the wisdom and broad-

mindedness shown in internal administration after

the war .



CHAPTER IX

THE STORY OF MOROCCO .

ONE can not get a comprehens ive knowledge of

the present tendencies of British Foreign Policy

without carefully considering the "Affair of Mo-

rocco." In May, 1891, Lord Salisbury sent a special

mission to the Sultan of Morocco for the purpose of

clearing up all questions which had arisen between the

British and Moorish Governments and protecting

British interests in Morocco, which were very exten-

s i v e . This mission, which was headed by Sir C .

Euan-Smith, was attended with a good deal of cere-

mony as a means of impressing a semi-Oriental

potentate. In his written instructions to Sir C. Euan-

Smith, Lord Salisbury said

"You wil l observe that it has been the cons tant ai m of Her

Majesty's Government, an d of your predecessors at Tangier,

to preserve the independence a nd territorial integrity of the

Empire of Morocco, while neglecting no favorable oppor-tunity of impressin g upon the Sultan an d his Min is ters the

importance and advantage of improving the government andadmin is tration of the country . Unfortuna tely, their efforts

in this direction have hitherto been uns uccessful, an d herein

li es the great danger of the situation, as the decease of the

present Sultan will, in a ll probabil ity, give rise to in ternal

disturbances, the is sue of which it is impossible to foresee . "



THE STORY OF MOROCCO 107

procrastination, the French Government refused to

ratify the treaty, and so the matter was dropped .

Lord Salisbury, in his last despatch to Sir C. Euan-

Smith, said

"The correspondence which has now been published will

sufficiently establi sh that there was nothing in your Mission

prejudicia l to the independence or integrity of Morocco orthreateni ng i n any way the Sulta n's prerogative or his terri-

torial rights . It was conceived and carried out in a spirit

entirely conformable to the poli cy which Her Majesty's Gov-ernment has uniformly pursued of upholding the MoorishEmpire an d dis couragin g all efforts either to dimin is h its

extent or to precipitate its fall . "

The Euan-Smith mission was Great Britain's last

serious effort to maintain the political independence

and sovereignty of the Sultan, although she continued

to be very greatly interested in the commercial develop-

ment of Morocco until 1902. The Times, in an edi-

torial on July 19, 1892, commenting upon the results

of this mission, said

"As usual, France stood out . The Power which protects

the Shereef of Wazau a nd which, with sca rcely an y disguise,

supports hi m in something li ke rivalry to the Sultan of Mo-

rocco, has yet obtained influence enough with the latter to

put a stop to negotia tions which were directed to the corn-

mon advantage of Europe . Probably this wil l be represented

tomorrow, by the Pari sian journa ls, as `a triumph of French

diplomacy.' That Spain , Austria , Engla nd an d France herselfare not to be al lowed to import corn or horses from Morocco

is `a triumph of French diplomacy!' What it real ly means i s

that, even for a great common gain to Europe, France willnot permit Great Britain to obtai n in fluence at Fez, lest, per-

chan ce, at some future time the claims of the mis tress of

Algeria to succeed to the Sultan's doni li ni ons should fin d




themselves barred . But there are some people to whom no

present advantage counts in comparison to some sentiment

o f amour pro pre, especially of a national kind, and among

these, we fear, are to be reckoned the French consular and

diplomatic agents in backward countries, almost without ex-

ception, together with a large portion of the official and

journalistic world of Paris . "

In 1901 the Moorish Government seems to have

become alarmed by the attitude of France, and ap-

pealed to Great Britain . A mission was sent to Lon-

don, but accomplished nothing much beyond Lord

Lansdowne's gaining some minor advantages for

international trade .

Fi ve years after this came the Council a t Algeciras,

where the Governments of Great Britain, France,

Germany, Italy, Austria, Belgium, Holland, Spain,

Portugal, Russia, Sweden and the United States were

represented . Before cons idering this counci l and its

consequences, it is necessary to understand France's

position in Africa and the arrangements between

France, Morocco and the various Powers which made

this council an international necessity . Up to 1881 theinterests of France in Morocco had been confined to

Algeria, which had been declared a French Colony in

1848. In 1881 France had assumed control of Tunis,

in order to prevent that country's falling into the

han ds of Italy, and she had cast longin g eyes towards

Egypt, which, since the days of Napoleon, had been

tempting her ambitions. After the French challenge

to British control of Egypt had been defeated atFashoda in 1901, M. Delcas se wrote as follows to the

French Minister at Tangier




"You should make the Sultan understand that it will depend

upon himself to find in us friends the surest, the most anxious

for the integrity of his power, the most capable of preserving

him, in case of need, from certai n dangers . Our loyalty, as

al so our interests, are guaran tees to him that we shall not

incroach upon it . "

This was in 1901 . In 1904 a rapprochement began

between France and Great Britain, as a result of ar-

rangements settling the disputes which had been ex-

isting between the two governments about the fisheries

of Newfoundland, the West African boundaries

problem and various questions concerning Siam,

Madagascar and the New Hebrides. An agreement

was also made between the two powers affecting

Egypt and Morocco . This agreement, like the one

drawn up later in the year, consisted of two parts, a

public declaration an d several secret convention s . Not

until seven years later were the people of either

England or France aware of the existence of these

secret agreements, and they would probably be still

ignorant of their existence had not an over-zealous

and rather indiscreet reporter published them in the

Paris Matin in November, 1911 .

The arrangement with England was signed early in

April, 1904, and reads, in part, as follows :

"The Government of the French Republic declares that they

have no intention of altering the political status of Morocco .

"His Britannic Majesty's Government for their part recog-

nize that it appertains to France more particularly, as a Power

whose domin ions are contermin ous for a great dis tance with

those of Morocco, to preserve order in that country and to

provide as si stan ce for the purpose of al l admin is trative,

economic, financial and military reforms which it may require.




"They declare that they w i l l not obstruct the action taken

by France for this purpose, provided that such action shall

leave intact the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of

treaties, conventions and usage enjoys in Morocco, including

the rights of the coasting trade between the ports of Morocco

enjoyed by British trading vessels since 1901 . "

The Declaration further states that both in Egypt

and Morocco the British and French governments are

"equall y attached to the principle of commercia l li b-

erty" an d that they cannot "countenan ce an i nequality

either in the imposition of customs duties or other

taxes or of railway charges; that the trade of both

nations should enjoy the same treatment in transit

through the French and British possessions in Africa,

an d that concess ions for roads, railwa ys, ports, etc . ,

should only be granted on such conditions as would

mai ntai n intact the authority of the state over these

great undertakin gs of public interest . "

Article 7 of the public Declaration states that neither

state should "permit the erection of an y fortifications

or strategic works on that portion of the coast of

Morocco comprised between, but not including, Me-

lilla and the heights which command the right bank

of the river Sebou . "

Article 8 stipulates that "Fran ce should come to an

understanding with Spai n, bearin g in mi nd the latter's

interest derived from her geographical position and her

territorial possessions on the Moorish cost of theMediterranean. "

Article 9 provides that both governments should"afford to one another their diplomatic support in




order to obtain the execution of the clauses of the

present Declaration ." The commercial provisions of

the Declaration were to remain in force for a period

of thirty years .

Article 7 was evidently insisted upon by England

for the purpose of not allowing a great power like

France to control the approaches to the Straits of

Gibraltar a nd her direct route to India . Besides the

articles above quoted, which were duly made known to

the publi c of both na tion s who were parties thereto,

as well as to the government of Spain, there were

several articles which, as I have said above, were kept

secret until their publication in the Paris Matin i n

November, 1911.

Article 1 of these secret documents foresees the

possibility of either government finding itself con-

strained by force of circumstan ce to modify this policy

in respect to Egypt or Morocco. Article 3 presages

the possibil ity of a French Protectorate over Morocco

and imposes upon such a Protectorate a permanent

Spanish control of the North Atlantic and Mediter-

ranean coasts of Morocco. It sa ys

"The two governments agree that a certai n extent of Moor-

ish territory adjacent to Meli lla, Ceuta and other presides

should, whenever the Sulta n ceases to exercise authority over

it, come within the sphere of influence of Spain, an d that the

admini stration of the coast from Meli ll a as far as, but not

includin g the heights on the right ban k of the Sebou, shall be

entrusted to Spain .

"Nevertheless, Spain would previously have to give herformal as sent to the provis ions of Articles 4 an d 7 of the




Decla ration of today's date (April 8, 1911), an d undertake to

carry them out .

"She would also have to undertake not to al ienate the

whole, or a part, of the territories placed under her authority

or in her sphere of influence . "

The public declaration of the agreement between

France and Spain is very short and declares on the

part of France that she remains "firmly attached to theintegrity of the Moorish Empire under the authority

of the Sultan," while Spain declares her adherence

to the Anglo-French Declaration of April 8th. This

agreement between the two countries was entered into

on October 3rd ; on October 6th M. Cambon wrote to

Lord Lansdowne"Dear Lord Lansdowne

"I am instructed to communicate to you the arrangementswhich have just been concluded between France and Spai n

on the subject of Morocco . They were signed on the 3rdinst., by our Minister of Foreign Affai rs and the SpanishAmbassador at Paris ; they cons is t of a general declaration,

which wil l be made publi c, an d of a convention, which is to

be kept secret . M. Delcass e, in i ns tructing me to forward

to you the text of this agreement, in accordance with Article 8

of our Decla ration of April 8, 1904, pointed out to me theconfidentia l character of this communi cation an d in structed

me to request you to be good enough to keep the Convention

entirely secret .

"I have, etc . ,

" PAUL CAMBON"

To this Lord Lansdowne promptly replied

"Dear M. Cambon"I have had the pleasure of receivi ng your letter of today's

date, covering the two documents which you had been in-strurte& to communicate to me in accordan ce with Article 8




of the `Declaration respecting Egypt and Morocco,' of April

8th last .

"I need not say that the confidentia l character of the Con-

vention entered in to by the President of the French Republi c

and the King of Spain in regard to French and Spanish

in terests in Morocco is fully recogni zed by us an d wil l be

duly respected . The shorter paper, or ̀ Declaration,' madeby the two governments i s, I understan d, publi c property .

"With best thanks, I am, etc . ,

"LANSDO W NE."

It is readily seen from the reading of the two public

Declarations that the integrity and political entity of

the Empire of Morocco is guaranteed, but Article 3

of the private agreement between England and France

certainly presages the termination of that integrity .

Now let us examine the secret convention between

France and Spain as published in the Matin .

Article 2 describes the sphere of influence which

falls to Spain by virtue of her possessions on the

Moorish coast of the Mediterranean where she shall

possess the same right of action as France has acquired

by the Anglo-French understanding in the remainder

of the country to preserve order in and provide assist-

ance for all administrative, economic, financial and

military reforms which it may require .

Article 3 says : In case the continuance o f the poli-

tical status of Morocco and the Shereefian Government

should become impossible, or if, owing to the weak-

ness of that Government and to its continued inability

to uphold law and order or to any other cause, the

existence of which is acknowledged by both parties,

the status quo can be no longer maintained. Spain




may freely exercise her right of action in the territory

defin ed in the preceding article, which henceforward

constitutes her sphere of influence . '

In Article 4 the Spani sh s phere in Atla ntic Morocco

is carefully defined and Spai n agrees not to exercis e

her right of action for fifteen years without the con-

sent of France, statin g that if she shall "be obliged to

take mil itary action the other party shal l be at once

informed. In no case shall the ass is tance of a foreign

power be invoked. "

Article 10 declares that -all schemes for the develop-

ment of public works, mines, rai lways, etc ., and "eco-

nomic undertakings in general" in the respective

French and Spanish spheres (which comprise the

whole of Morocco) "shall be executed" by French

and Spanish enterprise.

To both of these agreements England was a party

and with both of them was apparently in active sym-

pathy, although we have seen how persistently shehad, under Lord Salisbury and even as late as 1901,

insisted upon the independence and integrity of Mo-

rocco. We have seen how in 1901 the Sultan, alarmed

by the aggressions of France, had sent a mission to

London to appeal to the British Government. Let us

now for the moment go back to the general situation

in Morocco at the time that Lord Salisbury sent his

ill-fated mission to the Sultan under Sir C. Euan-

Smith .

The governments to which Lord Salisbury's pro-

'Italics are the author's .




London Times, in its issue for July 19, 1892, said :

"The actual dealings between the British Minister and the

Sultan, who, by the law and practice of Morocco, takes per-

sonal cogni zance of every detai l of publi c diplomatic busi -

ness, are believed to have been amicable, as are those between

the Mis sion a nd most of the other European representatives,

Germany, in particular, which negotiated the la st commercial

treaty in 1890, has supported British diplomacy, and Spain and

Italy are stated to have done the same .

"The support of nearly a ll the Powers wa s accorded very

freely to the Britis h Envoy, and it i s beli eved that Count

Tattenbach, the German Minister, has been especially promi-

nent in supporting the British attitude to obtain rights which

would benefit all European na tions . "

It is interesting to note that the support given by

Count Tattenbach to the British efforts aroused con-

siderable opposition in Germany from the jingoes and

the Pan-German press, a nd i t is quite equal ly i nterest-

ing and important to remember that the Count's actions

received the unqualified support of the Imperial Chan-

cellor and the entire German government. In France

this German action was looked upon in the nature of

an affront. From this outline of conditions in Mo-

rocco previous to 1904, the year in which France made

her first special arrangements with England and Spain

respectively, it will be seen that Germany had suffi-

cient commercial interest in Morocco to make the

preservation of the integrity of the Moorish Empire

of great importance to her. According to every prece-

dent recognized by diplomatic and international cus-

tom, the text of the two special declarations of 1904

should have been submitted to the German Ambassador




in Paris . That they were not so submitted is a well

known fact, and the German government only learned

of the Anglo-French declaration a fter its wording had

been made public in England and France. On April

12, 1904, four days after the signature of the declara-

tion, Count von Bulow, the German Chancellor, stated

in the Reichstag that he had no reason to believe that

the Anglo-French agreement was directed against Ger-

man y but that he had received no officia l notification

of its existence . Speaking of Morocco he said

"We are interested in that country, as, moreover, in the

rest of the Mediterranean, principally from the economic

standpoint . Our interests therein are, before all, commercial

i n t e r e s t s ; also we are specially interested that calm and order

should prevail i n Morocco . We must protect our commercial

interests in Morocco, and we shall protect them . We haveno reason to fear that they w i l l be set aside or infringed upon

by any power . "

Apparently there was no cause for any an xiety about

Morocco in any of the chancellories of Europe. OnMarch 30, 1905, the German Emperor, who was cruis-

in g in the Mediterranean , called at Gibraltar and dined

with Sir George White. The next day he proceededto Morocco and anchored off Tangier and spent a few

hours there where he received the diplomatic corps

and held a conversation with representatives of the

Sultan who had been sent to meet him. The short

speech which the Emperor made to the German resi-

dents in Tangier was reported throughout Europeand caused great excitement as it was regarded as a

challenge-and against what? The public only knew of

the published declarations between France and Eng-



118 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE .

land and France and Spain . The entire English press

in particular was up in arms. German commercialinterests in Morocco, which had been developing stead-

ily since 1873, were belittled, and the Emperor's visit

was regarded as a piece of insolent effrontery and an

attempt to drive a wedge between England and France .

Is it not reasonable to suppose that the German For-eign Office, through their well-developed secret ser-

vice, had gotten some inkling of the secret addenda to

the public declarations and that it was with this knowl-

edge in mind that the Emperor determined to visit

Morocco and on the spot declare his intention to guard

the independence of the sultan, and by this means to

maintain the open door in Morocco? When Europe dis-

covered that Germany proposed another conference of

the powers over the Moroccan question the English

and French papers, especially the English, violently

opposed the idea. TheTimes on May 2, 1902, said

"The internationa l conference, which it is suggested should

be proposed by the Sultan of Morocco and which Count vonTattenbach sa ys will be supported by German y, will probably

never take pla ce. Its object could only be to revise or stultify

the agreement recentl y concl uded by France an d to give Ger-

man y a voice i n matters with which she has nothing to do . "

Again on June 5th of the same year the Times said

"Cons equently it may be an nounced with confi dence that the

Moroccan proposal for a European conference wil l be enter-

tained by only one of the great powers-namely Germany . Onall sides it is recogni zed that German y must have foreseen that

an invitation coming from Morocco would meet with no re-sponse, and this confirms the general opin ion as to Germany's

whole Moroccan policy being a mere bli nd for something else . "



THE STORY OF MOROCCO 1 1 9

In France the general trend of public opinion s eemed

to be growing in favor of the proposed conference,

whil e the opposition in the Britis h press became more

bitter. The Foreign Office went so far as to inform

the Sultan that Great Britain would not attend aconference. In spite of this, the conference met at

Algeciras in April, 1906, at which conference eleven

European nations in cluding Great Britai n were repre-

sented as well as the United States of America. At

this conference an act was drawn up which was sup-

posed to settle the Mooris h question for five years .

The Sultan of Morocco ratified the act on June 18,

1906. The act begins, "In the name of God Almighty"

and states that it is "bas ed upon the threefold prin-

ciple of the sovereignty and independence of His

Majesty the Sultan , the in tegrity of his domin ions an d

economic l iberty without an y in equali ty . "

The reforms, which the signatory powers declared

to be necess ary for the preservation of the three prin -

ciples upon which the act was based, covered the or-

ganization of the police ; the illicit trade in arms which

had been going on for some years; the establishmentof a "Moorish State Bank" ; the proper regulation of

taxes so as to provide new sources of revenue; theregulation of customs and suppression of smuggling,and public offices a nd public works . How these re-

forms were to be carried out is very carefull y defined

in various articles of the Act, the concluding article

of which (No. 123) reads as follows :

"All existing treaties, conventions and arrangements be-

tween the signatory Powers and Morocco remain in force. It




is, however, agreed that in case their provisions be found

to conflict with those of the present general Act, the stipula-

tions of the latter will prevail . "

Such then became the general law of Europe regard-

ing Morocco for a period of five years from its ratifi-

cation by the Sultan, on June 18, 1906. The la st

article quoted above expressly states that while al l

previous conventions a nd agreements, such as those en-

tered into by England, France and Spain i n 1904, re-

mai n in force, should the provis ion s of such previous

agreements be found to confl ict with the provisions of

the Act of Algeciras "the stipulations of the latter

shall prevail ." Now let us see, briefly, how the pro-

vis ions of the Act of Algeciras were carried out . On

March 27, 1907, a Frenchman was murdered at Mala-kest in Southern Morocco. France at once invaded

Morocco to avenge this murder, and took possession

of Udja. The Sultan protested against the Frenchgovernment's retaining possession, and the French

promised to evacuate but continued in possession .

About this time a Franco-Spanish syndicate obtained

from the Moorish government a concession to build

a railroad from Casablanca, a trading town on the

Atla ntic coast . The survey for this rai lroad ran di-

rectly through a Moorish cemetery to the east of Cas a-

bla nca . While attempting to carry the line through

this cemetery, which the Moors regarded as sacred

ground, a fracas occurred in which several employes

of the railroad were killed. The French i n retal i ation

bombarded Casablanca and overran the territory backof the town known as the Shawiya District and occu-




pied both Casablanca and Rabat, another important

coast town on the Atla ntic north of Casa blanca . Hav-

ing successfully invaded and occupied a portion of

the country, whose i ntegrity it had so s olemnl y guar-

anteed, France levied an indemnity upon Morocco for

$12,000,000 for the expenses which she had incurred

in taking possession of this portion of the country, far

from her own Algerian border. She also presented a

.bill for the losses suffered by European and Moorish

merchants because of the bombardment of Casablanca.

These indemnities, piled on top of loans which the

Sultan Abdulaziz had made from France, so increased

the taxa tion of the Moors that an uprising of the peo-

ple drove Abdulaziz from the throne, and on January

4, 1908, his brother Mula i-Hafid was proclaimed Sultan

at Fez . Civil war at once ensued and lasted until

August, 1908, when Abdulaziz was fin ally defeated by

his brother. About the same time Spain, in pursuance

of her secret arrangement with France of 1904,

started a little campaign of her own in the Melilla

district an d deman ded an i ndemni ty of $1,200,00 0 . In

order to meet these indemnities, the distracted andbankrupt government negotiated a new loan by merg-

in g all of her li abil ities to Spai n i nto one loan of

$2,020 ,000. This loan was secured by a mortgage upon

various Moorish revenues, including the remaining

40 per cent of the customs, so that Morocco's i ndebt-

edness to Europe in 1910 had increased to $31,600,000 .

With almost all of his revenues mortgaged to Europe,

and no money at hand to meet the current expenses of

the Government, the Sultan had no other resource




except to wring tribute from the tribes, and the cruel-

ties to which he was driven resulted in the unhappy

country's being reduced to a s tate of chaos .. France

was his l argest creditor a nd to her he was forced to

appeal . This was the opportunity for which the

French government had been waiting. A French army

under General Moin ier entered Morocco in April , 1910,

meeting l ittle opposition . En route to the capital he

took possession of Mequinez and other places and

final ly settled down in Fez . At this Spain became

alarmed lest she should be deprived of that portion

of the country allotted to her by the secret agreement

of October, 1904, so she proceeded to take poss ess ion

of Larash on the North Atlantic coast of Morocco,

El Kas r in the interior, and Ifni on the South Atlantic

coast, and sent 20,000 troops to the Riff dis trict on

the Mediterranean coast. Thus we see the partition

of Morocco which had been secretly determined uponbetween France and Spain, with the concurrence of

Engla nd, in the two declarations of 1904, actually car-

ried out in spite of the stipula tions of the conference

at Algeciras . The French occupation of Fez was offi-

cia lly endorsed in the British Parli ament by Sir Ed-

ward Grey, who was attempting to carry out the poli-

cies inaugurated in 1904 by his predecessor, Lord Lans-

downe. A graphic description of the chaos reigning

in the Mooris h capital , the sufferin g and privations of

the foreign residents a nd the perils to which they were

exposed aroused public opin ion i n Great Britai n to an

enthusi astic support of the French action . The real

situation in Fez just before the French occupation has




been so graphically described by M . Francis de Pres-

sense, one of the ablest and best informed of French

publicists that I copy his description in full :

"Nevertheless, matters were still not sufficiently to the liking

of the impress arii . To justify the fin an cia l operation which

was to crown the sordid tragic-comedy, something else was

stil l needed . At this point the Comite du Maroc and its

organs surpassed themselves . They organized a campaign ofsystematic untruth . Masters of almost the entire press, they

swamped the country with false news . Fez was represented

as threatened by siege or sa ck . A whole European Frenchcolony was suddenly dis covered there, living in an guis h . Theultimate fate of the women a nd children wa s described in the

most moving terms. Even in the absence of independent

in formation, one could n ot fail to be struck by the si ngula r

contradictions of these a la rmis t despatches . Now Fez waslost, because the Mehal la h, commanded by a French instructor,

was away. Anon the return of the sa id Mehall ah was calcu-la ted to lose Fez . One day the al armed publi c learned that

the town had undergone a formidable as sa ult . The next day

the public was gravely told that the rebels had not yetassembled, but would soon surround Fez with a circle of

iron and flame. The most lamentable details were given

of the state of the expedition ary Mehal lah, which only pos-

sessed an in si gni ficant quantity of cartridges an d shells, but

this did not prevent the subsequent announcement that, than ks

to the heroism of its l eader, it had achieved a great victory

an d scattered the enemy with a hai ls torm of shot and shell .

Fina lly it was affirmed that, in the case of siege, the city was

only provisioned for two or three weeks . Thus carefullycooked, public opinion s oon took fire . What was the gov-ernment thinking of? At al l cost the Europeans , the Sultan,

Fez itself, must be saved! As ever from the beginning ofthis enterprise, the government knew nothing, wil led nothing of

i t s e l f. With a s alutary dread of complications it would have

preferred not to move, perhaps, even, had it dared, to with-




draw from the hornet's n est . But the greater fears it experi-

enced from another quarter prevailed ; those inculcated by

the so-called patriotic shoutings, the concerted clamours ofthe orchestra of which the Comite' du Maroc holds the baton,

and whose chief performers are to be found i n Le Temps andLe Matin . The order to advance was given .

"Already, whil e the expedition was on i ts way, li ght began

to pierce . Those redoubtable rebels, who were threatening

Fez, had disappeared li ke the dew in the morni ng . Barely did

a few ragged horsemen fire off a s hot or two before turni ng

around and riding away at a furious gallop . A too dis-ingenuous or too truthful correspondent gave the show away .

The expeditiona ry force compla ins, he gravely reports, of the

absence of the enemy ; the approaching harvest season is keep-

ing all the healthy males in the fields! Thus did the phantomso dextrously conjured by the Comite' du Maroc, for the

benefit of its aims, disappear in the night .

"Avowals an d dis closures then began in right earnest . Oneof the correspondents, who had contributed his share to the

concert of lying news, wrote with an admirable sa ng-froid

that, in truth, there had been some exaggeration ; that, in point

of fact, at no moment had the safety of Fez and its i nhabi-

tants been seriousl y mena ced ; that the idea of a regular siege

and sudden capture had been alike chimerical ; an d that,

moreover, so far as the provisioni ng of the place was con-

cerned, he could re-as sure the most timorous that there was

sufficient corn in the city to feed the whole population, plus

the expeditionary column, for more than a year! The farce

was pla yed . After Cas abl an ca F ez, Fran ce, without real izi ng

it, without wishin g it, al most without knowing it, had taken

a decisive step . An in definite occupation of the capital was a

natural prelude to a Protectorate . For clever men, who hadinvented an d executed the scena rio, there now only remai ned

the tas k of reapi ng the fruits of their efforts . The era ofconcess ions, profits, dividends was about to open. Prematurejoyfulness! It was the era of difficulties which was at han d . "




This was the awful situation which the French gov-

ernment had sent an expedition to remedy and which

Sir Edward Grey so heartily approved of in Parlia-

ment,-but what was Germany, equally with England,

Fran ce an d Spai n a s igna tory to the Act of Algeciras ,

which so carefull y an d solemnl y guara nteed the i nteg-

rity and independence of Morocco, doing all this while?

To understan d the situation clearly it must be remem-

bered that ever since the Madrid Conference in 1880,

when Morocco became "an international question,"

Germany had steadily maintained, before the Reichs-

tag an d in al l diplomatic correspondence with the va-

rious chancellories, that her interests i n Morocco were

purely a nd solely commercial, and that to protect these

interests an d secure an equal opportuni ty of trade for

d l l na tions ali ke, in other words, "the open door," it

was necessary that the independence and integrity of

the Shereefian Empire be maintained. That her com-

mercial interests in Morocco were large and her in-

sistence upon their protection just, was recognized in

the French Chamber. This was shown when M . Des-

chanel, president of the French Parliamentary Com-

mittee on F oreign Affairs, in the course of his explan-

ation to the Chamber of Franco-German Convention

of November, 1911, said

"Could we affect to ignore the interest of Germany in

Morocco for half a century, the travels of her explorers, the

activity of her colonists, her agricultural and mineral enter-

prises, her steamship lines, her postoffices, and especially that

movement of ideas which gravitated towards the Shereefia n

Empire, not in Pan-German circles and coloni al committees

alone, but in intellectual circles among the elite, which, t o




the honor an d power of that n ation, where all co-operate for

the same ends, prepares the work of the diplomatists andsoldiers. "

But let us return to the question as to what Germany

was doing before and during the French occupation

of Fez. That she was perfectly aware of the conse-

quences of such an occupation no one can doubt, nor

can one doubt her recognition of the fact, that, after

such an occupation, to expect France to retreat would

be an act of humiliation to which no proud nation

would voluntarily submit .

On July 1, 1911, a despatch was sent by the Ger-

man government to her ambassadors in the various

capitals of Europe which read, in part, as follows

"Some German firms, establ ished in the south of Morocco,

notably at Agadir an d in that vici ni ty, have been a la rmed by

a certain ferment among the local tribes, due, it seems, to the

recent occurrences in other parts of the country . These firms

have appli ed to the Imperia l Government for protection for

their lives and property . At their request the Imperia l Gov-

ernment has decided to send a warship to the port of Agadir

to lend help and as si stan ce in case of need to its subjects

an d proteges, a s well as to the cons iderable German i nterests

in the territory in question . As soon as the state of affairs

in Morocco has resumed its former quiet aspect, the ship,

charged with this protective mis si on, sha ll leave the port

of Agadir.

"Please convey this information, verbal ly, to the government

to which you are accredited, if possible on Saturday at noon,

leaving the text as an aide-memoire .

(Signed) "Kiderlen . "

On July 3rd the German gunboat "Panther," of

moderate tonnage, carrying only one hundred and

twenty-five men, anchored off Agadir .




The news of its a rrival was received in Paris with

great calmness. The French Foreign Minister, M .

de Selves, regarded it as an incident of so li ttle im-

portan ce that he went to Holl and with President Fal-

lieres a nd remained there until July 7th . In England,

on the contrary, the excitement was great, although

the Britis h Empire was onl y in directly in terested . Sir

Edward Grey sent for the German Ambassador and

cal led a meeting of the Cabin et . This was on July 3rd,

the day the "Panther" arrived . On July 4th he again

sent for the German Ambassador and told him 'that

the British government could not recognize any ar-

rangement which might be made as a result of the new

si tuation which had a risen . Mr. Asquith, the PrimeMin ister, told the House of Commons on July 6th, that

"His Majesty's government considered that a new

si tuation had aris en in Morocco in which it is poss ible

that future developments may affect Britis h i nterests

more directly than has been the case. " The Times

took up the question, attacking the German govern-

ment and the German Emperor with great violence,

denying that Germany had any rights in question, and

a c c u s i n g t h e G e r m a n g o v e r n m e n t o f i n s o l e n t l y a t t e m p t - g

ing to interfere in matters with which she had no

concern.

In France, where the public were most directly in-

terested, the tone of the press was distinctly mild . The

government recogni zed that German y had a very strong

case indeed and that if France were to be al lowed to

occupy Morocco without any friction some compensa-

tion must be offered to Germany because of her very




manner described in the preceding chapter, whichresulted in the partition of Morocco and the f i n a l

agreement with France as to Egypt . All this time

France had been in close alliance with Russia, and

Russia had been steadily encroaching upon the ter-

ritory of Persia, and thus getting nearer to India.

In order to reach a perfect understandin g with France

it became necess ary to arrive at some sort of under-

standing with Russ ia, and this led to the formation of

the Triple Entente which was planned by King Edward

VII and Delcasse, the French Minister of Foreign

Affairs, to check the Triple Alliance between Germany,

Austria-Hungary and Italy, and thus preserve that

sacred idol of secret diplomacy, the "Bal ance of Power

in Europe. "

When Sir Edward Grey succeeded Lord Lansdowne,

under the ministry of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman

in 1906, he, although member of a Liberal cabinet,proceeded to carry out the dis tin ctly Tory policy of

his predecess or .

This naturally led to the convention between Eng-

land and Russia as to Persia, which was signed onAugust 31, 1907. The preamble to this convention

and those parts of it which most vitally affect the inde-

pendence of Persia read as follows

"His Majesty, the King of the United Kingdom of Great

Britain a nd Ireland and the British Dominions beyond the

Seas, Emperor of India , an d His Majesty, the Emperor of

All the Russ ia s, a ni mated by the sincere desire to decide by

mutual agreement different questions concerning the interests

of their states on the Continent of Asia, have determined to

conclude agreements destined to prevent all cause of misun-




section of the Russi an and Afghan frontiers, and not to

oppose d i r e c t l y , or indirectly, demands for similar conces-

s ions i n thi s region which are supported by the Russian

Government. It is understood that the above mentioned placesare included in the region i n which Great Britai n engages not

to seek the concessions referred to .

I I

"Russ ia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself, an d

not to support in fa vor of Russ ian s ubjects, or in favor of

subjects of third Powers, any concessions of a political or

commercial na ture-such as concessi ons for railways, banks,

telegraphs, roads, transports, in surances, etc.-beyond a line

going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjasid,Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose,

directly or indirectly, demands for simila r concessions in this

region which are supported by the British Government . I t i s

understood that the above mentioned places are included i n

the region in which Russia engages not to seek the concess ions

referred to .

III

"Russ ia, on her part, engages n ot to oppose, without pre-

vious a rrangement with Great Britai n, the grant of an y con-

cessions whatever to British subjects i n the regions of Persi a

si tuated between the li nes mentioned in Articles I and II .

Great Britai n undertakes a si mil ar engagement as regards the

gran t of concessi ons to Russi an subjects in the same region s

of Persia .

"All concessions existing at present in the regions indicated

in Articles I and II are main tained .

IV"It is understood that the revenues of all the Persi an cus-

toms, with the exception of those of the Persi an Gulf andof Farsis tan, revenues guaranteeing the amortization an d the

interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the

Shah with the 'Ban que d'Escompte et des Prets de Perse' up



THE AGREEMENT WITH RUSSIA 135

was not to allow one another to intervene on the pretext of

safeguarding their interest . The two Powers hope that in

future Persi a will be forever delivered from the fear of for-

eign intervention and will then be perfectly free to manage

her own affairs i n her own way, whereby advantage wil l

accrue to herself an d to the whole world . "

It is interestin g to note that until December, 1911,

no mention of this above "explanation" appeared in

the Britis h Blue Book .

Rumors of this communication from Sir Cecil

Spring-Rice to the Persian Government having gained

ground in Engla nd, the Secretary of State for Foreign

Affairs was questioned in the House of Commons

upon this subject, and acknowledged that this com-

munication or expla nation of the convention had been

made to the Persian Government by the British

Min i ster on the date above mentioned .

Now, let us briefly cons ider how the two "friendly"

powers lived up to their agreement to guarantee and

protect"the integrity and independence of Persi a ." Dur-

ing the five years previous to the signing of the Russo-

Britis h convention there had grown up in Persi a a n a-

tiona l is ts party led by young, able a nd patriotic men

who had traveled and studied in Europe and had be-

come inoculated with the modern spirit of democracy.

This party had attempted to establi sh a constitutional

government in Persia, but every effort towards real re-

form which they made was opposed by the reigning

Shah, Mohammed Ali, who was little more than atool of Russi a . In spite of this opposition a constitu-

tion had been established which the Shah solemnly

swore to accept .




In December, 1907, the year of the convention,

the Shah determined to destroy the Medjlis, and for

this purpose gathered together an army composed of

from twelve to eighteen hundred Persians, com-

manded by Russian officers, who had been loaned bythe Russ ian Government for this purpose but were paid

out of the Persian Treasury, an d a l arge body of his

own servitors, i ncreased by al l of the discontents i n

the capital . On December 15th the Prime Minister

and his cabinet, who had just resigned, were sum-

moned by the Shah to his palace and there forcibly

detained . During their detention the Shah's forces

stirred up a riot in Teheran, which was successfully

put down by the Medjlis, and by December 20th orderwas restored and a new cabinet, proposed by the

Shah, was accepted by the Medjlis.

By the end of May, 1908, both the Royalist and

Nation al is t parties had formulated their policies a nd

had come to a mutual agreement. The Shah, on June1st, dismi ssed certai n of his courtiers i n a ccordan ce

with the demands of the Nationa lists, an d one of these,

Ami Bahadur Jang, the one most hated by the Persian

people, found an asylum in the Russian Ministry,

and Mr. Marling, the British Charge d'Affaires, called

upon the Persian Minister of Foreign Affairs andthreatened that unless the Persi an Government agreed

to the demands of the Shah, Russia would forciblyintervene. This was in less than five months after

Sir Cecil Spring-Rice had issued his formal com-

munication statin g that neither Great Britai n n or Rus-

sia would ever interfere in the local affairs of the




Persian Government. This threat of the two lega-

tions led to an attack on the Parli ament Building on

June 23rd, when one thousand Cossacks, under the

leadership of Colonel Liakhoff, a Russian officer,

opened fire upon the Medjlis and killed a number

of National is ts . The defenders of the Medjlis kept

up a resis tance for seven or eight hours, in spite of

the odds against them, and did not give up until

the buildings were badly damaged by shell and shrap-

nel and most of the inmates either killed or cap-

tured . For several days after the destruction of the

Medjlis, Colonel Liakhoff an d his Cossacks bombarded

a nd looted the houses of al l who were especia l ly dis-

liked by the Shah . Valuable records belonging to the

Medjlis were destroyed in this bombardment, and

Colonel Liakhoff became an actual dictator in

Teheran. The Russian zone in Persia, as defined by

the convention of 1907, contai ned Teheran, the capital,

Tabriz, the second la rgest city, an d most of the impor-

tant centers of population . During the bombardment

in Teheran a minor revolution a gainst the Shah broke

out at Tabriz, which was put down by a second inter-

vention of Russian troops on the ground that their

presence was neces sary to protect the li ves and prop-

erty of foreigners, although both in Teheran and at

Tabriz, a ll of the depredation aga in st foreigners had

been committed by Royali st s oldiers a nd foll owers, a s

the Nationalists were scrupulous to protect foreign

lives an d properties . Ample proof of this fact hasbeen given by Europeans who were residing in both

cities at the time. The hopes of the Persian people




to establi sh a constitutiona l government of their own

seemed doomed to defeat, owing to the active inter-ference of Russia .

In October of this same year, 1908, the tide in favor

of the Nationalists began to turn, and by October

12th they succeeded in getting undisputed control of

T'abriz, but the inhabitants of the city were in almost

desperate straits . Many were dying from starvation,

and the city was surrounded by the forces of theShah .

Throughout the winter conditions went from bad

to worse, and on April 21st, 1909, an attempt was made

to break through the enemy's lines to secure food.

This sortie was led by an Englishman named W. A .

Moore, who had gone to Persia to represent several

English newspapers and who had joined the

Nationalist forces, and an American, Mr. H. C. Bas -

kerville, who was a teacher in the school of the Ameri-

can Presbyterian Mission at Tabriz. In this sallyMr. Baskervil le was killed, and on April 29th a Rus-

si an force, composed of three battal ion s of in fan try,

two of artil lery and a company of sappers, entered the

city . At this time the Russian Government gave

solemn a ss uran ces that just as soon a s order was re-

stored these four thousand troops would be with-

drawn, but down to June, 1912, the order for theirwithdrawal had not been issued. On April 22nd theBritish and Russian Legations sent a note to the

Shah demanding that he restore order and accept the

constitution, and as a result of this note he, the

Shah, on May 10th agai n solemnly swore that he would




abide by the constitution, but by this time the

Nationa li st leaders, as well as the Persian people, had

lost all faith in his promises .

A guerilla warfare between the forces of the two

parties was kept up, with varying results, until the

month of July, when Russia warned the Nationaliststhat any further attempts on their part to enter

Teheran would' be followed by active intervention.

On July 10th a battle was fought between Cossack

troops and Nationalist forces at Badamak, fifteen

mil es from Teheran , but without any decis ive results,

although skirmishing continued for two days. OnJuly 13th the Nationa lis t forces s ucceeded in s lipping

through the Cossack and Royalist lines and entered

Teheran .

They were received by the inhabitants of the city

with greatest joy, an d by the 15th received full pos-

sess ion of the capital . On the next day the Shah,

with a l arge party of his soldiers an d attendants, left

the city at 8 :30 o'clock in the morning an d took refuge

in the Russian Legation, seven miles outside of the

city . By this act he virtual ly abdicated his throne .

As soon as he reached the legation both the Russian

an d British fla gs were hoisted, showing the una ni mity

between the two powers i n upholding the Shah agai nst

the-Persian people .

On that same evening a mass meeting was held in

the grounds of the Medjli s pal ace, in which the Shah

was formally deposed and his son, Ahmad Mirza, a

boy twelve years old, was proclaimed his successor,




Rice an d is sued posi tive orders n ot to oppose Russ ia .

The Persian Government, in December, 1909, attempt-

ed to obtain from the governments of Great Britain

and Russia a loan of $2,500,000, but the conditions

upon which they could secure this amount of money

were so dangerous to the independence of Persia that

the Medjli s did not dare to accept them . In the fol-

lowing year the Persian Government entered into

negotiations with a private banking house in London,

and the terms of the loan had been mutually agreed

upon, to the satisfaction of both parties, when the

British Government, acting upon protestation from

Russia, prevented the Medjlis from pledging the

Persian crown jewels as security, so these negotia-tions were brought to an end . While the above men-

tioned negotiations were going on, Russia was de-

mandin g val uable concessi ons from Persi a as the price

of withdrawing her troops from Tabriz and vicinity,

although the country was absolutely at peace, and

there was no poss ible excuse for the presence of the

Cossacks. In all of these demands Russia had the

open sympathy of the British Government. Having

fail ed in a ll the attempts to float a l oan in England or

Russia, the Medjli s decided to try the experiment of

securing an administrator from the United States, as

they felt that an official who was free from any Euro-

pean i nfluence might be able to re-organize the fina ncial

condition of their distracted country . On December25, 1910, the Persian Mi nister of Foreign Affai rs sent

instructions to the Persian representative in Wash-




ington to take the necessary steps to secure such an

admin i strator as might be needed .

Mr. Knox wa s then the America n Secretary of State,and, upon his recommendation, Mr. W. Morgan Shus-

ter was offered a contract to act for three years as

Treasurer-General of the Persian Empire in order to

organ ize and coll ect the revenues of Persi a and super-

intend their disbursements . Four American assistants

to the Treasurer-General were also engaged. Shortly

after his return to this country Mr. Shuster published

a graphic account of his experiences in this responsible

position, which he very aptly describes i n his title as

The Strangling o f Persia . He arrived in Teheran

on May 12, 1911, and at once entered upon his dif-

ficult duties . From the very first he was made to feel

the subtle opposi tion of Russi a and the apathy of Eng-

land to his efforts at reform, but equally, at the outset

of his work, he won the support and active sympathy

and co-operation of the Medjlis and Persian people.

Shortly before Mr. Shuster's arrival , the Persian Gov-

ernment had secured from the Imperial Bank of

Persia, a British corporation, the loa n of $6,250,00 0 .

On May 30th, a l ittle over a fortnight after his arrival,

Mr. Shuster submitted to the cabin et the project of alaw pla cin g i n the han ds of the Treas urer-General the

control of the refunding operations and expenditures

resulting from this loan, which project was at once

approved by the Cabinet, passed by the Medjlis and

enacted into law. The passing of this law was in

direct opposition to the Russian influence and was

regarded by the Medjli s as a victory for their govern-




ment . On June 13th the Medjlis passed another law

establi shing a central organ ization, which was to be

known as the office of the Treasurer-General of Persi a .

This office was to be held responsible for the coll ec-

tion and disbursement of all revenues and govern-

ment receipts, from whatever source they might be

derived, and was to make and authorize all payments,

for whatever purpose, in behalf of the Government

of Persia . Previous to the ena ctment of this law col-

lections had been made by officials of so many gov-

ernment departments that it was practically impossible

for the government to know the amount of the public

revenues, from what sources they came and where they

went. During the eight months, in which Mr. Shus-ter wa s a llowed to rema in i n Persi a, under the opera-

tion of this law, taxes were collected, all regular and

extraordinary expenses were met, all foreign obli ga-

tions an d the sa la ries of the different min is tries an d

of the foreign representatives of the government, were

pai d for the first time in years, an d an accurate ac-

count of every receipt and expenditure was kept. I t

was to have been supposed that the enactment of such

a la w, protectin g an d guaran teeing the rights a nd i n-

terests of foreign creditors, would have won the en-

thusiastic support of the foreign powers, but such, alas !

was not the case. On the very day on which the law

was passed, the Russian Minister announced that the

Belgian Customs employees, who had been installedbefore the advent of Mr. Shuster, should not be underthe control or supervis ion of the American Treas urer-




Persian Government a verbal ultimatum demanding

among other things, a n apology for the "in sult" which

he alleged had been offered to Russian Consular Of-

f i c i a l s . An immediate answer of "Yes" or "No" was

demanded to this ultimatum. The Persian Cabinet

sent for Mr. Shuster, who advised that the demands

of Russia were without either law or justice and should

b° refused. This was on November 3rd, the same day

,as the in cident about Prince Alau'd Dawla above re-

ported . On November 6th the Persian Government

made a dignified but firm reply to the Russian ulti-

matum and offered to submit the matters therein to

arbitration . It is needless to say that the Russian

Government was greatly surprised by the firmness of

Persia 's reply . In the meantime some friction had

arisen because Mr. Shuster had employed a British

subject named Lecoffre, who had for several years

been a resident of Teheran, to go to Tabriz to in-vestigate the mis appropria tion of taxes in that city .

Russia had objected to this employment of Mr. Le-

coffre, and Sir Edward Grey had wired to Sir George

'Barclay that the sending of Mr. Lecoffre to Tabriz

would cause a protest from Russ ia which might result

in her seizin g the northern provin ces .

The Persian Government, on November 11th, hav-

'ing become alarmed at the Russian preparations forseizi ng Northern "Persi a, appeal ed to the Britis h Gov-

erntnent as to what course they should pursue. Sir

Edward Grey immediately wired his advice for Persia

to accept the Russ ian ultimatum an d apologize.

Acting upon Sir Edward Grey's advice and realizing




the hopelessness of the situation, the Persia n Minis ter

of Foreign Affairs, on November 24th, drove to the

Russian Legation and made the desired apology. This

was the last thing that Russia really wanted, as she

had been counting upon a pretext for invading North-

ern Persia .

Persia only yielded because Sir Edward Grey had

assured the Persian Government, through the British

Legation, that Russia would at once withdraw her

troops if an apology was made .

One can imagine the Persian Minister's surprise and

indignation when the Russian Minister informed him

that Persia's apology was accepted but . that in the

meantime another ultimatum was being prepared . The

text of the second ultimatum I copy in full from Mr .

Shuster's book, because it marks the end of Persia's

pathetic struggle for national independence. It readsas follows

"In the course of our interview of Friday (November 24th)

I had the honor of expla ining to Your Excellency the rea-

sons which impelled the Imperia l Government of Russ ia to

put several further proposals before the Persi an Govern-

ment, and I have been waitin g for my Government's i nstruc-

tions on the subject. Those i ns truction s have now reached

me and I have the honor to make, on the behalf of the Russi an

Government, the following proposals .

"1. The dismissal of Mr. Shuster and Mr. Lecoffre ; the

status of the other persons who have been invited intoservice by Mr. Shuster will be determi ned i n a ccorda nce

with the second proposal .

"2. An undertaking by the Persian Government not toengage in the service of Persia foreign subjects without




first obtain in g the consent of the Russ ia n an d British Le-

gations .

"3. The payment by the Persian Government of an in-demnity to defray the expenses of the present despatch oftroops to Persia . The amount and manner of payment andcompens ation wil l be fixed after the receipt of the Persian

Government's reply"I cons ider it my duty to explain that the reasons for

these measures are :

"1 . The absolute necessity of obtaining compensation,

owing to the fact that the Imperial Government has beenforced to sen d troops to Persi a and owing to the recent in -

sulting acts of Mr. Shuster towards Russia .

"2 . The earnest desire of the Imperial Government isnow to remove the principal source of conflict which hasari sen, an d in the future to lay the foundation s upon which

the two Governments ca n fi rmly buil d up friendly an d stabl e

rela tions an d to give a prompt an d satisfactory solution to

al l the Russ ia n matters a nd questions still pendin g .

"3. In addition to the above facts I have to point outthat the Imperia l Government wil l not wai t longer than forty-

eight hours for the execution of the aforesaid proposa ls, an d

during this i nterval the Russ ian troops wil l remai n a t Resht .

If no reply, or an uns atis factory reply, is received at the

expiration of the sa id period the troops wil l advan ce and it

is evident that this wil l i ncrease the in demni ty to be pai d

by Persi a to Russ ia . "

The rest of the story is very short and can be told

in a few words. This second ultimatum was presented

on November 29th . Shortly after its presentation, the

British Parliament demanded of Sir Edward Greywhy the name of the British Government had been

used . Hi s reply was that he had agreed to Russia's

demands . He further stated that Mr. Shuster had

attempted to "set the clock back" in Persia, and, in




consequence, must go. The effect of the ultimatum

upon the Persian Government was stupefying. In

spite of the continued aggressions of Russia since

1907, the Persians had believed in the sacredness of

treaty obligations and could not imagine that their

whole nationa l i ndependence, and even existence, could

be overthrown on such a pretext as Russia hadoffered, and the government found it even more dif-

ficult to believe in England's a cquiescence to such de-

mands . The Medjlis however determined to stand by

their guns . An hour before the expirati on of the time

limit, a venerable Mohammedan priest arose in the

Medjlis and said, "It may be the will of Allah that

our liberty and our sovereignty shall be taken away

by force, but let us not sign them away with our own

hands." So saying he sat down in silence, but these

inspired words were enough. The die was cast, and

the ultimatum was rejected . Of course, the Medjlis

reali zed what their action meant, but such real ization

makes the action only the more noble. After the

rejection events followed fast. By December 24th theMedjlis was abolished, the Russian troops had ad-

vanced to Teheran, and military control was estab-

lished in the capital .

Mr. Shuster left Teheran on the 11th of January,1910, a nd four days l ater sa i led from Enzel i, a nd the

story of Persia's dyin g struggle for liberty was at an

end. Speaking of the part which England played inthis tragic struggle, Mr. Arthur Bullard, in an article

on "The British Foreign Policy and Sir Edward Grey,"

which appeared in the Century Magazine for Decem-




ber, 1915, says : "From a human itaria n poin t of view

the British record in Persia is the blackest in recent

history. It is on a par with their Chin ese opium war

and their ultimatum to Portugal in 1890 . "



CHAPTER XI .

ENGLAND AND GERMANY

T HE relations hip between England an d the states

which now comprise the German Empire was one

of sympathy, and at times close alliance, from the time

bf Elizabeth until the close of the Nineteenth Century .

From the acces sion of George I, in 1714, unti l the

death of Queen Victoria , the alliance with the Ger-

man States might almost be called a family affair, as

the sympathies of the House of Hanover were dis-

tinctly German . During his numerous wars we find

England aiding and abetting Frederick the Great

against the rest of Europe . For a short space of time,

during Victoria's reign, Engla nd, in a ll ia nce with

Napoleon III, carried on the Crimean War, but this

alli ance was wholly due to the fear of Russia, which

I have already dwelt upon . The Crimean War wasnever popular, and, when war broke out between

Fran ce and Prussia i n 1870, the Engli sh people sided

with Pruss ia . The question of the neutrality of Bel-

gium was brought to the front duri ng this war, a nd

in view of the present situation i n Europe, it is in-

teresting to consider the attitude of the British Gov-

ernment upon that subject in 1870 . On August 19thof that year Great Britain and Prussia signed a treaty



ENGLAND AND GERMANY 153

which I have just quoted, and which was to be bind-

ing for onl y one year after the close of the war . Byhis speech in the House of Commons, he showed that

he did not wish to bind his country in any future

controversies which might aris e . At that time the feel-

in g in Englan d was strong again st France . Lord Sal is -

bury, who succeeded Mr. Gladstone, was even moreaverse to havin g his country mixed up in Continental

affairs . When, in 1887, there seemed to be a pos-

sibility of another war between Germany and France,a letter appeared in the S t a n d a r d , which was the recog-

nized organ of the Salisbury government (February

4th), in which the writer stated that "it would be mad-

ness for us to oppose the passage of German troops

through Belgium." This was the openly expressedview of the Foreign Office at that time. The facts

relatin g to the treaties of 1839 and 1870 must be borne

in min d when one consi ders the origins of the present

war, which wil l be cons idered in another chapter .

Throughout the Eighteenth Century we find Eng-

lan d closely al lied with the German States, particula rly

with Prussia, not merely because her king was Ger-

man, but because it was to her interest to preservesuch alliances . It was under the leadership of a Ger-

man, Prince George of Hesse-Darmstadt, that Ger-

man troops, aided by the Britis h navy, captured Gibral-

tar and secured for Great Britain actual control ofthe entrance to the Mediterranean Sea . In all of her

Continental struggles England employed Hanoverian

or other German troops, and in her war with herAmerican Colonies sent bands of Hessians to this




country. When Maria Theresa allied herself to

France in 1756, and thus broke away from the tra-

ditional Hapsburg policy, England first appreciated

the necessity of a defin ite understanding with the Ger-

man prin cipal ities, a nd this led to her makin g a treaty

with Prussia (in 1756) by which subsidies amounting

to $3,350,000 a year were paid to Frederick the Great

for the purpose of carrying on his wars and raising

Prussia to an equality with Austria. It is true that

under George III and Lord Bute this treaty was for

a time set aside and Frederick left to his own re-

sources, but when Fran ce al lied herself to the Ameri-

can Coloni es in 1778, an d thus ena bled them to achieve

their complete independence, Frederick refused to

offer Engla nd an y as si stan ce, and so pai d off his old

scores, a nd friendly relations were restored . During

the Napoleonic wars the sympathy between England

and Prussia was closer than ever before, an d, had it

not been for England's steady refusal to make anyterms with Napoleon and the troops which she sent

to the Continent under Wellington and the subsidieswhich she granted to the allies, Germany today might

be only a French province. In 1813, after the battle

of Jena, Prussia was completely crushed and humili-

ated, an d the victorious Napoleon proceeded to divide

up her domin ions to suit himself .

Never has the spirit of the German people a nd their

leaders been fi ner than in this, their darkest hour ;

with a lofty ideal of national independence before

them, under the guidance of such patriotic statesmen

as Stein, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau and Hardenburg,




ditional ally of Great Britain, except in the Seven

Years' War, so Castlereagh joined Metternich and

Tal lyran d to oppose the schemes of Russi a, a nd forced

the German Confederation upon Prussia. What could

poor Frederick William do against such a coalition-

Metternich, Tal lyran d an d Castlereagh, true dis ciples

of the poli cies of Machia velli! After the retirement

of Castlereagh, in 1822, English foreign policy be-

came distinctly more broad-minded. The Resolutions

of Carlsbad, in 1819, had given to the German Gov-

ernments complete control over the political activities

and intellectual life of their people, and German

thought was guided by Goethe and by the professors

in the various uni versities, al l of whom were enthusi -

as tic admirers of English ins titutions . About this

time Lord Palmerston wa s pl aced in control of Foreign

Affai rs of Great Britai n, and he held this position for

almost an entire generation, and may be said to have

establ i shed the Britis h Foreign Poli cy of today. Hearranged the neutrality and independence of Belgium ;

established British in fluence in Chin a ; by his benevo-

lent neutrality made the Kingdom of Italy possible,

and effectually put a check to French and Russian

designs in the Near East, but his whole attitude to

the German States was the narrow one of prejudice,

if not actual dislike. To him is ascribed the descrip-

tion of German y as "a l an d of damned profess ors," and

he is s aid to have quoted the statement of Voltaire, that

the Germans should be content to rule the clouds,

while France ruled the land and Great Britai n the seas .

The witty Frenchman, of course, did not foresee the




days of Zeppeli n s . In 1848, when the Frankfort As-

sembly bought a fleet to protect Schleswig-Holstein

from being taken over by Denmark, Palmerston said

that the German flag was unknown to international

law, an d that the ships of that confederation could be

treated as pirates by British cruisers . His policy was

regarded on the Continent as treacherous and high-

handed, and in Germany it was felt that he intended

to keep the country divided in the interests of Britis h

monopoly. In the li ght of the knowl edge of today i t

seems incomprehensible that a statesman, who so

quickly real ized the val ue of a uni ted Italy, an d who

did all in his power to aid the Ital ia n cause, should

have failed to real ize the value to Europe of a uni ted

Germany. Had this unification taken place in thosedays it i s hardly possible that Europe today would be

facing destruction . Under Palmerston's dominationthe Engli sh people accepted his ideas and prejudices

about Germany the more easily, because they knew

nothin g about the German people . Thackeray sa ys that

at no time in English history has the English insula rity

and patronizing insolence to al l foreign people been

stronger than in the days of Palmerston, and never

were the English people less understood or more cor-

dia l ly disl iked by the people on the Contin ent. Thisdoubtless accounts, i n a measure, for a great deal of the

present hatred of England in Germany. The Germansare a proud and supersens itive people, "sl ow to wrath

an d slow to speak," an d in the min ds of such a people

slights and insults are not easily forgotten and, feeding

upon themselves, grow in to mighty forces for good or




evil . The influence of the English Court, on the other

hand, was strongly German, and was made so by the

marriage of the Queen, as Prince Albert, by his per-

sonal charm, his quiet dignity and his steadfast

effacement of himself in all political questions, won

the admiration a nd affection of the Engli sh people . Sir

Harry Johnston says

"The marriage of Queen Victoria gave a fresh impetusto the German ization of Britai n . Notable Germans weremore or less directly brought to this country by those far-

seeing helpers of England, Leopold and Albert of Saxe-

Coburg. They explored unkn own l a nds for the Britis h Em-

pire, founded coll eges of music and chemis try, schools an d

museums of art, studios in phil ology, an cient a nd modern,

improved both theatre and drama, extended horticulture an d

assi sted to make Kew Gardens an d the Herbarium what they

are an d have been to an Empire in which economic bota ny

is a matter of necessity, not a pretty luxury as some of our

home-bred statesmen have imagined . Gla nce through the

eminent names which have become famous in the Britishcolonial and imperial history, in British exploration, biology,

metall urgy, prin ting, musi c, journal is m, ban king, la w mak-

in g and expounding, soldierin g and seaman shi p, an d note

how many of them are of recent or immediate extraction . "

When Bismarck began to carry out his plans for the

unification of the German States, Queen Victoria lent

all of her sympathy and her tremendous influence to

aid and assist him . This was the time of the Schles-

wig-Holstein controversy. The question of the right-

ful ownership of these provinces was so complicated

that Lord Palmerston said only three people really

understood it, and they were the Danish Prime Minis-

ter, who had lost his mind ; Prince Albert, who had




recently died, and himself-and he had completely

f o r g o t t e n i t . The status of these duchies rested upon

an international agreement made in 1852, and Lord

Palmerston fully believed, when Denmark attempted

to annex them in 1863 and Prussia and the entire

German Confederation opposed Denmark, that the

whole matter could easily be settled by the European

Concert. In this belief he was mistaken, and Bis-

marck acquired for Prussia both Schleswig and Hol-

s t e i n . This action of Bismarck's was generally dis-

approved in Germany until after the war with Aus-

t r i a i n 1 8 6 6 . A prominent English writer upon naval

affairs said, "The war of 1864 was one of the great

crossroads of British History, and England took the

wrong turning." After Austria was defeated in 1866

and the North German Confederation established, the

English Government began to understand the prog-

ress of affairs in Central Europe, but this caused no

anxiety in England. The government rather looked

upon the new confederation as a valuable bulwark

against France and an aid in the preservation of the

balance of power. Napoleon III had excited the ani-

mosity of the English people because he had exacted

Savoy and Nice from Italy as a price for his aid in

the Italian War of Liberation, and in 1867 he had

i n v o l v e d E n g l a n d i n a v e r y d i f f i c u l t p l e d g e t o p r e s e r v e

the neutrality of Luxemburg . Bismarck's action in

transposing the wording of the famous Ems telegram

was then entirely unknown, so when war broke out

between France and Prussia the sympathies of the

English Court and the English people were all with




realized how German assistance had enabled his pre-

decessor to attain that "peace with honor" at the

Congress of Berlin, and welcomed the news of the

first alliance between Germany and Austria-Hungary

as "tidings of great joy." Had the Conservatives not

been driven from power in 1880, it is probably true that

an Anglo-German Alliance would have been formed,

as Bismarck had made such a suggestion to Lord Bea-

consfield immediately after the Congress of Berlin,

and his suggestion had been cordially received . There

are many reasons why such an alliance would have

been distin ctly favorable to Great Britain . She and

Austria were equally anxious to prevent any Russian

aggression in the Balkans, and both she and Italy

opposed French pretensions in Africa and the Medi-

terranean, an d when France occupied Tunis in 1888, a

British squadron immediately appeared in Italian

waters, while Bismarck announced, "In Egypt I am

English. "

It is a recognized fact that Anglo-German friend-

ship prevented Russia from acquiring control of Bul-

garia, and General Boulanger from bringing abouta war of revenge. While, through the efforts of

Bismarck and Beaconsfield, England and Germany

seemed on the eve of a close mutual alliance, Russia

had come to an understanding with France, from

whom she had borrowed vast sums of money. This

understanding did not, in its beginning, cause any

great anxiety in Berli n, because the relations between

the German Empire, and both France and Russia, wereat that time reasonably cordial. In England, the




answer is easily found. To refer once again to Sir

John Seeley, "All the great wars since the days of

Cromwell have been wars of trade." At the time

of the formation of the German Empire England con-

trolled the trade of the world . The only power who

was at al l l ikely to be her competitor was the Uni ted

States, and as this country had no merchant marine

and only a comparatively small navy, and is, more-over, closely al li ed to Great Britai n by ties of la n-

guage and blood, our development an d prosperity were

looked upon with leni ency, al most with a kin d of famil y

pride that the youngster should be doing so well.

Until the establishment of the Empire, Germany had

been a n almost exclusi vely agricultural country, her

people had been either in the army trying to protect

their land from foreign invas ion or else striving to

cultivate a naturally poor soil . Every year thousands

of German s had migrated to America, where they found

conditions of life much easier, and where they have

become a most val uable part of our citizenry .

After the war with France conditions rapidlychanged. The people seem to have acquired a spirit

of intense love a nd loyal ty to their uni fied country .

On the banks of the Rhine, in Westphal ia, Saxony and

Silesi a great industries sprang into existence, furnaces,

forges, steel mills, cotton mill s, woolen mills, chemical

industries, shipyards, etc .

A merchant marine was established, and soon ships

belonging to the North German Lloyd and Hamburg-American companies, were to be found bearing the

produce of this i ntense German i ndustry to al l parts




of the world. At first England laughed at all this

activity, but soon the laughter ceased and the English

industrial magna tes began to realize that here was a

real competitor to be accounted for . They passed alaw requiring that everything of German manufacture

should be labeled "Made in Germany," thinking that

by this label they would soon put an end to the use

of the articl es which they were convinced must be of

inferior qual ity to their own . To their complete sur-

prise they found that a l arge percentage of the articles

which they had thought to be English products camedirectly from Germany. The label by which they had

thought to cripple, if not destroy German trade, proved

to be the best advertisement the Germans had ever had .

This was naturally dis concerting to Britis h trade, but

was i n no sense, as yet, a casus b e l l i . To stem the

German tide something, however, must be done, so

Joseph Chamberlain tried to persuade the Government

to give up the policy of Free Trade, the poli cy, which

more than any other, had made England both pros-

perous and great; but the common sense of the Eng-

lish people fortunately prevented that measure frombeing carried through .

Thus far there had been no actual friction between

the two governments, and in Germany William II hadactual ly been accused by man y of his people as being

entirely too pro-Engli sh in hi s s ympathies a nd tastes .

The Engli sh natural ly had not reli shed the growth of

German trade and especia lly the growth of their mer-

chant marine, but they were preparing to meet itlegitimately and to develop and improve their home




change his policy and he publicly announced that rela-

tions between the two nations, England and Germany,

were at the point where a perfect understanding wa s

in sight. Mr HG. Wells, who from h i s most recent

writings, can not be accused of any sympathy for or

with Germany says in his Social Forces in England

and America :

"We, in Great Britain, are intensely jealous of GermanyWe are intensely jealous of Germany not only because theGermans outnumber us and have a much larger and more

diversified country than ours a nd li e in the very heart and

body of Europe ; but because in the last hundred years, whil e

we have fed upon platitudes and vanity, they have hadthe energy and humility to develop a splendid system of

na tional education, to toil at science and art an d literature,

to develop social organization, to master and better ourmethods of business and industry and to clamber above us

in the scale of civilization. This has humiliated and irri-tated rather than chastened us, a nd our humil ia tion has been

greatly exaggerated by the swaggering bad manners, the

talk of `Blood and Iron' a nd Mai led Fi sts, the Weltpoli tik

rubbish that inaugurated the new German phase. "

The English people have in the past been s o con-

siderate of the finer feelings of other people when

carrying out their own world policies that the last

words quoted from Mr. Wells have an amusing sound .

Mr. James Davenport Whelpley in his book, The

Trade of the World, says

"In the great total of Germany's trade, and in the rapidity

with which it has risen to its present volume and value, lies

the reason for the anti-German agitation in England. Onthe surface this an tagoni sm is political an d relates to arma-




m e t i t s , b u t i t s r b o t s l i e in the trade of the world and it is

fed upon commercial rivalry. "

These wise words sum up the whole story of the

relations between England and Germany from 1880to

the summer of 1914. We have considered the foreign

poli cy of Great Britai n from the time of Eli zabeth to

our own day . The Britis h foreign poli cy, like that

of all the European powers, has never been the people's

policy, but has alwa ys been in the han ds of a few, an d

conducted behind closed doors. It is this poli cy of

secret diplomacy which has brought the world to the

present awful crisis . In the concludin g portion of this

book I hope to show how the continuation of such a

policy will affect not onl y the future of America, but

also the future of the whole world . Only by clearly

understanding these questions can we in America hope

to become truly prepared to meet the respon sibil ities

of the future .




united an d schis matica l Greeks who are scattered over Hun-

gary, Turkey and the southern parts of Poland ; gain them

over by every possible means ; pose as their protector and

e s t a b l i s h - - a claim t o religious supremacy over them . Under

this pretext Turkey will be conquered and Poland, unableany longer to stand al one, either by its own s trength or by

means of political connections w i l l voluntaril y place itself

i n subjection to us .

1 1 . "From that time every moment will be precious to us .

All our batteries must be secretly prepared to strike the

great blow and t o strike with such ardor, precision and

rapidity, as to give Europe no time for preparation . Thefirst step will be to propose, very secretly and with thegreatest circumspection, first to the court of Versailles and

then to that of Vien na, to divide with one of them the Em-pire of the world ; and by mentioni ng that Russ ia is virtuall y

ruler of the Eastern world a nd has nothing to gain but the

title, this proposal will probably not arouse their suspicion .

It is undoubted that this project can not fai l to pleas e them

and war will be kindled between them, which will soon be-

come general, both on a ccount of the connections and wide-

spread rela tions hips between these two riva l courts and nat-ural enemies, a nd becaus e of the interests which wil l compel

the other Powers of Europe to take part i n the struggle .

14 . "In the midst of this general discord, Russ ia wil l be

asked for help, first by one and then by another of the

belligerent Powers ; and, having hesitated long enough to

give them time to exhaust themselves and to enable her to

as semble her own armies, she will at las t appear to decide

in favor of the House of Austria, and whil e she pushes her

irregular troops forward to the Rhine, she will at once

follow them up with the hordes of Asi a, an d as they advance

into Germany two large fleets filled with a portion of the

same hordes must set sail, one from the Sea of Azov and

the other from the port of Archangel . They will suddenlyappear i n the Mediterran ean an d Northern ocean s, an d inun-

date Ital y, Spai n a nd France with these fierce an d rapa cious



THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR 177

nomads who will plunder a portion of the inhabitants, carry

off others into slavery to re-people the deserts of Siberia and

render the remainder incapable of escaping from our yoke .

All these distractions will afford such great opportunities

to the regular troops that they will be able to act with a

degree of energy and precis ion which will ensure the sub-

jugation of Europe . "

I have quoted the whole of this remarkable docu-

ment, because it is universally well known i n Europe

but not in this country and because, in a degree, it

accounts for that fear of Russ ia which is s uch a factor

in German l ife .

Every student of European history, for the past

hundred years, knows how closely the Russian gov-

ernment has tried to carry out the instructions of

Peter the Great . Since the war Russia has stated that,

on the close of the war, she would grant autonomy to

Pola nd, but since the war broke out she has not onl y

greatly in tensified her persecution of the Jews, prac-

tically prohibiting Jewish children from receiving even

the most elementary education, but she has also taken

awa y the la st vestige of political autonomy from Fin -

land. An official program for the future governmentof Finland has just now been announced which will

complete the scheme of the entire Russifying of the

country, and this program has been signed by the

Czar. The Finnish people no longer have a share in

any portion of their government nor is their la nguage

to be al lowed to be taught in the schools , an d publi c

lectures and meetings ha ve been prohibited . Finland,

in its humane and democratic civili zation, has been for

years a model to the world, but this model i s no longer



THE ORIGINS OF THE WAR 1 8 1

vention in the Balkans , he would support Austria.

So great was the relief in Europe that war had been

averted that Mr. H. G. Well s s ai d

"If we can avert war with Germany for twenty years we

shal l never have to fight Germany. In twenty years' time

we shall .be talking no more of sending troops to fight side

by side on the frontier of France ; we shall be talking of

sending troopst o fight side by side with French and Ger-

mans on the frontiers of Poland . "

With the settlement of the Balkan wars there was

reasona ble hope, in all the great Chan cell ories of Eu-

rope, of a period of peace, but in the Bal kan s there is

no peace-and suddenly, on June 28, 1914, the entire

world was shocked by the news that the heir to the

Austrian throne and his consort had been murdered

on the streets of Sarajevo, the capital of Bosn ia . The

first investigations into this crime proved that the

plot had been elaborately prepared in Servia, that

Servian officers were implicated and that the bomb

which killed the Archduke had been made in the Ser-

vian arsena l . Several weeks went by and nothing was

done by the Servian government towards puni shin g the

crimi n al s, so, on July 23rd, al most a month after the

murder, Austria i ssued her ultima tum to Servia . That

this ultimatum seemed to the world unjustifiably se-

vere, both in its terms a nd in the time a llowed for a

reply there is no question . Withi n the time li mit Ser-

via , however, did make a reply i n which she conceded

to most of the points in Austria's demand but would

not give in on what the Austrian government consid-

ered the most important point, which was that Austrian




become impatient at Germany's delay in answering his

proposa l, encouraged the Russ ian Ambassador by tell-

ing him of the orders to the fleet. He also told theAustrian Ambassador that Austria could not hope to

punish Servia without Russian i ntervention .

July 28th-Austria declared war on Servia; but in

spite of this fact Germany continued her efforts to

bring about some agreement between Austria and Rus-

sia. The Kaiser telegraphed to the Czar that he was

bringing al l possible pressure to bear upon Austria to

accept the Russian proposals, and Sir Edward Grey

openly approved the direct communication betweenVienna and Petrograd, but insisted that his proposa l

for a con ference be accepted .

July 29th-Open fighting began between Austria andServia . The German Chancellor made proposals to

the Britis h Ambas sador respecting Great Britain's neu-

trality which were refused ; at the same time Germany

contin ued her efforts with Austria and went so far as

to, herself, guarantee the integrity of Servia . In spite

of German y's efforts to reach a settlement Russ ia re-

fused to withhold her mobil ization . On this same day

Reuter's Petrograd correspondent sent the following

telegram to the press : "Confident of England's sup-

port, about which doubts have mostly disappeared, the

Russ ia n public is prepared to accept war . "

July 30th-Owing to the heavy pressure which had

been brought upon her by Germany, Austria signified

her will in gness to resume conversation with Russ ia but

Russia was opposed to this proposition. The Kaiser

appealed to the Czar to stop mobilization and asked




King George of England to intervene, Russia agreed

to stop all mobil ization preparations if Austria would

promise not to viol ate Servian territory, but, without

waiting for a reply to this proposition, she issued or-

ders which amounted to an absolute and general mo-

bilization to take effect upon the evening of that same

day. Fra nce agreed to move with Russ ia and, through

her Ambassador, reminded Sir Edward Grey of the

mil itary negotiations between himself an d the French

Cabinet and the letter which had been given him in

1912, a nd stated that on no account could Fran ce re-

main neutral i f Russ ia should go to war .

July 31st-On this day it looked, for a moment, as

if some settlement between Austria and Russia might

be arranged, as conversations were resumed between

the two governments. Austria repeated her assurance

that she would respect the in tegrity an d in dependence

of Servia and would accept Russia's conditions of

peace . Germany continued her pressure on Austriabut the German Government was becoming greatly

alarmed at Russia's mobilization, which was being

pushed ahead. In view of the French statement thatFrance would not remain neutral if Russia went to

war, the German Chancellor made his statement that

Germany could not respect the neutrality of Belgium

in case of war, while France officially agreed to respect

Belgium neutral ity . Sir Edward Grey declined to use

his infl uence to persuade Russ ia to stop mobili zation .

He declared that if Germany would make it perfectly

clear that she and Austria were sincerely trying to pre-

vent a genera l wa r, he would advis e France an d Russ i a




out, upon his country's position, and responsibilities .

His book, Justice in War Time,* is one which every

American should read. In a pamphlet entitled "War

the Offspring of Fear," he describes most graphically

the point of view of each of the nationalities now en-

gaged in the great war. He says of the German view

"It was felt that a great confli ct of Teuton and Slav was

in evitable sooner or later ; that if Servian agitation was not

stopped, Austria-Hungary would break up and the Teuton

would be weakened before the great conflict had begun . It

must not be supposed that this conflict is, on the part of the

Teuton, aggressive in s ubstan ce whatever it may be in form.

In substan ce it is defens ive, the attempt to preserve Central

Europe for a type of civili zation in dubitably higher and ofmore value to mankind than that of any Slav State . The

existence of the Russian menace on the Eastern border is,

quite legitimately, a nightmare to Germany and a causeof much milita ris t talk by which Germans attempt to conjure

away their fears . If we were exposed to the same menace,is it to be supposed that peace propaganda would have much

success among us?"The German s an d Austria ns accordin gly thought the chas-

tisement of Servia essential to their sa fety and to the preser-

vation of their civilization-so essential as to make it worth

whil e to r i s k war with Russ ia on this account . But the WhitePaper shows con clus ively that they did not expect war withRuss ia . `Mini stry for Foreign Affai rs here (in Vienn a) hasreal ized, though somewhat late in the day, that Russ ia wil l

not remain indifferent in the present c r i s i s . ' Sir M. deBunsen telegraphs on July 29th (White Paper 94) 'GermanAmbassador had a second interview with Minister for For-eign Affairs at 2 A . M. when former completely broke downon tell in g that war was in evitable . ' Sir G. Buchana n tele-graphs from St. Petersburg on July 30th . (White Paper 97) .

* The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago, 1916.




has been frequently used as an argument against herby those who believe that she wantonly started the

war. A thoughtful survey of the map of Europe

should give a s ufficient reason for her being prepared

to meet any emergency. Another factor in Germany's

preparedness, which at the outbreak of the war was

not fully appreciated, is the highly social ized condition

of the state. In this she is far ahead of any other

na tion a nd the val ue of such socia li zed preparation i s

now being full y recogni zed .

From a mi litary standpoin t Fran ce was the next best

prepared. Her army has al ways been dis tinguis hed for

its bravery and efficiency . In point of numbers shehas long had the largest standing army in the world

in proportion to her population, and by lengthening

her two year system of service in to a three year sys -

tem, she greatly i ncreased her mil itary efficiency, as

by this change all of her troops were brought up towar strength even in time of peace, and every corps

was able to furnish a nucleus for each unit of reserve .

Social conditions in France were not as sound as inGermany, although the Socialist party had been for

years s teadil y gai ni ng in power and in popula rity and,

in Juarez, it had a leader of the highest type. Hismurder, under very suspicious circumstances, shortly

before the war broke out, coupled with the disgrace-

ful proceedings conn ected with the Cailloux tria l, made

man y thinkers i n different parts of the world beli eve

that France was, in vulgar parlance, in a pretty bad

way, and this fact undoubtedly wa s responsible for the

idea, current i n German mil itary circles, that France




Imperial Rome on the other, which has made so manysocia l thinkers, Engli sh a s well as foreign, prophesy

that Great Britain had entered her period of decline .

Such was the state of affairs in England, France

and Germany when the war broke out.

Russ ia is so vast in both territory and population and

has kept herself so unto herself that her exact status

up to August, 1914, is practical ly unknown . Her re-

covery after the Japanese war has been the marvel of

modern history and in that time a form of Parliamen-

tary government has been established, but at present,

democracy in Russia is in the travails that precede

birth .

In the United States, i n 1914, the social unrest was

almost as great as in Europe, but with the exception

of Mexico we were free from any foreign worries

and our problems were, as they have always been,

almost wholly domestic and commercial. The Payne-

Aldrich Tariff law, enacted under the Taft adminis-tration, had met with almost universa l disa pproval an d

the country was pas si ng through one of its periodical

times of fin an cia l depress ion, when the Wil son admin-

istration entered upon its duties . The platform of the

Democratic party had pledged the administration tothe carryin g out of certain definite policies, notably a

wholesale reduction of tariff, as well as a reform of

the currency laws. Both of these measures were car-

ried through by Congress with thoroughness and ex-

pediency, a nd one of them, the reform of the currency

and the establishment of the Federal Reserve Banks,

has proven of inestimable benefit to the country. Such



PRESENT CONDITIONS 197

in outline were the condition s in the western world in

August, 1914. Now, after two years of struggle how

does the world fin d itself today? -

The awakening of France, through war, has aroused

the enthusiasm of the world. Once again has she

proven herself to be the most chiva lrous and en light-

ened of peoples . France, alone among the great bel-

ligerent powers, has made no effort to defend her

position by flooding neutral countries, especia ll y the

United States, with all types of propaganda . In this

struggle for her very life, the soul of the people has

instinctively turned agai n to the God of her fathers

in unswerving faith and trust; her sons have gone

bravely forth and have borne the brunt of the fighting

on the western front, while her daughters have joy-

ous ly ca st a si de the foibles of modern l ife, an d have

taken upon themselves the burden of carrying on the

work of the nation which their husbands, fathers, sons

and brothers are fighti ng to preserve. From France

the world hears no complaints, no vilifying of the

enemy ; the spi rit of the entire people is bent upon

doin g the duty which is facing it and thus savin g, for

the joy of the world, the country, which more than

any other si nce ancient Greece, has led the world in

the finest arts of civilization .

In England the changes brought about by two years

of actual warfare are far more revolutionary and start-

ling. Up to the fatal month of August, 1914, the

Britis h Empire regarded herself, an d was genera lly so

regarded by the world, as the bulwark of real democ-

racy. One of the blessin gs which the war, in spite of




its horrors, has brought to the world is the shattering

of this illusion. Mr. F. S . Oliver, in his very noblebook, Ordeal by Battle, had done much towards this

shattering . He has pointed out, in his fin al chapters,

man y of the weakest spots i n that idol of the Anglo-

Saxon race, representative parliamentary government .

He goes so far as to say that no new nation as piring

towards democracy, and seeking for a model upon

which to build up a truly democratic government, wil l

ever adopt the form so dear and so familiar to the

people of Great Britai n and the United States, an d he

feels that the greatest problem facing these two na-

tion s is how to so remodel their governments, without

entirely destroyin g past traditions , as to make them

rea lly democratic . Up to the summer of 1914 the

English people were undergoing a steady but uncon-

sci ous s ocial revolution , which, if left undisturbed,

might have been trusted to bring about social conditions

as benefici al to the masses of the people as those of

Germany, and this, too, under a strictly democratic

form of government.

The outbreak of the war put a sudden stop to all

this social legislation . Gradually almost every branch

of industry an d distribution has been put under state

control a nd Mr . Lloyd George, when Mi nister of Muni-

tions, wielded powers politically, socially, economical ly

an d in a military way, far greater than an y Engli shman

would have dreamed possible two years ago. Mr. H .

M. Hyndman, chairman of the Engli sh Socialist party

says, in an article in the North American Review for

May, 1914




compelled the Government to take over the regulation

and distribution of the food supply, a s ociali st was for

the first time made a member of the Government .

The war has brought to Germany the dawn of a new

democracy. It is very difficult for the American,brought up according to the individualistic British

tradition, to understand the German ideal of a demo-

cratic state, in which the well-being and security of the

state is the first consideration . Germany, more thanany other nation in the world today, has grasped the

spirit of the new century, the spirit of co-operation as

agai ns t both in dividual is m an d competition . The war

thus far has taught the German people the strength and

power that lies in the uni versal co-operation of an en-

tire people and havin g learned this lesson through suf-

fering and privation, in the better days which are to

come we may look for its higher development. Themost astounding result of the war thus far, is the

tendency towards autocracy in democratic England and

towards a deeper, more widespread democracy in auto-

cratic Germany.

In the United States the results of war have been

al most as marked as in the bell igerent countries . Atfirst the country was dis posed to carry out the poli cy

of strict neutrali ty, as outlin ed in President Wilson's

proclamation already referred to. The German in-vasion of Belgium, the destruction of Louvain and

the reports of German atrocities, mostly unproven,

soon brought about a distinctly an ti-German feeling,

which was greatly augmented by the very pro-Englishtone of the press. The business conditions in the




country were distin ctly bad, resulting in an unusual ly

large number of unemployed men and women. TheUnderwood Tariff Bil l, upon which the administration

had bas ed many hopes, did nothing to better conditions

and was soon almost universally condemned by public

opin ion . It is hard, at this time, to tell what might

have been the effect of this law under normal con-

ditions . The war naturally put a stop to an y la rge im-

portations from Europe except from the allied coun-

tries, a nd these countries were so occupied with the

production of needed equipment for their armies that

the usual manufactures for export trade had tempo-

rarily ceased. The British blockade of Germany and

Austria prevented our shippin g of foodstuffs a nd other

products to the Central Powers. At tl!e same time

representatives of the All ies ca me to this country to

secure munitions an d other supplies of war. American

manufacturers were quick to seize upon this oppor-

tunity. At first some qualms were felt against em-

barkin g upon s uch a trade but the legal a spects of the

question were carefully looked into by lega l experts .

It was shown that in previous wars neutral nations

had not hesitated to supply the sinews of war to

belligerents . Even Germany recognized the legality

of the trade. The fact that the British Navy con-

trolled the sea and that Great Britain monopolized the

carrying trade of the world, prevented the Central

Powers from purchasing from us, because we have no

ships in which to tran sport our products . Since the

Civil War our merchant marine had disappeared from




actual horrors of it, the sinking of the Lusitania wa s

an act of such colossal stupidity that it is difficult to

believe that it was according to direct orders from the

home government. We know, from a statementprinted in the New York Times, that when the full re-

ports of this disaster reached Germany, the German

people, official s a nd civil ia ns al ike, were as greatly

shocked as the rest of the world . All of the facts rel-

ative to our diplomatic correspondence with the various

belligerents to which I have referred, as well as the

actual documents themselves, are publis hed in a "White

Paper" issued by our State Department on May 27,1915. This paper can be secured, free of charge, by

s imply writin g to the State Department in Was hin gton .

The Lusitan ia disa ster so inflamed American publi c

opin ion that we pai d no attention to further British

violations of international law and even overlooked

the insolence of Sir Edward Grey's reply to our note

about cotton, i n which he sa id we were maki ng so much

money by our exportation of munitions to the Allies

that we could overlook Great Britai n's "necess ary" i n-

terference with normal neutral trade .

It is perfectly true that during the submarine cam-

paign busin ess conditions in this country, in certai n

lines, had tremendously improved. So many greatmanufacturing concerns have abandoned their regular

lines of output and have converted their plants i nto

mun ition factories that i ns tead of our havin g an army

of unemployed there was an actual dearth of labor.

That this has not benefited the country as a whole has

been recognized by many of our ablest men, notably




the brotherhood of man and it offered from its very in-

ception an asylum to all who in their own lands were

prevented from living in accordance with their own

ideals .

Up to the close of our Civil War we were a simple

people, livi ng under simple, wholesome conditi ons, and

under those same conditions we were conquering a con-

t inent and e stablish ing what we ca l l a Christ ian c i v -

ilization .

The Civi l War settl ed forever the questi on whether

we were one nation or merely a group of small affil-

iated nationalities. After the war was over this con-

sciousness of national unity proved the greatest in-

centive to material advancement that the world has

ever seen . For fifty y ears we have been at peace, for

our little war with Spain was hardly of suffic ient im-

portance to be regarded as a break in our peaceful de-

velopment. The one thing the Spanish War did was

to show us that it was no longer possible for us to live

entirely unto ourselv es, but that we must face the re-

spon sibilit ie s when we a ccepted the pr ivilege s of be-

coming one among the World Powers . "Peace hath

her victor ie s, no le ss renowned than war ." With the

tremendous victories of peace we a l l are, happily ,

familiar, but it is als o true that if "peace hath her vic-

tories," she hath also her tragedies . We boast of our

civil ization and when we think of this great country

stretching across an entire co ntinent, when we think

of her great and beautiful citi es, her prosperous towns,

her schools and colleges and libraries , her thousands of

churches where milli ons gather to give thanks to God




law should interfere? The scourge of typhoid, which

a plentiful suppl y of pure water and proper sanitation

will prev ent, is almost equally exacting in i ts annual

toll of victims. Throughout our land millions of hu-

man beings are compelled to live in buildi ngs palpably

unfit for human habitation, and in these unfit houses

millions yearly die . Industrial conditi ons are so s evere,

that annua lly m illion s of c h ildren are ta ken from the

schools before they have acquired even rudiments of

the education needed to fit them for useful ci tizenship .

Statistics show that the high school s of our country

graduate year ly le ss than f ive per cent of tho se who,

under the law, entered the elementary schools. Theremaining ninety -five per cent are forced to enter upon

the struggle for existence before they can know what

existence real ly means .

These are only a few examples of the murderous toll

of peace, but they are suffic ient to show the general

soci al conditions of the masses of the American people

and until they are remedied there can be no true pre-

paredness . Social conditions in Great Britain are, if

anything, worse than in this country . Next to our ownmaterial devel opment, since the unity of the nation was

established by the Civil War, comes the material de-

velopment of the unified German Empire . Let us , be-

fore we consider the question of the future, see how

Germany has solved similar problems .

The German social system is regulated by two fac-

tors, first the cons ervation and care of her human re-

sources and second the national co-operation of indus-

try, agriculture and every thing that affects the general




This sli ght comparison of certain fundamental social

conditions in the United States and Germany shows

which country is attempting to solve the problem of

producing good citizens in the more rational manner

and which is more truly democratic , if by democratic

we mean what is most beneficial to the masses of the

people . When the war is over there will be a period

of rigid and radical readjustment to new conditions i n

all the belligerent nations . As we are the only great

power that has not overwhelmingly suffered from the

war, it is natural to suppose that all of them wil l turn

to u s for at lea st mater ia l a ssis tan ce. Mr. RolandUsher, in his book, Pan-Americanism, takes a very

different view from mi ne of the positi on of the United

States at the clos e of the war . He says

"The dnited States is faci ng a crisis without parallel in

its history , since the signat ure of the Declaration of Inde-

pendence. As a nation we are les s concern ed with the Euro-pean war itself, its cause, its course, than with its ending .

Whatever the result of this war may be, whoever wins it,whenever it ends, the victor will be able to threaten the

United States, and if he chooses , to challenge our supremac y

in the Western Hemisphere. The motive for challenging it

is already in existence ; the power with which to do so effec-

tively will beyond doubt be in the victor's hands ."

This is assuming that one side or the other will

achieve an overpowering vic tory, but as the war goes

on this result seems less and less likely . The more

reasonable assumption is that when the war ends allof the powers will be so nearly exhausted that each

nation will resolutely have to face internal problems of

such gravi ty as to demand its entire attention for many




se cret agreement s . If Sir Edward Grey sincerely de-

sired to maintain peace, as he so steadfastly asserted,

would he not have been better able to accompli sh his

purpose had he either made no agreements wi th France

or if these agreements, before being made, had been

frankly discussed in the House of Commons and thus

been known to the whole world?

Since the public ation of his Pan-Americanism, MrUsher has written another book called A Chall enge

to the Future, in which he openly advocates an im-

mediate alliance with Great Britain . In this point of

view he is supported by many people, and by a large

number of the more prominent newspapers . Such an

alliance mi ght have many advantages to both countries

were it entered upon calmly and after careful con-

sideration, in times of peace . For us to form such an

alliance now would be an unwise policy unl ess we are

ready to play G reat Britain's game and acc ept her an-

tagonisms as well as her alliances . Among the latter

we would gladly consider an alli ance with France, if

we were willing to at once abandon our traditional

policies, but woul d we regard an alliance wi th Japan

in the same li ght?

It has been said that because of our tremendous sales

of munitions to the Allies we have convi nced Germany

that we are not neutral, and consequently we should

openly seek an all iance with Great Britain . This seems

to me to be a policy of cowardi ce not worthy of con-

sideration . It is true that we hav e suppli ed the Alli es

with munitions and have been most s evere in our treat-

ment of German infringements of international law and



WHERE DO WE STAND? 223

that the German people have naturally resented this

treatment, but e ver y student of h is tor y know s that in

time of war peoples allow themselves to be worked up

to a state of hatred which soon disappears after peace

is once again established. It is well known that all

governments, when wars threatened, have adopted the

policy of infl aming their peoples, in order to produce

the enthu sia sm needed to carr y on a su cce ssfu l war .

The time has passed when we can hope to maintain

ourselves in that isolation from Europe which Wash-

ington recommended, and be of any real value to the

world, but the war has taught us that we are not as

yet prepared to enter upon any alliances, even those

"dis-entangling alliances" which Mr. Wilson ad-

vises . The question of our unpreparedness, to which

the entire country is so fortunately at last awakened,

is in grave danger of becoming merely a political catch-

word, un le ss our go vernment and our peop le go into it

both deeply and broadly, and cease looking upon it

from on ly the m ilitar y standpo int . That we need anarmy of sufficient s trength and efficiency to defend our

northern and southern borders, and a navy large andstrong enough to protect our coasts on both oceans as

well as to guard the Gulf of Mexico and the Panama

Canal, is a fact which no s ane and truly patriotic Amer-

ican can dispute . Personally I believe that the entire

country would be tremendously benefited in every way

from a form of universal conscripti on similar to the

Australian sys tem, which teaches obedience, efficiency

and respect for law combined with perfect liberty .

We have for 140 years boasted of our liberties, but



WHERE DO WESTAND? 225

pected to remain always the same . The German ideal on the

contrary, not only admits evolution but insists upon it .

"Like music , it is es sentially a form of movement"

Is not this what we, as a peopl e, need? An Americ an

Kultur wh ich sha ll def ine our idea ls and a sp irat ion s,

compel us to realize them, and, under the power of its

influence, amalgamate all the races of our polyglot

population into one united Americanism? Then, after

it has accomplished this much, to s teadily push us for-

ward in those paths of real progression is what is most

needed so that we may become what Gladstone once

called us, "the hope of democracy . " In order to do

this the nation needs leaders, men like Washi ngton and

Hamilton and Lin co ln, men who are not po lit ician s but

statesmen, who think in terms of the nation as a whole

and not in terms of little localities, little political ad-

vantages and little business .

Among our politi cal leaders today, Mr . Roosev elt i s

the on ly one who ha s publicly def ined preparedne ss in

truly national terms . When we reach a state of even

national semi-preparedness we will be ready to then

consider the subject of our national alliances, but not

before, and when we are ready to ally ourselves with

any European power the question with which power

to make alliance is one which will affect our domestic

peace and happiness and our relations wi th the rest of

the wor ld for man y year s, and is one wh ich shou ld not

be entered upon lightly or inadvi sedly .

The one object of th is boo k is , to ca ll the atten-

tion of its readers towhat has been Great Britain's poli cy

towards foreign nationalities for the past three hundred




years, to urge caution before deciding to irrevocably tie

ourselves up to her or to a ny one power. Mr. Hynd-man, in the quotation which I have made, shows the

present autocratic c haracter of the Britis h Government .

We have seen what was her attitude towards Holland,

then the one democratic government in Europe, when

she possessed a great army as well as navy. Today,

according to Mr. Asquith, her army consi sts of 5,000,-

000 trained men, a tremendous power in the hands of

an autocratic government. In Germany, on the other

hand, we see an autocratic government becoming more

and more democratic under social ization and, since the

war, a sociali st in the Imperial Government . These are

conditions of tremendous import which we, a nation

fundamentally democratic, must carefully ponder over

before we bind ourselves irretrievably. Mr. Usherurges an alli ance with the Mistress of the Seas, but can

we not hope that the day is dawning when the seas,which form the highway of all nations will no longer

be controlled by any one mistress?

The question of the control of the seas during

war s is the mo st important commer cia l quest ion fa cing

the nations of the world today and upon its proper

solution depends the commercial prosperity of the

world. Great Britain maintai ns that control over com-

merce during war, even if nec essary to the extent of

prohibition, is desirable i n the ultimate interest of

maritime freedom itself, while Germany insists on the

"right of all nati ons to trade during war almost to the

same extent that they do duri ng peace ." Was not this

the position which we took i n our war with England in



WHERE DO WE STAND? 229

prepared to face the great problems of the future at

one with the civil ized nations of the world, and to

form such an alliance with one or more of these na-

tions as will guarantee that permanent peace for which

the whole world yearns .



APPENDIX A

THE ORIGINS OF THE GREAT WARBY H. N. BRAILSFORD.

For Englishmen this war is primari ly a struggle be-

tween Germany and France . For the German s i t i s

emphatically a Russo-German War . It was our secret

naval commi tment to France, and our fatal entangle -

ment through ten years in the struggle for a European

balance of power, which sent our fleets to s ea . It is

our sympathy with France which makes the one human

link that binds us to the Triple Entente . We havedramatized the struggle (and this clearly was for Sir

Edward Grey the dominant consideration) as an at-

tempt to crush France . German thinking followed

other lines . Alike for the de puties in the Reichstag

and for the mob in the st reets of Berlin, the enemy is

Russi a . It is true, indeed, that i f the war should end

in the defeat of the Triple Entente, some part of the

consequences of defeat woul d be borne by France . I t

is clear that German statesmen hoped to acquire some

part at least of her extensive and valuable colonial

possessi ons, and on her no doubt would have fallen

the financial brunt of the war . She would have paidin money and in colonies for her imprudence in allying

*Reprinted from the Contemporary Review for Septem-

b e r , 1 9 1 4 .




fend his soil against the mill ions which the Russian

Tsar had mobilized .

The broad fact about the general war of 1914 is

that it is the postponed sequel of the Balkan War of

1912. We all congratulated each other that Sir Ed-

ward Grey's diplomacy and the Conference of London

had enabled the Eastern people to settl e the Eastern

question without involving the Great Powers in war .

The armaments of the Great Powers betrayed their

belief that a war averted is only a war postponed . For

two years this chaotic s truggle, which came in the end

with such vertiginous speed, had cast its shadow before

i t . The first move in the last round of the war of

armaments was the direct c onsequence of the creation

of the Balkan League . In justifying the l ast increase

of the peace-effectives of its army the German Gov-

ernment pointed to the new fact of the entry on the

European scene of these young and victorious Balkan

armies, and spoke bluntly of a possible struggl e be-

tween the Slav and Teuton worlds. The BalkanLeague of 1912, formed under Russian guidance, was,

in fa ct, an a llian ce d ire cted a s mu ch aga in st Austr ia

as against Turkey . There followed the reply of France

and Russi a, the return in the one to Three Years' Serv-

ice and in the other the imprudently-adverti sed schemes

of military reorganization, with its v ast naval expen-

diture, its new strategic rail ways near the German fron-

tier, its rearmament of the artillery, and its gigantic

inc rease in the stan ding "peace" army . Russia (so an

official memorandum declared) would henceforth be

able to assume in case of need not merely a defensive,



APPENDIX A 235

but an offensive strategy . The early months of this

year witnessed the outbreak of a military panic in the

German press. The fear inspired by the growth of the

Tsar' s arm ie s wa s beg inn ing to te ll on German ner ve s,

and a pamphlet to which the German Crown Prince

contributed an approving note, predi cted that the Slav

world would have completed its armaments by the year

1916, and would then attempt to deal the death-blowto the German peoples . If Germany has by her own

act made the general war of 1914, it is chie fly becaus e

her m ilitar y ca ste wa s c on vin ced that it wou ld sooner

or later have to meet a Russi an challenge .

The German White Paper explains the poli tical i ssue

which was the obverse of this military rivalry . For a

generation we in this c ountry have thought of the East-

ern question as an issue between Turk ey and the Chris-

tian races of the Balkans . With the destruction of the

Ottoman Empire in Europe the Eastern question be-came primarily an Austrian question . Russia and Aus-

tria, up to the eve of the Young Turkish revolution,

had been content to divide the hegemony of the NearEast . They worked in close association ; they presided

jointly over the Macedonian reforms ; they even recog-

nized a certain divisi on of spheres of influence . Aus-

tria was allowed by Russia to exert a predominantpressure upon Servia, while Russia was the leading

partner in all that concerned Bulgaria . It was never,at the best, an easy arrangement to maintain . Austriawa s a lwa ys dete sted in Belgrade, and the dom inant po-

l it ic al party i n Servia, the Radicals, were vehemently

Russophile. With the murder of King Alexander, and



APPENDIX A 239

sure Servia owed such of her conquests in Albania as

she was al lowed to retain, and but for Russia, Austria

would have torn up the iniquitous Treaty of Bucharest .

There were more material bonds between the Great

Power and her sate ll ite . The Servian soldiers made

the winter campaign of 1912-1913 in Russian great-

coats, and the second Balkan war was financed by the

French banks which do nothing in the Balkans that

would run counter to Russian policy . When the full

tide of Servian aspirations set towards Bosnia, and

the National Union (Narodya Odbrana) began to turn

against Austria all the criminal "comitadji" methods

of agitation consec rated by long usage in Macedonia,

Russi a, had she chosen, mig ht have set her veto on a de-

velopment of Servian policy which threatened Euro-pean peace .

It is this abs olute dependenc e of Servi a upon Rus-

sian countenan ce and support, wh ich ma ke s it probable

that when Servia openly launched and assisted the

Great Servian propaganda, she did this with Russia's

approval . This propaganda involved much more than

a mental disturbance in the minds of the Servian popu-

lation of Bosnia an d Herzegovina, who were organized

in patriotic leagues and clubs wit h a view to an in-

surre ct ion in the future . It had begun to smugglearms, and it had been guilty of a series of assas sina-

tions of Austrian official s, to which the murder of the

Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his Consort came as

the climax. The Archduke was singled out for ven-

geance, not at all because he was the enemy, or op-pressor of the Slavs . He was feared by Servians be-




cause his aim was to reconcile the Slavs to Austria .

The historical memorandum in the German White Pa-

p e r d e c l a r e d b l u n t l y t h a t t h i s r e c k l e s s a n d p r o v o c a t i v e

a t t i t u d e w a s p o s s i b l e f o r S e r v i a " o n l y b e c a u s e s h e b e -

l i e v e d t h a t s h e h a d R u s s i a n s u p p o r t i n h e r a c t i v i t i e s . "

A f t e r r e f e r r i n g t o t h e o r i g i n a l c r e a t i o n o f t h e B a l k a n

League under Russian auspices, it continues :

"Russian s tatesmen pla nned the ris e of a new Balkan League

under Russian protection, a league which was aimed not atTurkey-now vanished from the Balkans-but against theAustro-Hungarian monarchy . The idea was that Serviashould be compensated for the ces sion of its Macedonian ac-

quisit ions to Bulgaria by rec eivin g Bosnia an d Herzegovina

at Austr o-Hungary's expense ."

There is nothing improbable in this statement . The

original Serbo-Bulgarian alliance of 1912, afterwards

expanded into the Balkan League, was directed against

Austria as well as Turkey .

The treaty, as more than one Balkan diplomatist has

told me, required Bulgaria to put all her forces at

S e r v i a ' s d i s p o s a l i n t h e e v e n t o f a w a r a g a i n s t A u s t r i a .

These preparations for a united Slav assault upon

Austria explains the determination of the German

Powers to challenge Russia . Nor should it be for-

gotten that Pan-Slavism was busy in Galicia as well

as in the Serbian lands . An active propaganda, dis-

closed in some famous state trials, was endeavoring,

in Russian interests, to win the Ruthenians for the

Orthodox Church . At its head stood the Russian re-

actionary politician, Count Bobrinsky, who, as Gover-

n o r o f G a l i c i a , i s n o w o f f i c i a l l y p r o m o t i n g t h e c o n v e r -

sion of the Catholic Ruthenians to Orthodoxy .



APPENDIX A 24 1

I t i s n o t e a s y i n t h e m i d s t o f t h e h o r r o r s a n d r e s e n t -

ments of war to view such a situation as this in cold

r e t r o s p e c t . The peril in front of Austria was grave,

but it was not immediate . R u s s i a h a d n o t a t t h e f i r s t

essay succeeded in restoring the Balkan League . Bul-

garia could not forget her resentment, and had become

a l o o s e l y a t t a c h e d a s s o c i a t e o f t h e T r i p l e A l l i a n c e . I f

the Slavs were to choose their own hour, they would

wait presumably until the Balkan armies had some-

what recovered from the exhaustion of two campaigns,

a n d u n t i l t h e R u s s i a n m i l i t a r y r e o r g a n i z a t i o n w a s c o m -

p l e t e d . B u t t h e r e w a s g o o d r e a s o n t o i n f e r t h a t , s o o n e r

o r l a t e r , t h e b l o w wo u l d b e s t ru c k . A r i s i n g i n B o s n i a ,

organized by Servian comitadjis, would bring Servia

h e r s e l f i n t o t h e f i e l d , a n d b e h i n d S e r v i a w o u l d b e t h e

Balkan League and the Russian Empire . Such con-

s p i r a c i e s a s t h i s a r e s o r e m o t e f r o m W e s t e r n h a b i t s o f

life and thought, so inconceivable in our own experi-

ence, that we are apt to dismiss them as fantastic .

T h e y a r e t h e s t u f f o f d a i l y l i f e i n t h e B a l k a n s , a n d w e

may do Austrian statesmen the justice of supposing

that their fears were sincere . "The country," wrote

S i r M a u r i c e d e B u n s e n i n h i s f i n a l d i s p a t c h , " c e r t a i n ly

b e l i e v e d t h a t i t h a d b e f o r e i t o n l y t h e a l t e r n a t i v e o f

subduing Servia, or of submitting sooner or later to

m u t i l a t i o n a t h e r h a n d s ."

An enlightened power in Austria's place would not

have acted as she did . The "Great Servian" idea is

d a n g e r o u s t o A u s t r i a , b e c a u s e s h e l a c k s t h e c o u r a g e t o

b e l i b e r a l w i t h o u t r e s e r v e s . Servia may compare her-

s e l f t o P i e d m o n t , b u t t h e p a r a l l e l i s i m p e r f e c t . Her




culture is so backward, her politics so corrupt, her

e c o n o m i c l i f e s o p r i m i t i v e , t h a t s h e h a s l i t t l e t o c o m -

mend her to the Austrian Serbs save the community of

blood . Our fathers sympathized with Italian aspira-

tions, because the Italians were a race with a great

past and a living culture, subject to an empire which

w a s n o t t h e i r s u p e r i o r i n c i v i l i z a t i o n , a n d w h i c h d e n i e d

them any species of autonomy . Austria does not deny

Home Rule to her Serbs, though she gives it grudg-

i n g l y , a n d s h e r e p r e s e n t s a n o l d e r a n d m a t u r e r c i v i l i -

z a t i o n . The Italians, moreover, were a homogeneous

p e o p l e . Of the Austrian Serbs one-third are Catho-

lics, who have no reason to hope for equal treatment

from an Orthodox State, whose record in Macedonia

i s a d e f i a n c e o f t o l e r a t i o n , a n d a n o t h e r t h i r d a r e M o s -

l e m s , w h o w i l l e m i g r a t e en masse i f t h e S e r v i a n s s h o u l d

conquer Bosnia . Even the remaining third, who are

Orthodox Serbs, would not have been ready-made ma-

terial for a Servian propaganda, if Austria had known

h o w t o t r e a t t h e m w i t h g e n e r o s i t y . Faced by this Great

Servian danger, and forced to realize at last that it

was serious, a big man in Count Berchtold's place

would have resolved to make Austria a home so at-

t r a c t i v e e v e n t o S e r v i a n i d e a l i s t s , t h a t t h e h a l f - c i v i l i z e d

k i n g d o m o v e r t h e b o r d e r , w i t h i t s b a c k w a r d c u l t u r e a n d

oriental morals, would have lured and beckoned them

i n v a i n . He would have made them feel, as the Poles

h a v e l o n g f e l t , t h a t t h e y a r e A u s t r i a n s w i t h a s h a r e i n

the fortunes of the empire . He would ha ve made

their autonomy a handsome reality . He would have

banished the spies and the policemen, enemies of the



APPENDIX A 243

Austrian idea more dangerous than all the Servian

bomb-throwers and comitadjis . He woul d have re-

leased the Croatians from the Magyar yoke, and bidden

D a l m a t i a n s , C r o a t i a n s , a n d B o s n i a n s r e a l i z e t h e i r G r e a t

S e r v i a t o t h e i r h e a r t ' s c o n t e n t w i t h i n t h e A u s t r i a n E m -

p i r e i t s e l f . That was the policy which the dead Arch-

duke was supposed to favor . Against such a policy,

conceived with some boldness of imagination and exe-

cuted with good faith and tact, the incitements and

conspiracies of Belgrade would have been powerless .

Count Berchtold is neither a liberal nor a man of

g e n i u s . He acted after the Serajevo murder as the

average Imperialist bureaucrat commonly does act in

s u c h c a s e s . H e t i g h t e n e d h i s p o l i c e s y s t e m . He ma de

A u s t r i a n r u l e a l i t t l e m o r e t h a n u s u a l l y h a t e f u l t o m e n

o f S e r v i a n r a c e . He determined to crush and humiliate

S e r v i a , a n d r e a l i z i n g t h a t b e h i n d S e r v i a s t o o d R u s s i a ,

h e t u r n e d t o h i s a l l y f o r a i d .

The policy on which Austria and Germany deter-

mined is a matter of history, and the German White

P a p e r d e s c r i b e s i t w i t h a n a p p r o a c h t o f r a n k n e s s . This

i n t e r e s t i n g d o c u m e n t h a s n o t b e e n f a i r l y r e p r o d u c e d b y

our daily newspapers, and the main passage may be

w o r t h t r a n s l a t i n g a t l e n g t h

"In these circumstances Austria was driven to the con-

clusio n that the dignity and self-preservati on of the Mon-

archy alik e forbade her to watch this movement from across

the frontier any longer in passivity. She communicated herview to us and asked our advice . We were able with allour hearts to inform our ally that we shared her opinionof the situation, and we assured her of our approval forany action which she -night take to put an end to the move-




ment in Servia, directed agains t the integrity of the Mon-

archy. We were well aware that any mi litary acti on by Aus-

tria against Servia might bring Russia on the scene, and

involve us in war by reason of the obligations of our alliance .

Realizing as we di d, that the v ital in terests of Austria-Hun-

gary were at stake we could neither counsel our ally to a

pliability i nconsistent with her dignity, nor refuse her our

aid in this difficult moment . Nor could we forget that our

interests were nearly threatened by this continual Servian

agitation . Had the Servians been all owed, with the help of

Russi a and France, to endan ger the integri ty of the neigh-

boring Monarchy much longer, the consequence must havebeen the gradual disrupt ion of Austria, and the subjection

of the whole Slav world to the Russian sc eptre, with the

result that the position of the German race in central Europe

would have become untenable . "

There lies, in its naked simplicity, the German casefor this war . The provocations followed in an alter-

nat i ng s e r i e s . Russia encouraged the Great Servian

movement, which aimed at the break-up of Austria,

whereupon Austria struck at Servia, and thereby chal-

lenged Russia . The issue now was, in plain words,

whether Servia should become an Austrian vassal or

remain a Russian tool. While a diplomatic accommo-

dation was still possible, Russia took the menacing

step of proclaiming a general mobilization, and Ger-

many replied with an ultimatum, followed in a few

hours by war . This war is a co-operative crime. Toits making have gone Russian ambitions and German

fears . It would be as just to say that the real aggres-

sor was the power which stood behind Servia, as it

would be to say that it was the power which first lit

the conflagratio n by hurling its shells at Belgrade . On



APPENDIX •A 245

their own showing, the Germans had planned a bold

challenging stroke, which might lead them into a pre-

ventive war . The last thing which they wanted was auniversal war . T h e y t r i e d t o b u y o u r n e u t r a l i t y . They

even appealed to us to keep France neutral . There is

evidence enough in our own White Paper that they

d i d n o t b e l i e v e R u s s i a w o u l d f i g h t . They thought that

they had defied her in a good time before her arma-

ments were ready . They had bullied her with success

i n t h e s i m i l a r c r i s i s o f 1 9 0 9 , a n d w i t h t h e c h a r a c t e r -

istic clumsiness of Bismarckian psychology, they did

n o t r e a l i z e t h a t a p u b l i c a c t o f b u l l y i n g c a n n e v e r b e

r e p e a t e d . I t w a s p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e R u s s i a h a d y i e l d e d

i n 1 9 0 9 , t h a t s h e c o u l d n o t y i e l d a g a i n . It is nonsense

t o s a y , a s M . S a z o n o f f s a i d , t h a t t h e p r e s t i g e o f R u s s i a

as a great power would be gone if Servia became an

Austrian vassal . Servia had been an Austrian vassal

throughout the lifetime of King Milan, and for many

a y e a r a f t e r h i s a b d i c a t i o n . But it may be true to say

t h a t R u s s i a w o u l d h a v e l o s t i n p r e s t i g e , i f S e r v i a h a d

been torn from her orbit by Austrian arms and German

t h r e a t s . I t i s m o r e t o t h e p o i n t t h a t s u c h a h u m i l i a t i o n

would have ended the dream of a Great Servia forever .

T h a t w a s t h e r e a l i s s u e . What Russia dreaded was not

s o m u c h t h e h u m i l i a t i o n o f h e r l i t t l e S l a v b r o t h e r s , t h e

Serbs ; she had watched the humiliation of her other

little brothers in Bulgaria with equanimity, and even

w i t h s a t i s f a c t i o n . The Servians, however, were more

than brothers ; they were tools . They were an indis-

pensable piece in the game of chess for the Empire of

the East .




The historian of the future will be in one sense more

biased in his judgment of this moving c hapter of his-

tory than we are ours elves . He will give his verdict,

as historians c ommonly do, to the side that wins . To

us the issue is unknown, and we must divide our won-

der and our cen sure s . The Pan-Slavists have brought

the whole of European civil ization to a test which may

come near submerg ing it, in order to a ccomp lish the ir

dream of ra cia l un it y . The Germans, by rashly pre-

cipitating an issue which might never, in fact, have

been forced upon them, may well have brought upon

themselves the very catastrophe which they dreaded .

A pre vent ive war, if it is not a cr ime a s inexcusable

as a war of naked aggression, is alway s a folly . Noth-

ing obliged Austria to fight now. From Servia she

m ight ha ve had amp le reparat ion, w ith p ledge s for her

future good beha vior . The crime of Serajevo was far

from raising Servia's prestige among the Austrian

Slavs ; it had, on the contrary, lowered and besmirched

i t. A policy of conciliation might have rendered any

insurrection impossible. Nor was Russia's star in the

ascendant in the counsels of Europe . Persian affai rs

had led to marked cooling i n Sir Edward Grey's hither-

to uncritical regard for Russia . The Anglo-German

friendship was deepening, and something li ke the "Uto-

pian" proposal of our White Paper (Sir Edward

Grey's conception of a collective guarantee by the

Triple Entente that it would allow no aggression

against the Tripl e Alli ance) might have isolated Russi a

in the future, if, i n fact, she medi tated a war of Slav

against Teuton . What is clear today is, that Germany,



APPENDIX A 247

reasoning in col d blood amid profound peace that Aus-

tria's future status was threatened by this Pan-Servian

danger, has made a war in which the chief issue may

soon be whether Austria can continue to exist. The

event will probably show that Germany, when she

forced the quarrel to a trial of armed strength, acted

with folly . Her violation of Belgian neutrality was

certainl y as imprudent as it was iniquitous . It cann ot

be honestly argued that the Russi an mobilization justi-

fied her declaration of war . The answer to mobiliza-

tion is not war, but a counter mobilization . But when

this overwhelming case against German policy is

stated, the fact remains that Germany could fairly

plead that Russian polic y was provocative . Russia was

backing Servia in manoeuvres which threatened to

.break up Germany's al ly, Austria . Russia was, more-

over, the first of the Great Powers to order a general

mobili zation . This capital fact is i gnored in nearly all

the statements of the British case against Germany .

It is slurred over in Sir Maurice de Bunsen's finaldespatch . It is omitted altogether i n the historical

preface to the cheap editi on of the White Paper . Thatis not the way to write candid history . The dates aregiven in the White Paper. Russia, after a partial

mobili zation in her Southern provinces agains t Austria,

made her mobilization general (i . e ., called out the

reserves in the Northern provinces for use against Ger-

many) on July 31st (No. 113) . Austria and Germanyordered their general mobilizations on August 1st

(Nos. 127 and 142). Up to the first day of AugustAustria had only partially mobili zed ; Germany had not




m o b i l i z e d a t a l l ; A u s t r i a i n t h i s l a s t p h a s e o f t h e n e g o -

tiations was showing moderation, and had conceded, as

Sir Maurice de Bunsen has recognized, the main point

o f i s s u e . The Kaiser was offering his personal ser-

vices as mediator, and there can be no doubt that at

the last moment, when she realized that the Austro-

Serbian War could not be localized, Germany did use

her influence with success to induce Austria to be

moderate . She now saw in t h e R u s s i a n m o b i l i z a t i o n a

t h r e a t t o h e r s e l f , a n d s h e r e p l i e d t o t h e t h r e a t w i t h a

d e f i a n c e . The Tsar's order to mobilize compromised

the hope of peace ; the Kaiser's ultimatum ruined it .

T h e m o r a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e u n i v e r s a l w a r m u s t b e

shared between Germany and Russia .

If the Triple Entente should be victorious, and if

Russian policy is allowed to dominate the settlement,

it is hard to draw a fortunate horoscope for Austria .

A Russian proclamation has already snatched from

Germany the Polish province of Posen, and from Aus-

t r i a t h e l o y a l a n d c o n t e n t e d P o l e s o f G a l i c i a . We maybe sure, if Servian arms should meet with any measure

o f s u c c e s s , t h a t R u s s i a w i l l a i m a t c r e a t i n g a G r e a t e r

Servia by amalgamating Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, and

Herzegovina with Servia and Montenegro . The tertius

gaudens, a s t h e B a l k a n s t r u g g l e s h o w s , i s a p t t o e x a c t

a heavy price for his neutrality, the miserable Alba-

nians will require some strong hand to restore their

wretched country to order and peace . Roumani a is a

formidable military power, and at the moment when

the struggle becomes desperate, her weight might be

d e c i s i v e i n o n e o r o t h e r o f t h e E a s t e r n s c a l e s o f p o w e r .



APPENDIX A 249

She has no love for either Empire, though her k ing is

a Hohenzollern . Russia took Bessarabia from her, and

Hungary is the mistress of a l arge Roumanian popula-

tion in Transylvania . She may elect to move herarmies into one or the other of these provinces, but

more probably she will hold to her neutrality for an

assurance that the victor will reward her .

Bulgaria is i n the same case . An armed neutral ity

will pay her best . If Russia wi ns, then Servia, rich i n

her new acquisitions, can well afford to give up a part

at least of Macedonia . The whole of the Near East

is in the melting pot, but the central question of a ll

is in what shape Austria will emerge from the tremen-

dous test . A decisive vi ctory would mean for her that

Russian hegemony would be ended in Europe . Shewould have become hersel f the rival Slavonic Power .

She anticipated Russia by promis ing the restorati on of

Polish unity. She woul d either a nnex Servi a outri ght,

or reduce her to vassal age, while Roumania, Bulgaria,

and Turkey, each aggrandized somewhat by the pur-

suit of a profitable neutrality , would be attached to her

as grateful satellities . She would dominate the Bal-

kans, and in the act she would have solved trium-phantly the problem of her own internal cohesion . Abeaten Russia woul d no longer attract the Southern

Slavs . The other alternative is, if possibl e, still more

cataclysmic . If Russia wi ns and has her way, li ttle

will be left of Austria save her German province s, and

these might be incorporated at length in a G erman Em-

pire which had lost Posen and Alsace-Lorraine . Rou-mania and Servia would emerge as big states , attached




by interest to the Russian s ystem . Bulgaria would be

reconciled by the gift of Macedonia . The doubtful

points would be the future of the Czechs and Magyars .

But whatever their fate might be, the German Powers

would have been cut off forever from the East, and

Russia with some millions of Poles and Ruthenians

added to her territori es, and the Southern Slavs en-

listed as her all ies and vanguard, would dominate the

Eastern Mediterranean and overshadow Turkey, as to-

day she overshadows Persia.

We are taking a parochial view of Armageddon if

we allow ourselves to imagine that it is primari ly a

struggle for the independence of Belgium and the fu-

ture of France . The Germans are nearer the truth when

they regard it as a Russo-German War. It began ina struggle for the hegemony of the Near East, with

its pivotal point at Belgrade . It will end logically, if

either side achieves a decisive suc cess, in a melting of

all the frontiers of the East, and the settlement by force

of arms of the question whether its desti nies shal l be

governed by Germany or by Russia . It is, to my mi nd,

an issue so barbarous, so remote from any real interest

or concern of our daily l ife in these is lands, that I can

only marvel at the illusions, and curse the fatality

which have made us belligerents in this struggle . Weare neither Slavs nor Germans . How many of us, high

or low, dare form a decided opinion as to whether

Bosnia would in the end be happier under the native

but intolerant and semi-c ivi lized rule of the Serbs, or

the alien but relativ ely ci vil ized rule of Austria? How

many of us woul d dare to answer one by one the ques-



APPENDIX A

tions whether Poles and Ruthenians and Slovacks

would be the happier for passing from Austrian to

Russian rule? We have not even debated these ques-

t ion s, yet our arm s are he lp ing to sett le them . Ourfleet in the North Sea, our army in France may be

winning for the Tsar millions of fresh subjects, and

for the familiar process of forcible Russification un-

numbered victims. They will pas s from a higher to a

lower civi lization, from a system usually tolerant and

fitfully Liberal, to one which has not ev en begun to

grasp the idea of toleration, and whose answer to

Liberalism is the c ensorship, the prison, and the "truly

Russian" pogrom. The Russian exiles who ask us to

believe in the Liberal Russia of tomorrow can only

repeat their pathetic, ins tinctive hopes . They admit,w ith a candor wh ich en list s our re spe ct, that nothing

is changed as yet . One may dream of a future federal

organization of its many nationalities . But are we so

secure in our antici pation of that brighter future that

we will back it by our arms? On the lower level of

self-interest an d Imperial expediency hav e we reason

to desire a world in whi ch the Balance of Power will

lurch violently to the side of this unscrupulous and in-

calculable empire? Within a year from the breaking

of Germany's power (if that is the result of thi s war),

as Russia forces her way through the Dardanelles,

dominates Turkey, overruns Persia, and bestrides the

road to India, our Imperiali sts wil l be calli ng out for

a strong Germany to balance a threateni ng Russia .

A mechanical fatality has forced France into thisstrugg le, and a comrade sh ip, tran slated by se cret com-

251



2 5 2 ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE

m i t m e n t s i n t o a d e f e n s i v e a l l i a n c e , h a s b r o u g h t u s i n t o

the war in her wake . I t i s n o r e a l c o n c e r n o f h e r s o r

of ours . It is a war for the Empire of the East . I f

o u r s t a t e s m a n s h i p i s c l e a r s i g h t e d , i t w i l l s t o p t h e w a r

before it has passed from a struggle for the defense

of France and Belgium, into a colossal wrangle for

the dominion of the Balkans and the mastery of the

Slavs . When the campaign in the West has ended, as

w e a l l h o p e t h a t i t s o o n w i l l e n d , i n t h e l i b e r a t i o n o f

F r e n c h a n d B e l g i a n s o i l f r o m a d e p l o r a b l e i n v a s i o n , t h e

moment will have come to pause . To back our West-

e r n f r i e n d s i n a w a r o f d e f e n s e i s o n e t h i n g , t o f l i n g

ourselves into the further struggle for the Empire of

the East quite another . No call of the blood, no im-

perious calculatio n of self-interest, no hope for the

f u t u r e o f m a n k i n d r e q u i r e s u s t o s i d e w i t h S l a v a g a i n s t

Teuton . We cannot wish that either Austria or Russia

should dominate the Balkans, but if we had to make

the choice in cold blood, most of us would prefer the

more tolerant and more civilized German influence .

Our orators talk of the cause of nationality . Twomonths ago what man in his senses would have sug-

g e s t e d t h a t t h e b e s t w a y t o s e r v e t h e c a u s e o f n a t i o n a l -

i t y w a s t o b r i n g f r e s h s u b j e c t r a c e s u n d e r t h e R u s s i a n

yoke? The Poles and Ruthenians are Slavs indeed,

b u t t h e y a r e n o t R u s s i a n s . One might as well propose

t o f u r t h e r t h e c a u s e o f n a t i o n a l i t y b y a n n e x i n g H o l l a n d

to the German Empire . I f i n t h e h e a t o f b a t t l e , w e

a l l o w o u r s e l v e s t o r u s h o n w a r d w i t h o u t r e f l e c t i o n f r o m

a war of defense to a war of conquest, we shall find

that all the old problems confront us anew . Enthu-



APPENDIX A 253

siasts for this hateful war may applaud it as an effort

to "destroy German militarism ." That is a meaning-

less phrase . The Allies may indeed destroy the Ger-

man arm ie s, but no one can de stro y German m ilitar ism,

save the German people itself . Mili tarism seizes a na-

tion only when the prophets of the gospel of force can

preach to ears prepared by fear. We are about to

make new fears for the German people . Crush that

people, load it with indemnities, lop it of its provinces,

encircle it with triumphant allies, and so far from

turn ing to depo se it s Prussian leader s, it w i ll ra lly

behind them in a national struggle to recover its stand-

ing, it s integr it y, it s power of free mo vement . NotFrance, but Germany will arm to recover lost prov-

inces, and weave new all iances to adjust the ever-shift-

ing balance of power. If once the world begins to

play at map-making, it will create unsatisfied appetites ;

there will be states enough to join with Germany in an

effort to upset the settlement . The future will stretch

before us, a new phase of the ruinous armed peace,

destined to end, after further years of_ anger and waste,

in another war of revenge . It lies with public opini on

to limit the duration of this quarrel, and to impose on

our diplomacy, when victory in the West is won, a

return to its natural role of moderator in a quarrel no

longer its own .



APPENDIX B .

BRITAIN AND THE WAR: A STUDYIN DIPLOMACYBY C. H. NORMAN.

Austria, Servia, Russia, and Germany .

The first step in the tragedy, which was so rapidly

unfolded before the astounded peoples of Europe in

July las t (1914), was taken by Austria, in October, 1908,

when it was announced that the Austrian Protectorate

over Bosnia and Herzegovina h ad become a forma l oc-

cupation . The cause of this action was the Young Turk

Revolution in Turkey, as a result of whic h the powers,

who had divided among themselves certain portions of

the Turkish Empire , feared that Turkey might be in-

duced to challenge the proceedings under which partial

dismembermen t of her Empire had taken place .

The Servian Government, at that time just emerging

from the discredit into which the horrible circum-

stances c onnected wit h the murder of King Milan and

Queen Draga had enveloped it, protested against this

conduct of the Austro-Hungarian Gove rnment, on the

ground that the interes ts of Servia in Bosnia were

greater than those of Austria, and that Austria had

been permitted in Bosnia by Europe only as a trustee ;



APPENDIX B 255

so that the annexation was a breach of trust . P u b l i c

opinion in Europe, generally speaking, pronounced it-

s e l f d e c i d e d l y a g a i n st t h e e x c u s e o f A u s t r i a , a s i t w a s

c l e a r t h a t t h e a b r u p t d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e status quo i n

the Balkans, at a time when Turkey was in an internal

ferment, might gravely imperil the future peace of

Europe .

On March 31, 1909, Servia made the following dec-

laration to the Austrian Government : " S e r v i a d e c l a r e d

t h a t s h e i s n o t a f f e c t e d i n h e r r i g h t s b y t h e s i t u a t i o n

e s t a b l i s h e d i n B o s n i a , a n d t h a t s h e w i l l t h e r e f o r e a d a p t

h e r s e l f t o t h e d e c i s i o n s w h i c h t h e p o w e r s a r e g o i n g t o

a r r i v e a t . . . By following the counsels of the

powers, Servia binds herself to cease the attitude of

protest and resistance which she has assumed since

l a s t O c t o b e r , r e l a t i v e t o t h e a n n e x a t i o n , a n d s h e b i n d s

h e r s e l f f u r t h e r t o c h a n g e t h e d i r e c t i o n o f h e r p r e s e n t

policy towards Austria-Hungary, and in the future to

l i v e w i t h t h e l a t t e r i n f r i e n d l y a n d n e i g h b o r l y r e l a t i o n s . "

The charge brought against the Servian Government

by Austria has been that that solemn undertaking was

not adhered to in any way . The German Chancellor,

in a confidential note to the German Governments

dated July 28th, put the Austro-German point of view

in this way : "The agitation conducted by the Pan-

Slavs"-that is the Servian Party-"in Austria-Hun-

g a r y h a s f o r i t s g o a l , w i t h t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e A u s -

tro-Hungarian monarchy, the scattering or weakening

o f t h e T r i p l e A l l i a n c e w i t h a c o m p l e t e i s o l a t i o n o f t h e

German Empire in c onsequence . Our own interest,

t h e r e f o r e , c a l l s u s t o t h e s i d e o f A u s t r i a ." On that




date, Germany knew that the poli cy initi ated by King

Edward of isolating Germany was being completed ;

and that there was a combination of Russia, France,

and Britain, possi bly Japan, all actuated by a s uspici ous

spirit towards the policy of Germany .

In 1911 came the European crisis over the Mo-

rocco Question, when Germany, faced by a combination

of Russia, France, Britain and Spain, sustained a di s-

astrous diplomatic check .

That fact undoubtedly much exasperated opinion in

Germany, as i t was a further confi rmation of the fixed

idea that there was a tacit understanding to undermine

her inf luen ce at e ver y po int . That this was so was

apparently felt by Sir Edward Grey, whose anti-Ger-

man policy has been such a potent cause of the terrible

catastr ophe now being analyzed, for he telegraphed to

the British Ambassador i n Berlin on July 30, 1914, in

these remarkable terms : "If the peace of Europe can

be preserved, and the present crisi s safely pass ed, my

own endeavor will be to promote some arrangement to

which Germany could be a party, by which she couldbe a ssured that no aggressiv e or ho st ile po licy wou ld

be pursued against her or her alli es by France, Russi a,

and ourselves, jointly or separately." That repentance

was too late ; but those words cast a bright light upon

the errors of the past .

In 1912 the first Balkan War broke out, in which

Turkey was severely handled by a combination of Bul-

garia, Greece, Servia, and Montenegro. On May 26,

1913, peace was concluded between Turkey and the

allied combination . On June 30th, Bulgaria was at-



APPENDIX B 257

tacked by Greece, Servia, and Roumania, and had to

surrender much of what she had won . T h i s i n t e r n e c i n e

conflict led to much bitterness between the Balkan

S t a t e s . The Austrian Government exhibited some

a n x i e t y a t t h e t e r r i t o r i a l a c c e s s i o n s s e c u r e d b y S e r v i a

i n t h e s e t w o w a r s , e s p e c i a l l y a s t h e P a n - S e r b a g i t a t i o n

in Bosnia had become very active . A threatening tone

was adopted by the Austrian Government and Press

towards the Servian Government, an attitude which

much irritated the Russian Government .

What ensued is well summarized in the Annual Reg-

i s t e r f o r 1 9 1 3 : " I n f o r ei g n po l i t ic s t h e g r e a te s t a ch i e v e-

ment of Germany this year was the prevention of a

European War, which would in all probability have

broken out if the Emperor William had not plainly

declared on the one hand to Austria-Hungary that he

would not support her should she be involved in a war

with Russia as the consequence of an attack by her

upon Servia, and on the other to Russia that if she

attacked Austria-Hungary notwithstanding her absti-

n e n c e f r o m a c t i v e i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e B a l k a n s , h e w o u l d

f i g h t b y t h e s i d e o f h i s A u s t r i a n a l l y ." That stand was

e f f e c t i v e , a n d t h e c r i s i s o f 1 9 1 3 w a s s a f e l y p a s s e d .

On June 28, 1914, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand,

heir to the Austrian Emperor, and his Consort, were

murdered at the City of Sarajevo, the capital of Bos-

n i a . The incidents connected with the crime were most

s t a r t l i n g . Three different attempts were made on the

p a r t o f t h e a s s a s s i n s , a t s e p a r a t e p l a c e s , w i t h i n a s h o r t

p e r i o d o f t i m e . The murder was seemingly anticipated

i n s e v e r a l c i t i e s - n o t a b l y L o n d o n , B e l g r a d e , S t . P e t e r s -




burg, and Rome . In view of the extraordin ary line

now being tak en by certai n members of His Majesty's

Government with regard to Austria, it is worth whil e

to recall the references of the Foreign Secretary and

the Prime Minist er of Britain to that ass assin ation .

Sir Edward Grey s aid, on June 29th, in t he House of

Commons : "I was one of those who less tha n a year

ago saw the pleasure that was given here by the visit

to the King of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and

his Consor t . I knew the goodw ill whi ch the Archduke

personall y expressed towards our country duri ng his

visit and the pleasure which he so obviously felt in

that visit . "

Mr. Asquith, in moving an address of condolence to

the Emperor of Austria, used this language, whi ch was

either unreal, or mocking, in view of the proceedings

of the Go v ernment s i n c e : "We are once more con-

fronted with one of those incredible crimes which al-

most make us despair of the progress of mankind .

. . . The Emperor and his people have always

been our friends, and in the name of the Commons, of

the nation, of this United Kingdom, we respectfull y

tender to him, and to the great family of nations of

which he is the venerable and venerated head, our

heartfelt and our most affectionate sympathy . " Yet,

within six weeks of the utterance of thes e sentiments ,

Britain had drifted i nto war wi th Austria-Hungary,

against which country no one has pretended that

Britain had any legit imate ground of complaint!

Faced with this terrible loss, the Austrian Emperor



APPENDIX B 259

directed that a sec ret inquiry shoul d be begun into the

plot which had led to the murder. The conclusions

arrived at in that inquiry have thus been set forth by the

Austrian Government : "(1) The plan to murder the

Archduke during his stay in Sarajevo was conceived

in Belgrade by Gabrilo Princip, Nedeljko Gabrinowic ,

and a certai n Milan Ciganowic and Tri fko Grabez, with

the aid of Major Voja Tankosic . (2) The six bombs

are hand grenade s, manufa ctured at the ar sena l of the

Servian Army in Kragujevac. (4) To insure the suc-

ce ss of the a ssa ssinat ion, Milan Ciganow ic in stru cted

Princip Gabrinowic in the use of grenades and gave

instructi ons in shooting with Browningpistols toPrincip

Grabez in a forest near the target practi ce fiel d of Top-

shider (outside Belgrade) . (5) In orde r to en abl e the

crossi ng of the frontier of Bosnia by Princip Gabri no-

wic and Grabez, and the smuggling of their arms, a

secret sy stem of transportation was organized by Ciga-

nowic. The entry of the criminal s with their arms i nto

Bosnia and Herzegovina was effected by the frontier

captai ns of Shabatz and Loznica, wi th the aid of sev -

eral other persons. "

It has been complained agains t the Austrian Govern-

ment that the evidence on which these findings were

founded was not published. That comp la int is open to

four observations : (1) The Austrian Government

might not have desired to reveal the full ramifications

of the conspiracy, until i t was known who had inspired

it, because the above findings were only directedaga in st the agent s of the con sp ira cy a s d ist i ngu ished

from its authors . (2) It is not the practice in Austria-




H u n g a r y , a n d i n t h a t r e s p e c t A u s t r i a i s l i k e m a n y o t h e r

C o n t i n e n t a l c o u n t r i e s , t o c o n d u c t p r e l i m i n a r y i n q u i r i e s

i n t o p o l i t i c a l c r i m e s i n p u b l i c . (3) Austria was much

aggrieved by the crime. The pride of the Hapsburgs

i s n o t o r i o u s ; and this was an occasion when any com-

ment on their actions would be regarded as an affront .

( 4 ) S e r v i a m a i n t a i n e d a l l t h e w h i l e a p o s i t i o n o f m a s -

t e r l y i n a c t i v i t y .

The murder took place on the 28th of June, but it

w a s n o t u n t i l J u l y 2 3 r d t h a t A u s t r i a p r e s e n t e d a s t i f f

ultimatum demanding certain reparation from Servia .

The Austrian Ambassador in London offered some ex-

planation of the strong terms of that ultimatum in

these remarks, as recorded by Sir Edward Grey

"Count Mensdorff said that if Servia, in the interval

that had elapsed since the murder of the Archduke,

had voluntarily instituted an inquiry on her own ter-

r i t o r y , a l l t h i s m i g h t h a v e b e e n a v o i d e d ." As a matter

of fact, Servia had done nothing, conduct which led

t h e K a i s e r t o t e l e g r a p h w i t h s o m e j u s t i f i a b l e a s p e r i t y

to the Czar : "The spirit which made the Servians

murder their own King and his Consort still dominates

t h a t c o u n t r y . " I t i s f a i r t o r e m e m b e r t o o , t h a t t h e r e a l

c r i m i n a l s i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e A r c h d u k e ' s a s s a s s i n a -

t i o n h a v e n o t b e e n b r o u g h t t o j u s t i c e y e t .

The Austrian ultimatum created some indignation in

Russia ; a n d i t i s a t t h i s p o i n t t h a t t h e s i n i s t e r d e s i g n s

o f R u s s i a b e g i n t o a p p e a r . S e r v i a a p p e a l e d t o t h e C z a r

for his protection, in the meantime presenting a con-

ciliatory reply to the Austrian Government . I t i s

probable that the reply would have been accepted by



APPENDIX B 261

Austria, had not the Servian Government so often

broken its pl edges, given i n 1909, to liv e "in neighborly

and friendly rel ations" with Austria .

The vital point of the Austrian ultimatum, namely

that Austr ian off icer s s hou ld wat ch the i nquir y to be

held by Servia so as to see that it was a genuine one,

was rejected by Servia as an interference wi th her in-

tegr it y a s a so vere ign state . A deadlock was thus

reached, as Austria was unwilling to forego this de-

mand and submit her case to an international tri bunal,

where Servia, whom -she was accusing of carrying on

a murderous propaganda, would have presented herself

as an equal of Austria . The attitude of Austria was,

undoubtedly, a harsh and unbending one in the begin-

ning, but, before condemning Austria too severely,Britons should ask thems elves this question : Suppos-

ing the Prince of Wales had been murdered in Ger-

many, and the inquiry showed a connection of German

officials wi th the murderers, that knowing this the Ger-

man Government did nothing, would the statesmen of

Britain have submitted such a matter to the Hague

Tribunal? It may be that they ought to have done 'so

in a democratic community ; but does any reasonable

man think that the government would have taken such

a course? The British Ambassador at Vienna thus

diagnosed public feeli ng in Austria in his des patch on

the rupture of diplomatic rel ations : "The demeanorof the people of Vienna showed plai nly the populari ty

of the idea of war with Servia, and there can be no

doubt that the small body of Austrian and Hungarianstatesmen by whom this momentous step was adopted




rightly gauged the sense of the people . . . . Thecountry certainly believed that it had before it only the

alternative of subdui ng Servia or of submitting s ooner

or later to mutilation at her hands ." On July 23rd, the

British Ambassador at Rome reported : "Secretary-

General took the view that the gravity of the situation

lay in the c onviction of the Austro-Hungarian Govern-

ment that it was absolutely necessary for their pres-

tige, after many disillusions in the Balkans, to score a

definite success ." The Austrian Government, under

pressure from the Russian and German Governments,

de clared it s intent ion of not see king an y terr itor ia l

compens ation at the expense of Servia . Then; on July

26th, the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg wir ed

to the German Chancellor

"The Austro-Hungarian Ambassador had an ex-

tended intervi ew with Sazonoff this afternoon . Both

parties had a satisfactory impressi on, as they told me

afterwards. The assurance of the Ambassador that

Austria-Hungary had no idea of conquest, but wished

to obtain peace at last at her frontiers, greatly pacified

the Secretary . "

On July 28th, Austria-Hungary declared war on

Servia and the ine vitable con sequen ce en sued . Russia

replied to a partial Austrian mobili zation and declara-

tion of war against Servia by a partial Russi an mobili-

zation agai nst Austria . Here must be inserted twotelegrams which tell most heavily against the good

faith of Russia .

On July 26th, the Russian Ministe r for Foreign Af-



APPENDIX B 263

fairs s ent this extraordinary telegram to the Russsian

Ambassador at Rome : "Italy cou ld p la y an a ll- im-

portant role in the preservation of peace if she c ould

use her influence in Austria and bind herself to a

neutral attitude in the conflict since it c an not remain

localized. It would be desirable for you to say that

it is impossible for Russia not to give help to Servia . "

What could that mean but that Russia had decided to

kindle a general conflagation? Austria had pledged

her honor not to take Servian territory . If she broke

her word, then would have been the moment for Rus-

sia to call Austria to account . That Russia and

Servia were playing a dubious game is confirmed by

this fr ank admi ssi on of the Czar, on the 30th of July .

"The military measures now taking form were decidedupon five days ago, and for the reason of defense

against the preparations of Austria ." That is t o say,

Russi a . had decided on mobi lization on the 25th of July

-three days before Austria had declared war on

Servia! What rea son of defen se wa s there in th is a ct ?

As the Kaiser telegraphed on the 31st of July to the

Czar : "Nobody threatens the honor and power of

Russia, whi ch could well have waited for the result of

my mediation." The Russian mobilization was gross-

ly provocativ e, and was a primal cause of the catas-

trophe which has befallen Europe ; because that

mobilization terrified the German Government, which

cou ld not under stand the mot ive of Russia in shielding

Servia from the wrath of Austria, in the peculi ar cir-

cumstances surrounding the murder at Sarajevo . Thecounsel Germany could tender to Austria was weak-




ened by the fact that the intervention of Germany

against Austria in 1913, which averted war, had not

improved the relations between Austria and Servia,

b u t h a d p r o d u c e d t h e a s s a s s i n a t i o n ; a s S e r v i a i m a g i n e d ,

w i t h s o m e j u s t i c e a s e v e n t s t u r n e d o u t , t h a t t h e p o l i t i c s

of assassination were not viewed unfavorably in Rus-

sia . It was not until August 1st, as the British Am-

b a s s a d o r a t V i e n n a s t a t e s , t h a t A u s t r i a r e p l i e d t o t h e

Russi an move . "General mobilization of army and

f l e e t , " i s t h e l a c o n i c m e s s a g e . On the same date it is

noted by Sir E . G r e y : "The Austro-Hungari an Am-

bassador declared the readiness of his Government to

discuss the substance of the Austrian ultimatum to

Servia . " But the Russian mobilization did not cease .

Germany asked that it s hould be stopped ; and no

answer was returned . The German representatives

were telegraphing that France and Russia were press-

i n g o n w i t h t h e i r m o b i l i z a t i o n ; and Sir E . G r e y h a d a l -

ready informed the . A u s t r i a n A m b a s s a d o r t h a t t h e B r i t -

i s h f l e e t w o u l d b e k e p t t o g e t h e r , a s t h e s i t u a t i o n w a s

d i f f i c u l t . It is known now that transports were being

collected together in the mouth of the Thames on the

3 1 s t o f J u l y . F a c e d w i t h t h i s c r i s i s , G e r m a n y l o s t h e r

nerve, and mobilized her forces late on the 31st of

J u l y . On the same date, the German Ambassador in

Paris was instructed : "Please ask French Govern-

ment whether it intends to remain neutral in a Russo-

German war . " He answered on the 1st of August :

"Upon my repeated definite inquiry whether France

would remain neutral in the event of a Russo-German



APPENDIX B 265

war, the Prime Minister declared that France would

do that which her interests dictated ."

The second part of this drama may be said to open

at the peaceful town of Andover, in Hampshire, where

a certai n Captain Faber, M . P ., deliv ered a speech in

the month of November, 1911 . He informed his

audience that "he was not going to gloss over or pass

over anything, and he was going to dwell on the late

crisis in the European situation . That crisis was

brought about over the state of Morocco, and the c risis

between France and Germany was exceedingly grave,

and at that time there was a div ision in the cabinet as

to whether we should sti ck to France or not . He knew

the names of the men who wante d to stick to France

in the cabinet and the names of those who did not . Thename s of the men who de c i ded to honorab l y s t i c k to

France were Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Winston

Churchil l . Those two men were in favor of sticki ng

to and abiding by the treaty with France . The idea at

the time of the late stress was to send six divis ions of

regular troops to help our ally, France ."-(AndoverTimes, November 16, 1911 .)

That speech naturally caused a stir in political cir-

cles by reason of its positive and grave assertions . On

November 16, 1911, Mr . Primrose asked Sir E . Grey

whether "he will s tate what are our engagements with

foreign powers involving armed intervention or sup-

port ." The rep l y b y Si r E . Gre y wa s : "All treaties

concluded by H. M . Government s ince 1898 and en-

gagements with foreign powers that might involve

armed intervention have been laid before Parliament . "




On the 27th of November, 1911, Sir C. Kinloch-Cookeinquired whether the declaration between France and

Great Britain as to Morocc o, sig ned on April 8, 1904,

was interpreted by either the French or British Gov-

ernments "to mean and to include military and naval

support under any and what circumstances?" Mr .

Acland answered : "An agreement to afford dip-

lomatic support does not impose on any power an ob-

ligation, either to give or to withhold military or naval

support. "

On the same date, Sir E. Grey deliv ered a speech in

which he remarked : "Let us try to put an end t o some

of the suspicions with regard to secrecy . We havelaid before the House of Commons the sec ret articles

of the agreement with France in 1904 . There are noother engagements . . . No British Government

could embark upon a war without public opinion be-

hind it, and such engagements as there are which really

commit Parliament to any thing of that ki nd are con-

ta ined in treat ie s or agreement s wh ich ha ve been l a id

before the house. For ourselves, we have not made a

single secret articl e of any kind since we came into of-

f i c e ." Such was the position in 1911 . In his fatal

speech of the 3rd of August, 1914, Sir E. Grey readthe fo llow ing do cument, te chn ica lly known a s an a i d e -

memoire, which he had written to the French Ambas-sador in London on November 22, 1912 : "My dearAmbassador-From time to time in recent years theFrench and British naval and military experts havecon su lted together . It has always been understood

that such consul tation does not restrict the freedom of



APPENDIX B 267

e i t h e r Government t o d e c i d e a t any f u t u r e time

w h e t h e r o r n o t t o a s s i s t t h e o t h e r b y a r m e d f o r c e . Wehave agreed that consultation between experts is not

and ought not to be regarded as an engagement that

commits either Government to action in a contingency

t h a t h a s n o t y e t a r i s e n a n d m a y n e v e r a r i s e . The dis-

p o s i t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , o f t h e F r e n c h a n d B r i t i s h f l e e t s

respectively at the present moment is not based upon

an engagement to co-operate in war . You have, how-

e v e r , p o i n t e d o u t t h a t , i f e i t h e r G o v e r n m e n t h a d g r a v e

reason to expect an unprovoked attack by a third

power, it might become essential to know whether it

c o u l d , i n t h a t e v e n t , d e p e n d u p o n t h e a r m e d a s s i s t a n c e

of the other ." Then comes the operative part, in

which was an undertaking of the highest importance .

"I agree that, if either Government had grave reason

to expect an unprovoked attack by a third power, or

something that threatened the general peace" (just

observe how far-reaching those words might become

in certain eventualities) "it should immediately dis-

cuss with the other whether both Governments should

act together to prevent aggression and to preserve

peace, and,- if so, what measures they would be pre-

pared to take in common . " Between two private in-

dividuals art instrument so worded would be regarded

as a contract in terms as well as in honor . Yet Sir

Edward Grey admitted, in the same speech, that he did

not, know what the outcome of such a bargain might

b e , b e c a u s e h e c o n t i n u e d : "We are not parties to the

Franco-Russian Alliance . We do not even know the

t e r m s o f t h a t a l l i a n c e . " That is a confession of in-




competence, because no such letter should have been

given to the French Ambassador until disclosure hadbeen permitted of the obligations of France towards

Russia.

Reports emanating from Paris soon began to cir-

culate alleging the existence of this document. In

February, 1913, Lord Hugh Cecil, in the debate on the

address, pointed out : "There is a very general belief

that this country i s under an obligation, not a treaty

obligation, but an obligation arising out of an assurance

g iven by the m in istr y in the cour se of d ip lomat ic ne-

gotiations, to send a very large armed force out of this

country to operate in Europe." Mr. Asquith i nter-

vened at on ce, sa ying : "I ought to say tha t it is not

true." How can that deni al be rec onciled with the c on-

tents of the letter addressed to the Ambassador? On

March 24, 1913, the Prime Minister was again ques-

tioned : "Whether the foreign policy of this country

is at the present time unhampered by any treaties,agreements, or obligations under which Britis h military

forces would, in certain eventuali ties, be called upon to

be landed on the continent?" Mr . Asquith repl ied

"As has been repeatedly s tated, this country i s not un-

der any obligation, not public and known to Parliament,

which compels it to take part in any war." That an-

swer was an untruth. On the 28th of April, 1914,

more rumors on the s ubject being current, Sir Edward

Grey was further interrogated : "Whether the policy

of this country s till remai ned one of freedom from all

obligations to engage in mili tary operations on the con-

tinent?" He answered : "The position now remains



APPENDIX B 269

the same as was stated by the Prime Minister in an-

swer to a question on March 24, 1913 ." That was a

most disingenuous and tricky reply . In May, 1914,

there was a discussion in the Russian Duma on the

relations between Britain and Russia . That topic was

debated in secret, and Sir Edward Grey has declined

to publish the British Ambassador's report as to what

t r a n s p i r e d i n t h a t d e b a t e ; b u t o n t h e 1 1 t h o f J u n e , 1 9 1 4 ,

Sir Edward Grey was asked : "Whether any naval

agreement had been recently entere d into between Rus-

sia and Great Britain, and whether any negotiations

with a view to a naval agreement have recently taken

place or are now pending between Russia and Great

B r i t a i n ." The Foreign Secretary dealt with the ques-

tion in a most elaborate and formal manner : "The

P r i m e M i n i s t e r r e p l i e d l a s t y e a r t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e

Hon. Member that if a war arose between Europeanpowers there were no unpublished agreements which

would hamper or restrict the freedom of the Govern-

ment or of Parliament to decide whether or not Great

Britain should participate in a war . That answer

covers both questions on the paper . It remains as

t r u e t o d a y a s i t w a s a y e a r a g o . No negotiations have

since been concluded with any power that would make

t h e s t a t e m e n t l e s s t r u e . No such negotiations are in

p r o g r e s s , a n d n o n e a r e l i k e l y t o b e e n t e r e d u p o n a s f a r

as I can judge ."

All this time Sir Edward Grey had in his possession

a c o p y o f t h e l e t t e r h e h a d w r i t t e n h i m s e l f t o M . Cam-

bon that committed Britain to every kind of continen-

tal adventure into which Russia might drag France .




The concluding sentenc e of this statement of Sir Ed-

ward Grey, in the circumstances, is a masterpiece of

misrepresentation : "But if any agreement were to be

concluded that made it necessary to withdraw or mod-

if y the Prime Min ister' s s tatement of la st year wh ich

I have quoted, it ought, i n my opinion, to be, and I

suppose that it would be, l aid before Parliament ." That

is the mental state of the Prime Minister and the For-

eign Secretary, whose appeals to heaven and to national

honor read a little s trangely in view of the falsity of

their representations to Parliament, the custodian of

national honor . It is a curious comm entary upon these

repudiations that the American press , on June 20, 1914,

before the assassination of Serajevo, published a re-

port that a naval conventi on had been signed between

Russi a and Britain unde r which, i n the case of a Rus-

so-German war, Britain would render assistance to

Russia by naval operations . It is ri ght to add that Sir

Edward Grey has strenuously contradicted that re-port ; but the reader must judge what value he will at-

tach to contradictions emanating from Sir Edward

Grey .

The position of Belgium must next engage our at-

tention . It has been reiterated that Britain is fi ght-

ing in this war because there was some treaty under

which the neutrality of Belgium was guaranteed in aEuropean war .

Neither the Prime Minister nor Sir Edward Grey

has enli ghtened the world as to the text of that guar-

antee. The present writer has been through Hertslet's

"Map of Europe by Treaty ," and has fail ed to disc over



APPENDIX B 271

an y s u c h i n s trument . The treat ies of 1831 and 1839

contain merely this : "Arti cl e VII : Belgium shall

form an independent neutrality towards all other

states . " That is a common form stipulation which is

always insert ed on the creation of small buffer states

like Belgium . There is als o the fact that on August

9, 1870, Great Britain and Prussia entered upon a

treaty "relative to the independence and neutrality of

Belgium ." Articl e I of that treaty pl edged Prussia

to respect the neutrality of Belgium during the Franco-

Prussian war. Artic le II provi ded for joint meas ures

against France should France violate the territories of

Belgium . Article III provided that the treaty should

only be binding on the high contracting parties during

the Franco-Prussian war . "On the expirat ion o f that

time the independence and neutrality of Belgium will,

so far as the high contracting parties are respectively

-concerned, continue to rest as heretofore on Article I,

of the Quintuple treaty o f April 19, 1839 . " Sir E

Hertslet has a n ote that that treaty i s No . 183 in h is

book. Article I of that document s imply s ays : "HM the King of the Netherlands engages to cause to be

immediately conv erted into a treaty with H . M . the

King of the Belgians, the articles annexed to the pres-

ent act, and agreed upon by common consent, under the

auspices of the courts of Great Britain, Austria,

France, Prussia and Russia ." That the neutrality of

Belgium doctri ne is more complic ated than the prob-

lem of the Danish Duchies, reputed a s the most ab-

struse 'question known in the history of diplomacy, is

the on l y determ i nat i on that one c an arr i v e at from




the documents ; and it is crimi nal that Britain should

have been plunged i nto a European war on a pretext of

this character. Britain owed one duty to Belgium ;

and that is a duty which does not seem to have been

performed, namely to give Belgium sound advice .

Britain had never guaranteed to protect the neutral ity

of Belgium duri ng a continental war for the excell ent

reason that the guarantee was impossible of perform-

ance. The neutrality of Belgium could only be uphel d

by force of arms. Belgium should have been warned

by Britain that it was unl ikel y that the Britis h troops

could be brought to Belgium i n time to render the Bel-

gian forces any assistance ; and that it was improbable

that the French army, owing to its general state of dis-

organization, could promptly aid the Belgian troops .

If that counsel were given by Britain, and stil l Bel-

g ium wa s w illing to r isk a c onf lict aga in st German y' s

overwhelming strength, then Belgium has her own

Government to thank for the devastation which has

been wrought in her territories . If Britain an d France

led the Belgians to believe t hat the French and Eng-

lish troops woul d effect a junction with the Belgian

army outside Brussels, then Belgium has been the

catspaw of Britain and France ; be cau se no m ilitar y

officer of repute has ever contended that it was pos-

sible to defend Belgium from German invasion ever

since Germany c onstructed the net-work of strategical

ra ilwa ys wh ic h run s to the Belg ian front ier . It may

be that King Albert of Belgium was actuated by am-

bition , and that Belgium i s to be rewarded at the ex-



APPENDIX B 273

pense of Luxemburg, in whic h case the trans action is

even more scandalous .

Had Belgium surrendered to force majeure, i n s i s t -

ing on substantial compensation for the trespass com-

mitted by the German troops, no one could have

doubted her wisdom, nor suspected her honor .

As already demons trated, Germany attem pted to get

some statement from France concerning the latter's

attitude in a Russo-German war, but without result .

The next move by Germany was to ascertain the in-

tentions of Britain . The Emperor had some ground

for hoping that Britain would rema in neutral, as he

had prevented a European coalition agai nst Britain in

1900-1901 to compe l Britain to give terms to the Boers .

The Kaiser, i n 1908, had allowed an inte rview to be

published in the Daily Telegraph, which was sum-

marized in the Annual Register. "He (the EmperorWilliam) had proved his friendship for England by

refusing to receive the Boer delegates at Berlin, while

the European peoples had received and feted them ; by

refusing the i nvitation of France and Russia to join

with them in calli ng upon England to put an end to the

Boer war ; and by sending to Windsor a plan of c am-

paign ag ainst the Boers in December, 1899, drawn up

by himself and submitted to his general staff for

criticism, which ran very much on the same lines as

that which was adopted by Lord Roberts . " Neither

the French nor Russian G overnments v entured to con-

tradict this account, which was amplifi ed in the debates

in the Reichs tag . Finding war with France was in-




evitable, the German Chancel lor made overtures to

Britain, which, by some mi suse of language, have been

described as infamous . What the German Chancellor

offered, according to Sir E . Gosche n, was to gua rantee

the territorial integ rity of France if Germany were

successful in defeating Russia and France, which was

a remote contingency. There may be some hidden

wickedness in this s uggestion, but the present writer

can only see that it was a business proposal . Sir Ed -

ward Gre y rejec ted th i s propo s i t i on . Then Prince

Lichnowsky put forward a second basis, as Sir Edward

Grey wired on August 1 . "He asked me whether, if

Germany gave a promise not to violate Belgian neutral-

ity we would engage to remain neutral . I replied that

I could not say that ; our hands were still free, and we

were considering what our attitude should be . All I

could say was that our attitude would be determined

largely by public opinion here, and that the neutrality

of Belgium would appeal very s trongly to public opin-

ion here . I did not think that we could give a promise

of neutrality on that condition alone . The Ambas-sador pressed me as to whether I could formulate con-

ditions on which we would remain neutral . He evensuggested that the integrity of France and her c olonies

might be guaranteed . I said that I felt obliged to re-

fuse definitely any promise to remain neutral on sim-

ilar terms, and I could only say that we must keep

our hands free. " Sir Edward Grey has since con-

tended that Prince Lichnowsky was not authorized to

negotiate on this basis and was being deceived by his

superiors in Berlin . That argument is founded upon



APPENDIX B 275

the unshakable conviction in Sir Edward Grey's mind

that Germany was intending to fight the world all at

once . T h a t i s r a t h e r r i d i c u l o u s , c o n s i d e r i n g t h a t t h e

hopeless nature of such a conflict would restrain any

power from embarking upon it . On the 2nd of

August, Sir Edward Grey h anded M . Cambon this

memorandum : "I am authorized to give an assurance

that, if the German fleet comes into the channel or

through the North Sea to undertake hostile operation s

a g a i n s t F r e n c h c o a s t o r s h i p p i n g t h e B r i t i s h f l e e t w i l l

g i v e a l l t h e p r o t e c t i o n i n i t s p o w e r . This assurance

must not be taken as binding H . M . Government to

take any action until the above contingency of action

b y t h e G e r m a n f l e e t t a k e s p l a c e . " That was an extra-

ordinary communication which, as Germany and

France were at war, amounted to a declaration of hos-

t i l i t y a g a i n s t G e r m a n y ; i t wa s a n ac t o f w a r b y Br i t a in

against Germany long before Belgian territory had

been entered by the German troops . Had the German

navy steamed into the North Sea on August 2nd, it

would have been liable to destruction by the British

f l e e t ( t h o u g h B r i t a i n a n d G e r m a n y w e r e s t i l l n e g o t i a t -

i n g ) , i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e a s s u r a n c e p r e s e n t e d t o t h e

French Ambass ador. It was an ingenious scheme, but

h a r d l y o f a n a t u r e t o w a r r a n t t h e h i g h m o r a l t o n e s i n c e

taken against Germany by the British Ministers! OnAugust 1st, Prince Lichnowsky telegraphed to Berlin :

"Sir E . Grey has just called me to the telephone and

asked whether I thought I could say that in the event

of France remaining neutral in a Russo-German warwe should not attack the French . I t o l d h i m I t h o u g h t




I could accept the responsibility for this ." The Im-perial Chancellor replies : "Germany i s ready to take up

the English proposal if England guarantees with her

forces the absol ute neutrality of France in a Russo-

German conflict . . . . We promise that the

Fren ch front ier sha ll not be pa ss ed by our troop s be-

fore 7 p . m . on Monday, August 3rd, if Eng land's con-

sent is giv en in the meantime ." France, however, wasdetermined to support Russi a, so that the proposal fell

through. If France had remained neutral, Belgiumwould have been saved much misery, and France and

Britain much blood and treasure .

Sir Edward Grey should have warned France more

stern ly of the con sequence s of i n vo lving her fortune s

in a struggle between Slav and Teuton. Also heshould never have committed Britain in 1912 to a

blind support of France, without acquainting the cabi-

net with hi s ignorance of the terms of the Franco-Rus-

sian alliance . The document of 1912 should have beendisc losed to the Britis h Parliament at the time of dis-

pat ch ; because, then, the German statesmen would

have known how desperate the situation might become .

Sir Edward Grey laid a snare for the House of Com-

mons, out of which, in the excited condi tion of public

opinion and the electrical atmosphere in Europe the

hou se cou ld not be extricated w ith honor and d i gn it y .

Without reading or disc losi ng the last quoted telegrams

to Parliament, Sir Edward Grey had the effrontery to

tell the House 'of Commons on the 3rd of August

"We have disclosed our mind to the House of Com-mons." He had these documents in his poss ession, but



APPENDIX B 277

concealed them ; nor have they been published in the

White Paper . The Kaiser hi mself wi red to King

George : "If France offers me her neutrality, which

must be guaranteed by the English army and navy, I

w i l l , o f c o u r s e , c e a s e t o c o n s i d e r a n a t t a c k o n F r a n c e ,

and use my troops in another direction . I hope that

F r a n c e w i l l n o t b e n e r v o u s . The troops on my frontier

are being held back by telegram and telephone from

passing the French frontier ." King George replied

that there had been a misunderstanding, and the ne-

gotiations could not proceed on those lines ; and war

ensued . Germany had lost some valuable hours and had

endeavored to keep France and Britain out of war,

k n o w i n g t h a t h e r b e s t c h a n c e o f s u c c e s s w a s i n F r a n c e ,

as Russia was almost invulnerable to invasion . Yet

the jingo party in Britain would impute the whole

blame for this cruel war to the artful manoeuvres of

t h e K a i s e r .

That is a supposition which rests upon the absurd

assumption that Germany would risk a war with Rus-

sia, France, Britain and' Belgium at the same moment!

There is some element of truth in the comments ofHerr von Jagow, as recorded by the British Ambas-

sador at Berlin : "Herr v on Jagow expres sed his

p o i g n a n t r e g r e t a t t h e c r u m b l i n g o f h i s e n t i r e p o l i c y ,

and that of the Chancellor, which had been to make

friends with Great Britain, and then, through Great

B r i t a i n , t o g e t c l o s e r t o F r a n c e . " The Chancellor ex-

pressed himself more strongly : "What we had done

was unthinkable ; it was like striking a man from be-

h i n d w h i l e h e w a s f i g h t i n g f o r l i f e a g a i n s t t w o a s s a i l -




ants . He held Great Britain responsible for all the

terrible events that might happen ." After a ll , Brit ons

should reflect that it would have been very unpleasant

had Germany joined a European coalition on behalf of

the Boers . Germany, no doubt, refused to do so in her

own interests, as the Kaiser did not believ e that it was

to the advantage of Germany that Britain should be

crippled by a European coalition . It is, unfor tunately ,

the present writer's view that the same observation is

applic able to the situati on of today ; and that Britain

never entered upon a more insane campaign than this

campaign in which she is helping to destroy Germany

in the interes ts of Russi a and France .

On the 3rd of August the Britis h Minister at Brus-

sels wired the following information : "French Gov-

ernment have offered through their mili tary attache the

support of five French army corps to the Belgian Gov-

ernment . Following reply has been received today

`We are sincerely grateful to the French Governmentfor offering eventual support . In the actual circum-

stances, however, we do not propos e to appeal to the

guarantee of the powers . Belgian Government will

decide later on the action which they may think it neces-

sary to take ."' Up til l that l ate hour, the Belgian G ov-

ernment wa s seem ing ly w ill ing to adopt an att itude of

enforced neutrality, as Belgium could not hope perma-

nently to contest the march of the German army . OnAugust 4th, the King of the Belgi ans addres sed an ap-

peal to King George which is thus worded : "I make

a supreme appeal to the diplomatic interventi on of your

Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of



APPENDIX B 279

Belgium." The mystery of Belgium is almost insoluble

on these documents as that is a telegram inviting only

diplomatic intervention, and not armed intervention, to

preserve the neutrali ty of Belgium . The German Gov-

ernment, according to Sir Edward Grey, had delivered

a note to Belgium, "proposing friendly neutrality , en-

tailing free passage through Belgian territory, and

promising to maintain the independence and integrity

of the kingdom and its possessions at the conclusion of

peace, threatening,, in c ase of refusal, to treat Belgium

as an enemy ."' On August 4th, Sir Edward Grey

wired to the British Minis ter at Brussels : "You should

inform Belgian Government that if pres sure is applied

to them by Germany to induce them to depart from

neutrality, His Majesty's Government expect that they

will resist by any means in their power . " It was a

terribly selfish act to press that advice upon Belgium,

when no substantial assistance, in the military sense,

could be rendered to s ave Belgian territories from dev-

astation .

It ma y b e a s k ed : "Well, but granted all thi s crit-

icism is sound, what can be done now?" That i s a

questio n often put by those pers ons who explai n that

Britain "must go through wi th it ."

Surely one is entitled to know, "To what end is

this policy directed?" The Prime Minister, MrChurchi ll, a nd Mr . Lloyd George, i n their recruiti ng

orations, have introduced a lot of irrelevant and prej-

udicial matters ; but on that principal point on which

more information is needed their silence has been unan-

imous and complete . The Prime Minister has ex-




plained that Britai n is fighting for Belgian neutral ity .

One cannot fi ght for a myth . Belgian neutra lity v an-

ished the moment the first German patrol crossed the

frontier. His next argument was that German mil-

itar ism mu st be cru shed . Well, can it be done? The

militarism of Germany has this excuse, that it has

proved itself a fairly effi cient weapon against a pow-

erful combination . In these days, it is questionabl e

whether a well-organized composite European state

can be thoroughly beaten . Britain ha d enough trouble

to subjugate the sma ll Boer Republi cs i n South Africa .

The partition of Germany and Austria-Hungary may

be the mot ive of the Czar ; but what benefit can accrue

to Britain or France from such madness? Before Ger-

many and Austria surrender to Russia, mil lions of men

will have died, as many of the races in Austria and

Germany must literally strive to their last man against

Russian control . That is the common sense of the

situation . Moreover, there is a certain amount of

humbug in this outcry against German militarism . In

the centuries before German unity was accomplished,Berlin was more often in the hands of a foreign in-

vader than any other capital in Europe. Bismarck

calculated that the French had occupied Berlin over

twenty times, while the German troops had been in

Paris twice . Prussia and Brandenburg were two ofthe most invaded countries in Europe before the ring

of bayonets was welded together . That is historic al

fact . On the other hand, Russi a has a militari st prop-

aganda of the most evil kind ; and the Dreyfus case

demonstrated what form French militarism could as-



APPENDIX B 2 8 1

sume . N o r i s B r i t i s h n a v a l i s m i n n o c u o u s i n i t s s p i r i t !

T h r o u g h t h a t n a v a l i s m , B r i t a i n h a s a s s a i l e d n a t i o n a f t e r

n a t i o n i n E u r o p e t h a t h a s t h r e a t e n e d h e r t r a d e s u p r e m -

acy ; a n d G e r m a n y , t h e l a t e s t c o m e r , i s b e i n g s i m i l a r l y

handled . "On the knee, you dog!" was a phrase that

rang unpleasantly through England not long ago . The

militarism of Lord Kitchener in Egypt and in India

w a s a s b a d a s a n y t h i n g o n e c o u l d w a n t i n t h a t l i n e . Mr .

Asquith, in his orations about Britain struggling for

the liberties of Europe, might re-assure us about the

r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e s t a t u t o r y B r i t i s h l i b e r t i e s w h i c h h a v e

been whittled away in the past two months by a series

o f r o y a l p r o c l a m a t i o n s .

In 1899, Britain was righteously engaged in the de-

struction of "Krugerism ;" today it is "Kaiserism"

which is the target of Britain's virtuous indignation .

By an ironic stroke of fate, this year (1914) was the

scene of the greatest procession ever organized by

British trade unionism, when hundreds of thousands

of men protested against the deportation of English-

men without trial or without charge by the successors

of "Krugerism," "Krugerism" never deported British

s u b j e c t s w i t h o u t t r i a l a n d w i t h o u t c h a r g e ; but "Krug-

e r i s m " d i d r e s i s t t h e i m p o r t a t i o n o f C h i n e s e " b l a c k le g "

l a b o r . The disappearance of "Krugerism" was rather

a barren victory ; it certainly was an expensive one .

Many wonderful things were forecasted as likely to

occur under the British regime in South Africa ; b u t

the world still awaits something newer than the old

t y r a n n y o f c a p i t a l i s m .

Another argument for the war is that the principle




of the freedom of nationalities is involved . On which

side? Germany and Austria have been promised

partiti on by the genial Czar and the witty Frenchman !

In the past twelve years, there have been fiv e states

whose independence has been taken from them without

any protest from Britain. They were all examples

where the nationalities were distinct . The Transvaal

and the Orange Free State had their independenc e de-

stroyed by Britain . Persia n integrity was broke n into

by the thieves' covenant of 1907 between Russia and

Britai n ; and Mr. Morgan Shuster, the American who

was re-organizing Persian financial administration,

was expell ed through Russ o-Briti sh intri gue . Morocco

was partit ioned between France and Spain with British

connivance. The case of Corea was almost parallelto that of Belgi um . The independence and neutrality

of Corea were guaranteed by Japan, Russia, Britain

and France, under a number of treaties . The Corean

Queen was foully murdered by Japanese agents. TheJapanese, some time afterwards, invaded Corea and

compelled the Coreans to fight against Russia in the

Russo-Japanese War. Russia and Corea protested to

Britain and France ; but, on that occasion, which was

a far more shameless breach in international law,

Britain and France thought it convenient to forgettheir "obligations of honor," "their written bond,"

"their sacred covenant," or whatever high sounding

phrase may occur to the recruiting orators of the

Cabinet. Corea was annexed by the Japanese, andha s regretted her unhapp y fate e ver si n ce . The Ger-

mans were not parties to any of these touching inci-



APPENDIX B 283

dents in the War of Liberation on behalf of small

nationalities ; probably, because they were elbowed out

by the Tr ip le Entente . Mr. Asquith and Sir EdwardGrey, by the way, were the two prominent Liberal

leaders who deserted Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman

when the latter wa s endea vor ing to obta in some under-

taking that the inde pendence of th e Orange Free State

would be preserved. The sudden affection for prin-

cipl e exhibit ed by Mr . Asquith nowadays is somewhat

unconvincing when compared with past events in his

l i f e .

Ah but it will be proclaimed, "What about the

German atrocities and the road-hog of Europe?"

That is the on ly top ic that the go vernment ha s rea lly

left ; and it is a strange defense for a war which ought

never to have been undertaken. Undoubtedly some

terrible crimes have been perpetrated by the German

soldiery ; but as the worst crime under most penal

code s is "Thou sha lt not kil l," can one be a ston ished

that the authorization to large bodies of men to com-

mit the capital offense should bring in its train all the

lesser crimes of rape, arson, mutilation, etc . ? Once thepassions are unloosened-and war does unloose the

worst and most deeply ingrained passion of all, to-wit,

the desire to slay-it is si lly to complain about the

excesses that wil l follow . The burning of Louvain,

Malines , Rheims, are artisti c calami ties ; but they are

spe cks compared w ith the spe cta cle of ten m illion s of

men slaughtering each other seven days a week ; be-

cause these Christian generals pursue their voc ation

with speci al ardor on Sunday . The Christian denomi-




nat ion s lament the bombardment of cathedra ls ; but the

dominion of Satan has no need for those buildings .

The Prince of Darkness is ruling this world , and the

fact that he is being supported by all the self-styled

"Vicar s of Chris t" sim ply prov es that the lat ter have

been masquerading under false colors .

Those editors who have been denouncing the Ger-

man atrocities hav e not protested against the action of

the censor in refusing permiss ion to publish the coun-

ter charges . This is most unfair procedure . Bothsides' allegations s hould be allowed a hearing or should

be suppressed-not one to the exclusion of the other .

Russia and Japan have been the s ubject of some stric -

tures by the Ex-Press Censor, Mr. F. E . Smith, in

his work on International Law, which were to thiseffect : "On November 21, 1894, the Japanese Army

stormed Port Arthur, and for five days indulged in

the promiscuous slaughter of non-combatants : men,

women and children, with every circumstance of bar-barity." The Times correspondent reported : "Thurs-

day, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday were spent by thesoldiery in murder and pillage from dawn to dark, in

mutilation, in every conceivable kind of nameless atroc-

ity, until the town became a ghastly inferno, to beremembered with a fearsome shudder until one's dying

day. " Mr. F. E. Smith adds : "The details of this

awful scene completel y warrant this eloquent and em-

phatic condemnation." So much for the gentle Japan-ese . Next Mr . F. E . Smith detail s the rec ord of the

pastoral and simple Russian, as he is being now pic-

tured by H. G. Wells and other litterateurs : "The



APPENDIX B 285

recurrent tradition of Suvaroff's savagery at Ismail

and Warsaw found a re-echo in the events of the

Crimean War and of Akkel Teke, and culminated in

1900 in the col d-blooded slaughter by the Russians of

the whole Chinese population of Blagovestchenk and

district . . . . The massacre of Blagovestchenk was

described by a Russian officer in the foll owing words

"The Cossacks took all the Chinese and forced them

into the river on boats that could not carry them, and

when the women threw their children on shore and

begged that they at least might be saved, the Cossack s

caught the babies on their bayonets and cut them i n

pieces . " . . . Nothing worse than this massacre of

Blagovestchenk has ever been related of the unspeak-

able Turk." That was Mr. Smith's judgment, writi ngin 1907, the very year in which Britain and Russia

entered into a treaty to undermine Persian indepen-

dence ! The "red rubber" denunciations of Belgium

cannot have been forgotten ; and the report of Sir

Roger Casement on Belgian rule in the Congo Free

State is still av ailable to those who want to be sic kened

with the horror of man's "inhumanity to man." TheInternational Commission on the atroci ties in the Bal-

kan War condemned the Servians as the worst offend-

ers . Even now Belgium has not been laid waste as

the Boer Republics were by Lord Kitchener and Lord

Roberts. The sack of Pekin by the troops of the

Allied Powers in 1900, in which Germany was equallyinvolved, should lead the European statesmen to re-

frain from this sort of denunciati on, until the Chris-

tian communities of Europe have offered some sort of




reparation to the "Heathen Chinee" for the abomina-

tions which dis graced that punitive expedition .

This war is being supported by sham arguments and

hypocritical appeals to sentiment. Its pretended c ause,

"The neutrality of Belgium," is non-existent . Its real

cause, the wish to beat the German Navy, remains tobe examined. On the face of it, it would seem a con-

venient opportunity to annihilate the German Navy ;

but surface considerations are not always the soundest .

Just let us examine the amazing procedure adopted by

the statesmen of Britain to preserve Britain's pre-

dominance in sea power. The French fleet, with some

Britis h ships, i s at present guarding the Mediterranean

trade routes in the interes ts of the trade of France .

The Russi an Fleet is stati oned in the Baltic, the Black

Sea, and the Far East ; its inactivity is distinctly mas-

terly. Britain has mars halled the whole acti ve strength

of the na vy i n or about the North Sea so a s to str ike

at the G erman High Seas Fleet shoul d it v enture upon

a general battle . As the German Fleet is hopelessly

inferior in ships and guns to the British Fleet, its big

ships are not lik ely to risk a general engagement ; but

its submarine and torpedo boats will make desperate

sorties . Nothwithstanding Mr . Churchil l's referenc e

to "rats in a hol e," the Germans are sensi ble to adopt

on sea the tactics followed by the Boers on land . As-

suming, however, that public opinion in Germany puts

pressure on the German Admiral to endeavor to fight

his way out of the Kiel Canal, there may be a titani c

sea fight in whic h the German Fleet would be destroyed

and the British Fleet somewhat damaged . Then, at



APPENDIX B 287

the end of the war, what wou ld be the po sit ion i n the

realm of sea power? Germany's Fleet would have been

annihilated ; Britain's Fleet would have been damaged ;

the French Fleet would be peacefully patrolling the

Mediterranean ; and the Russi an, Italian, Japanese, and

the American Fleets would be intact. The Austrian

Fleet will, in all probabil ity, remain in Pola Harbor,

which is practic ally impregnable, as Austria, having

no quarrel wi th either France or Britain, c an have no

particul ar wish to jeopardize her small fleet in combat

with the Mediterranean squadrons of Britain and

France . The whole burden of contending with the

German Fleet has been cast upon Britain . What is

the economy or the sanity of this policy, which may

leave Britain's Fleet inferior in s trength to the com-

bined na va l for ce s of an y two of the power s named ?

No statesman in Europe has explained definitelywhat the objective of any country partic ipating in the

war really is . The British ruli ng class is united upon

some undisclosed policy because the arguments that

are be ing expounded in the re cru it ing s pee che s simp ly

disappear on the first touch of criticism . The road is

a road to ruin ; that is clear . By reason of the stupid

tactics of European policy, the Germans and Austrians,

actuated by their terror of Russian barbarism s weep-

ing across their country, wil l be reinforced by the nerv-

ing spirit of desperation . The cruel measures enforced

in Belgium are good evi dence of the serious terror pre-

va iling i n the German m ind . Cruelty is always a symp-

tom of fear ; and it need s a bra ve man to be mer cifu l

to his enemies ; and that is true of nations . Germany




and Austria are in grav er peril than any other country

except Belgium ; because their trade has gone, and

the ir arm ie s ha ve had no tremendou s su cc e ss except in

Ea st Pru ssia over the Russians . The con clu sion s wh ich

look probable are : (1) sta le- mat e ; (2) victory and

aggrandizement of France and Russia over Germany

and Austria-Hungary. Such a policy is not worth a

single British life . It is a mad world ; but there is

not even method in the madness which is afflicting

Britain and her statesmen at this time of crisi s in the

history of civil ization . On these grounds, the gov-

ernment should be compelled to answer on the re-

assembling of Parliament the plain question : Whatare we doing and where are we going in this bittercontest? The militarism prevalent in Prussia is a

form of militarism whi ch is formidable, i nexcusable,

and immoral in its denial of the rights of the indi-

vidual ; but it is impossible to measure the ebb andflow of enmity between nations . The bitterness ofm ilitar ist ic German y aga in st the loo se combination of

the Triple Entente inevitably produced an unrest offear wh ich, on ce it wa s inf lamed by the Russian att i-

tude towards Austria, caused universal terror to de-

velop into universal murder .

The e vent s of the pa st few wee ks, wh ich ha ve stag-

gered Europe with the rapidity of their occurrence,ha ve produ ced, one mu st re cogn ize, a comp lete para ly-

sis of democratic gov ernment in Britain, sinc e Parlia-

ment was prorogued leaving many matters of vast pub-

lic importance wholly uudebated. (1) The interven-

tion of Japan in a conflict between European States .



APPENDIX B 289

It is true that the intervention was engineered during

a temporary adjournment and was an accomplished

fact when Parliament reassembled, yet it was a ques-

tion of the utmost moment . No protest was raised in

Parliament against its withdrawal by Sir Edward Grey

from the cognizance of Parliament ; nor was any cen-

sure moved upon him . (2) The use of fe roci ous Asiat-

ic troops, such as the Gurkhas, against a European

State in Euro pe . (3) The sending of the Expedition-

ary Force on to the Continent was never discussed .

Sir Edward Grey told the House of Commons on

August 3rd, "that no decision had been yet come to

with regard to sending an expeditionary forc e ." Then

came the declaration of war against Germany, and the

government was allowed to send thousands of men to

perish on the Continent without a word of debate onthe wisdom of such a proceeding. (4) The treaty be-

tween Russia, France, and Britain, whereby those

powers have agreed not to make terms of peace sep-

arately, was withheld from discussion in the House

of Commons. No hint was given by Sir Edward Grey

of his intention to bind Britain's future by such an

instrument ; Sir Edward Grey is the autocrat of

Britain. Even when the document was published, thepr in cip le of p ledg ing Brita in to an agreement of that

nature with Russia, whos e ambitions hav e been a potent

influence in bringi ng on the catastrophe, was not even

debated or discussed . It is doubtful whether any Brit-

ish statesman has ever concluded a more momentousbargain which may have most unforeseen consequences

on the future of Britain . Parliament has neglected to




extract any informati on as to the l engths the govern-

mental policy, whatever it may be, w i l l be pushed, nor

is it comprehensible why the Belgian Government, now

a belligerent, was not a signatory to this covenant of

loyalty and good faith . If these points are all con-

sidered as improper for public debate, one must won-

der what utility democratic c ontrol through Parliament

is as a check upon a war-infected executive, which i s

working the governmental machinery at full speed .

All that can happen at the present rate of progre ss is

that Britain will be turned into a mourning hous e,

Europe into a cemetery, and the world into a bank-

ruptcy court . Let us reflect upon some pass ages in

Mr. John Bright's s peech es . On March 31, 1854, in

denouncing the Crimean War, he said : "It is not m y

duty to make this country the kni ght errant of the

human race, and to take upon herself the protecti on

of the thousand millions of human beings who have

been permitted by the Creator of all k ings to people

this planet . " Ah! those of us who ask for a little

knight errantry on behalf of the downtrodden milli ons

of British work ers know the answer that is giv en by

those who are willing to expend billions o n preserving

"the neutrali ty of Belgium ." The wealthy capitalists,

whose wives are generously crowding to succor the

Belgian refugees, will be unremitting in their grinding

of the faces of the Britis h working clas s, and that class

will go on applauding their patriotic zeal and self-sac-

rific e! Ah ! is not it tragically ironical? For instance,

the soldier's wi dow is to receive 5s . a week and ls . 6d

for each child . Indeed! this is a noble country , with

a generous heart in the way of promises ! The first



APPENDIX B 291

duty of Britons is to remedy the wrongs of Britons

and to end the scandalous poverty which is the out-

s t a n d i n g f e a t u r e i n t h e s e i s l a n d s . When the call goes

that "England expects every man to do his duty," in

what respect will there be a hearty response from the

ruling class of Britain? Mr. Bright resumed : "I am

told, indeed, that the war is popular, and that it is

f o o l i s h a n d e c c e n t r i c t o o p p o s e i t . I may ask, What

was more popular than the American War? W here

i s n o w t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f t h a t d i s a s t r o u s a n d d i s g r a c e -

ful war, and who is the man to defend it? The past

events of our history have taught me that the inter-

vention of this country in European wars is not only

unnecessary but calamitous ." How true that is of the

p r e s e n t w a r l The ruin of Austria and Germany for

the advantage of Russia and France can be nothing

b u t i m m e d i a t e l y d i s a s t r o u s t o B r i t a i n . Mr. B r i g h t c o n -

cluded : "I believe if this country seventy years ago

h a d a d o p t e d t h e p r i n c i p l e o f n o n - i n t e r v e n t i o n i n e v e r y

c a s e w h e r e h e r i n t e r e s t s w e r e n o t d i r e c t l y a n d o b v i o u s l y

assailed, that she would have been saved from much

of the pauperism and brutal crimes by which our gov-

ernment and people have alike been disgraced . This

country might have been a garden, every dwelling

might have been of marble, and every person who

treads its soil might have been sufficiently educated .

We should indeed have had less of military glory .

We might have had neither Trafalgar nor Waterloo,

b u t w e s h o u l d h a v e s e t t h e h i g h e x a m p l e o f a C h r i s t i a n

n a t i o n , f r e e i n i t s i n s t i t u t i o n s , c o u r t e o u s a n d j u s t i n i t s

c o n d u c t t o w a r d s a l l f o r e i g n s t a t e s , a n d r e s t i n g i t s p o 1 -




icy on the unchangeable foundation of Christian

morality . "

That also is the creed of the author of this pam-

phlet . One last word of warning. Remember that notime is too soon to confer upon society the blessings

of peace. The government has pursued a course which

has brought Britain into war with Austria against

whom nobody has discovered a casus b e l l i . The in-

terventi on of the United States, of Turkey, an d China

may light another conflagration, whic h will burn out

the remnants of soci al organization at present left un-

touched by the appalling struggle in Europe . It is pos-

sible that the practical blockade of Holland will drive

that country into war with Britain . It is probable tha t

the victorious march of Russia will compel Sweden,

which i s organizing an army o f 800,000 men, to enter

the field against the Allies . Then, Britain will be

arrayed against the most civilized and enlightened

people in Europe. Once the path of crime is begun

no one can foresee where the tragedy will end . There

is a gallows which overhangs national crimes as well

as individual crimes, and that these proceedings ofH. M. Government, if persisted in, wil l bring a most

frightful retribution, is a less on written on the blood-

stained pages of nearly every war that the British

democracy has been deluded into, most of which have

been embarked upon in the hope of riveting the chains

of privilege still more tightly round the wrists of the

hard working, underpaid mass of British citizens .

God Save the People !



APPENDIX C.

WHY WE ARE AT WARA REPLY TO SIR EDWARD GREY

BY J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, M . P .

On that fa tal Sunday, the sec ond of August, I met

in Whiteh all a member of the Cabinet and he told me

of the messages and conversations between foreign

secretaries and ambassadors which were to be pub-

lished for the purpose of showing how we strove for

peace and how Germany immovably went to war. "It

will have a great effect on publi c opinion," he said,

and he was right . It is called "Corresp ondenc e re-

specti ng the European Crisis, " but is generall y re-

ferred to as "The White Paper ." I wish to comment

upon it for the purpose of explaini ng its signi ficanc e .

It begins with a conversati on between Sir Edward

Grey and the German Ambassador on July 20th re-garding the Austrian threat to punish Servia, and fin -

ished with the delivery of our ultimatum to Germany

on August 4th . From it certain conclusions appear to

be justified, the following in particular :

1 . Sir Edward Grey strov e to the last to prevent

a European War .

2 . Germany di d next to nothing for peace, but i t

is not clear whether she actuall y encouraged Austria

to pur s ue her Serv i an po l i c y . The mob i l izati on of

Russia drove Germany to war .




3 . Russia and France strove, both by open press ure

and by wiles, to get us to commit ourselves to support

them in the event of war .

4 . Though Sir Edward Grey would not give thema pledge he made the German Ambassador understand

that we might not keep out of the conflict .

5 . During the negotiations Germany tried to meet

our wishes on certain points so as to secure our neu-

trality . Sometimes her proposals were brusque, but no

attempt was made by us to negotiate diplomatically to

improve them. They were all summarily rejected by

Sir Edward Grey. Finally, so anxious was Germany

to confine the limits of the war, the German Ambas-

sador asked Sir Edward Grey to propose his own con-

ditions of neutrali ty, and Sir Edward Grey decli ned to

disc uss the matter . This fact was suppressed by Sir

Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith in their s peeches i n

Parliament.

6 . When Sir Edward Grey failed to secure peace

between Germany and Russia, he worked deliberately

to involve us in the war, using Belgium as his chief

excuse.

That is the g is t of the Wh ite Paper .

That Sir Edward Grey should have striven for

European peace and then, when he failed, that he

should have striven with equal determination to em-

broil Great Britain, seems contradic tory . But it is

not, and the explanation of why it is not is the justi -

fication of those of us who for the last eight years

have regarded Sir Edward Grey as a menace to the



APPENDIX C 295

peace of Europe and his policy as a misfortune to

our country .

What is the explanation?

Great Britain i n Europe can pursue one of two

p o l i c i e s . It can keep on terms of general friendship

with the European nations, treating with each sep-

arately when necessary and co-operating with all on

matters of common interest . To do this effectively

it has to keep its hands clean . It has to make its

p o s i t i o n c l e a r , a n d i t s s y m p a t h y h a s t o b e b o l d l y g i v e n

to every movement for liberty . This is a policy which

r e q u i r e s g r e a t f a i t h , g r e a t p a t i e n c e , a n d g r e a t c o u r a g e .

Its foundations are being built by our own inter-

national and if our Liberal Government had only fol-

l o w e d i t s i n c e 1 9 0 5 i t w o u l d b y t h i s t i m e h a v e s m a s h e d

the military autocracies which have brought us into

war .

B u t t h e r e i s a m o r e a l l u r i n g p o l i c y - a p p a r e n t l y e a s i e r ,

a p p a r e n t l y s a f e r , a p p a r e n t l y m o r e d i r e c t , b u t i n r e a l i t y

more difficult, more dangerous, and less calculable .

That is the policy of the balance of power through

a l l i a n c e . Weak and short-sighted ministers have al-

ways resorted to this because it is the policy of the

i n s t i n c t s , r a t h e r t h a n o f t h e r e a s o n . It forms groups

of powers in continents . It divided Europe into two

great hostile camps-Germany, Austria and Italy on

the one hand, Russia, France and ourselves on the

o t h e r . The progeny of this policy is suspicion and

armaments, its end is war and the smashing up of the

very balance which it is designed to maintain . Whenwar comes it is' then bound to be universal . Every




nation is on one rope, or another, and when one slips

i t d r a g s i t s a l l i a n c e w i t h i t .

As a matter of practical experience the very worst

f o r m o f a l li a n c e i s t h e e n t e n t e . A n a l li a n c e i s d ef i n i t e .

E v e r y o n e k n o w s h i s r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s u n d e r i t . The en-

t e n t e d e c e i v e s t h e p e o p l e . When Mr . A s q u i t h a n d S i r

Edward Grey k ept assuri ng the House of Commons

that we had contracted no obligation by our entente

w i t h F r a n c e t h e y s a i d w h a t w a s l i t e r a l l y t r u e b u t s u b -

s t a n t i a l l y u n t r u e . That is why stupid or dishonest

statesmen prefer the entente to the alliance ; i t p e r -

mits them to see hard facts through a veil of senti-

mental vagueness . H a d w e h a d a d e f i n i t e a l l i a n c e w i t h

France and Russia the only difference would have been

that we and everybody else should have known what

we had let ourselves in for, and that might have

averted the war .

It is interesting to gather from Sir Edward Grey's

speech of August 3rd and the White Paper how com-

pletely the entente entangled him . There were first

of all the "conversations" between French and British

naval and army experts from 1906 onwards . These

produced plans of naval and military operations which

France and we were able to take jointly together . It

w a s i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e s e s c h e m e s t h a t t h e n o r t h e r n

coasts of France were left unprotected by the French

Navy .

Those schemes, moreover, assumed that the neutral-

i t y o f B e l g i u m w o u l d b e v i o l a t e d i f a g e n e r a l w a r b r o k e

out . The "conversations" were carried on for about

six years without the knowledge or the consent of the



APPENDIX C 297

Cabinet . The military plans were sent to St . P e t e r s -

burg and a Grandduke (so well-informed authorities

say) connected with the German party in Russia sent

them to Berlin . Germany has known for years that

there were military arrangements between France and

o u r s e l v e s , a n d t h a t R u s s i a w o u l d f i t h e r o p e r a t i o n s i n t o

t h e s e p l a n s . We had so mixed ourselves up in the

Franco-Russian Alliance that Sir Edward Grey had

to tell us on August 3rd that though our hands were

free our honor was pledged!

The country had been so helplessly committed to

fight for France and Russia that Sir Edward Grey had

to refuse point blank every overture made by Germany

t o k e e p u s o u t o f t h e c o n f l i c t . That is why, when re-

porting the negotiations to the House of Commons, he

f o u n d i t i m p o s s i b l e t o t e l l t h e w h o l e t r u t h a n d t o p u t

i m p a r t i a l l y, w h a t h e c h o s e t o t e l l u s . He scoffed at the

German guarantee to Belgium on the ground that it

o n l y s e c u r e d t h e " i n t e g r i t y " o f t h e c o u n t r y b u t n o t i t s

independence ; when the actual documents appeared it

was found that its independence was secured as well .

A n d t h a t i s n o t t h e w o r s t . The White Paper contains

several offers which were made to us by Germany

aimed at securing our neutrality . None were quite

satisfactory, in their form and Sir Edward Grey left

t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t t h e s e u n s a t i s f a c t o r y p r o p o s a ls w e r e

all that Germany made . Later on the Prime Minister

did the same . Both withheld the full truth from us .

The German Ambassador s aw Sir Edward Grey , ac-

cording to the White Paper, on August lst-and this

i s o u r F o r e i g n M i n i s t e r ' s n o t e o f t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n




"The Ambassador pressed me as to whether I could

not formulate conditions upon which we could remainneutral . He even suggested that the integrity ofFrance and her coloni es might be guaranteed . "

Sir Edward Gre y de cli ned to con sider neutra lit y on

any conditions and refrained from reporting this con-

versation to the House. Why? It was the most im-

portant proposal that Germany made. Had this been

told to us by Sir Edward Grey his speech could not

have worked up a war sentiment. The hard, immov-

able fact was that Sir Edward Grey had so pledged

the country's honor without the country's knowledge

to fight for France or Russia, that he was not in a

position even to disc uss neutrality .

Now, the apparent contradiction that the man who

had worked for European peace was at the same time

the leader of the war party in the Cabinet can be

explai ned . Sir Edward Grey strove to undo the result

of his polic y, and keep Europe at peace, but, when he

failed he found himself committed to dragging his

country into war .

Without this wide survey of policy, it i s impossible

to estimate either Sir Edward Grey's culpability or

Germany's share of blame .

Germany's share is a heavy one . Taking a narrow

view, she with Russia, is mainly respons ible for the

war ; taking a longer view, we are equally res ponsibl e .

The conflict between the entente and the alliance had

to come and only two things determined the time

of its c oming . The first was the relative capacity of

the countries to bear the burdens of an armed peace.



second was the question of how the changes which

time was bringing were affecting adversely the mili-

tar y power of the re spe ct iv e opponent s . The alliance

was to receive a great blow on the dea th of the Aus-

trian Emperor ; Russia wa s bu ild ing a sy stem of stra-

tegic rail ways up to the German frontier, and this was

to be finished in 1916, by which time her army was

great ly to be in crea sed . The entente therefore wasforcing Germany to fight within two years . We canunderstand the military mind of Germany faced with

these threatening changes if we remember how scared

we were when we were told of German threats against

ourselves . The stubbornness of Germany, shown on

every page of the White Paper, was not merely mili-

tary offensiveness , but the stand of a country being

put into difficulties by time tipping the balance of power

against it . The breaking poi nt had been reached . For-

eign ministers and ambassadors had to give place to

the war lords .

So I come back to the statement whic h I think I have

clear ly pro ven ; that the European War is the resultof the existenc e of the entente and the alliance , and

that we are in it i n consequence of Sir Edward Grey's

foreign policy .

The justifications offered are nothing but the ex-

cuses which Ministers can always produce for mis-

takes . Let me take the case of Belgium. It has beenknown for years, that, in the ev ent of a war between

Russia and France on the pne hand and Germany on

the other, the only possible mili tary tactics for Ger-

APPENDIX C 299

That was reaching its limit in most countries . The




many to pursue were to attack France hot foot through

Belgium, and then return to meet the Russians .

The plans were in our war office. They were dis-

cussed quite openly during the Agadir trouble, and

were the subject of some magazine articl es, particularly

one by Mr . Bell oc . Mr. Gladstone made it clear in

1870 that in a general conflict formal neutrality might

be violated . He said in the House of Commons Au-

gust 1870 :

"I am not able to subscri be to the doctrine of those who

have held in this House what plainly amounts to an asser-

tion that the si mple fact of the existence of a guarantee, is

binding on every party to it, irrespectiv e altogether of the

particular position in which it may find itself at the time

when the occasion for acting on the guarantee arises . "

Germany's guarantee to Belgium would have been

accepted by Mr . Gladstone. If France had decided to

attack Germany through Belgium Sir Edward Grey

would not have objected, but would have justified him-

self by Mr. Gladstone's opinions .

We knew Germany's military plans . We obtainedthem through the usual channels of spies and secret

service. We knew that the road through Belgium was

an essential part of them . That was our opportunity

to find a "disinterested" motive apart from the obliga-

tions of the entente . It is well known that a nation

will not fight except for a cause in which ideali sm is

mingled . The Daily Mail supp lied the idea lism for

the South African War by telling l ies about the flog-

ging of British women and children . Our governmentsupplied the idealism for this war by telli ng us that



APPENDIX C 301

the independence of Belgium had to be vindicated by

us. Before it addressed its inquiries to France and

Germany upon this point, k nowing the military exigen-

cies of both countries , it knew that France could reply

suitably, whilst Germany could not do so .

It was a pretty little game of hypocrisy whi ch the

magnificent val or of the Belgians wil l enable the gov-

ernment to hide for the time being .

Such are the facts of the case . It is a diplomatists'

war, made by about a half a dozen men . Up to the

moment that ambassadors were withdrawn the peoples

were at peace. They had no quarrel with each other ;

they bore each other no ill wi ll . A dozen men brought

Europe to the brink of a precipic e and Europe fell over

i t . Today our happy industrial prospects of a fort-

night ago are darkened. Suffering has come to be

w ith u s . Ruin stares many of us in the face. Litt le

comfortable bu sine sse s are wre cked, t in y in come s ha ve

vanished . Want is in our mid st, and Death walks w ith

Want. And when we sit down and ask ourselves with

fu llne ss of know ledge : "Why ha s th is e vil happened?"

the only answer we can give is, because Sir Edward

Grey has guided our foreign policy during the past

eight years . His short-sightedness and his blunders

have brought all this upon us .

I have been reminded of one of those sombre judg-

ments which the prophet who lived in ev il times uttered

against Israel . "A wonderful and horrible thing is

committed in the land : the prophets prophesy falsel y,




and the priests bear rule by their means, and my

people love to have it so ; and what will ye do in the

end thereof ?"

Aye, what will ye do in the end thereof ?



APPENDIX D

SECRET DIPLOMACY THE CAUSE OF WARAN APPEAL TO THE BRITISH PEOPLE

BY E. D. MOREL.

We are involved in a terrible war, and until peace

which offers soli d prospects of being a stable one can

be secured, we must continue to plow the bloody

furrow .

But a really stable and lasting peac e neither our-

selves nor the other belligerent peoples will secure, un-

less public opinion in all lands, and in this land of ours

especially-makes up its mind to grapple with the

fundamental causes, apart from the visible appear-

ances, which have produced this catastrophe and which

will repeat it, if they are not removed . The time to

think about them is not at the end of the war, when

all the belligerents will be too utterl y exhausted to

think at all, but now, when the horror of the whole

thing is part of our daily lives .

I do not know whether you have ever navigated in

tropical seas . If so, you wi ll have had some su ch ex-

perience as this. All around you a calm expanse ; a

cloudles s sky, but for a little, dark smear, hardly per-

ceptible upon the horizon . Then, with a rapi dity al -

most inconceivable, the smear grows to an ugly,menacing smudge, fouling the heavens ; a blast of icy

breath ; a rushing upheaval of the waters ; a fierce blow




like the crack of a whip, to be immediately followed by

a pandemonium of shrieking gusts, lashing rain,

thunderou s d isc harge s, blind ing f la she s and tumu ltou s

terror, as the tornado bursts upon you in all its furious

force .

The analogy to what we are now witnessing is not

perfect . But it will serve. The European horizonwas not free from threatening clouds . But four

months ago it could have been said with truth that

civil ized man kind on the who le wa s stead ily progre ss-

ing towards higher and saner ideals , towards a deeper,

broader, more charitable conception of human needs .

The last forty years had witnessed an astounding up-

ward gravitation of the peoples of Europe . Theyhad registered great victories for human liberty over

the forces of reaction. Everywhere, under the im-

pulse of popular determination, advances were being

made in social reforms, in educati on, in the preserva-

tion and reclamation of human life . Intellectually the

great mass of mankind was moving further and

further away from the conception of war as a solvent

in i nternational disputes ; nearer and nearer to theprincipl e of arbitration . And now with the swift and

rending violenc e of the tropical tornado, has come the

staggering horror, this universal c ataclysm .

War has been described as the failure of humanwisdom. It might more fitti ngly be termed the fai lure

of the mechanism of Government . Whence comesthis failure? Does it spring from the peoples them-

selves? Indirectly, yes . Directl y, no .

It is not the peoples who make war . It is not even



APPENDIX D 305

the Go v ernment s a s s u c h . It is the elements in Gov-

ernments which escape popular control that makes

the wars of our day, that have made this war . Theyconstitute the positive factor producing war . Thenegative factor resides primaril y in the non-realization

by the people of the power inherent in them to curb

those elements . Today, the governing statesmen of

every belligerent country are engaged, inevitably so,

in efforts to conceal the failure of their system from

the victims of it . They appeal now to the noble traits

of courage, endurance, and self-sacrifice ; now to the

ignoble sentiments of hatred and revenge . The y c o v er

us with the flowers of rhetorical c ompliment, the while

they flog us into fury . A press from whos e pages all

sense of perspective and proportion has been driven

abets them in their task . Divines i n every belligerent

land in their anxiety to cl aim a monoply of the Deity,

forget the Christ . The people are plunged in a great

darkness of mind . With that darkness, however, they

must grapple, from it they must escape . Otherwis e,

a few more years into the pit of destructi on .

"If you would enjoy peace pr epare for war . " Howoften have those to whom we looked for guidancedinned this philosophy into our ears in the course of

the last ten years? "Pile up your armaments," they

told us ; "accumulate y our explosives , perfect y our

killing machines . Prepare to kill not on land and on

the sea only, but under the sea, and even from the

skies . Then and only then, will you be safe . Thusand only thus can you secure peace ." As the resul t

we have war.



ENGLAND'S WORLD EMPIRE

And what a war! Had these millions of men who

face one another in the trenches any quarrel? None .

The y are mere ly pa ying i n the ir per son s for the great

failure . Again wherein lies the explanation of that

failure ?

We shall not help to build up a public opinion whic h

shall save humanity from similar situations in the

future if we allow ourselv es to be hypnotized with the

idea that the explanation is alone to be sought in the

real or alleged characteristi cs of one man, or a group

of men in one particular country . Prussian mil itarism

i s a vile and hateful thing . But you cannot perma-

nently smash Prussian militarism unless you can un-

derstand and remove the causes which have produced

i t . And do not delude yourselves with the idea thatPrussian m ili tar ism is the on ly m ilitar is m in Europe .

Take care that those who today are the loudest i n their

denunciation of it do not impose its prototype upon

us here at the end of this war. If you turn up theliterature of the period you will find that all the vices

attributed today to Germany and the Germans were

attributed in the fi fties to Russia and the Russians ;

in the sixties, the eighties and the nineties to France

and the French. They were in turn arrogant and

treacherous, machiavellian and wholly abominable .

They possessed either unpleas ant writers, or degrad-

ing literature, or boastful generals . In fact, they were

endowed, ea ch in turn, w ith a double do se of or ig i na l

sin lik e the legendary Irishman. And, of course, each

in turn, were to ld to be lie ve the same sort of th ing s

about us. All this fustian is the common stock-in-



APPENDIX D 307

trade of statesmen and stil l more of a number of of-

ficial s behind closed doors, who have failed to adjust

the ir d ifferen ce s, and who se co lle ct ive in competen ce,

intractabili ty of temper and absurd notions of dignity

and prestige have dragged, or are on the point of

dragging the peoples into war . It is part of the effort

to hide the breakdown of the impossible system under

which they work, and under which the peoples have

been content to be governed .

Yesterday, we were asked to see in the French, a

restless , vain-glorious people, eaten up with ambition

and honeycombed with immorality and corruption ;

and the French were told to see in us a brutal, piratic al

crowd of hypocritical knaves. What did, that really

mean? It only meant that the foreign offices of thetwo countries were squabbling over Newfoundland

cod, West African jungles, or Nilotic swamp. In the

fifties of last century the British artisan and the French

vine-grower were told that it was their duty to maim

and kill as many Russian peasants a s they could, be-

cause the Russians were a thoroughl y bad lot . Whatdid that really mean? It only meant that the Rus-sian, British and French diplomatis ts and rulers had

quarrelled amongst themselves about the future of

Turkey. Today, Englishmen are slaughtering Ger-

mans and Germans Englishmen . Why? Ostensibly,

on the surface, because of a cruel wrong perpetrated

upon Belgium. Fundamentally, because Austrian andRussian dipl omatists could not agre e upon the future

of the Balkan states , which not one Englishmen in fi ve

hundred thousand has ever visited and which many




thousands of Englishmen could not point out on the

map .

A convicti on that their cause i s just and that they

are fighting for self-preservation against wicked

aggression is common to all the peoples in this dreadful

war. And if you and I could today, by some mys-

terious gift of inward vision, absorb the multifold ele-

ments of history, heredity, and environments whichgo to make up the modern German, and if a body of

Germans could by a similar proces s become acquainted

with the outlook of the modern Englishmen, we should

understand, and with that understanding of our com-

mon human needs, the scales would fall from our eyes

and our anger would be turned upon those who had

led u s to th is pa ss . A Briti sh offi cer just returned

wounded from the front, said to a friend of mi ne the

other day, "We talk with our G erman prisoners around

the camp fires at night and we say to eac h other . What

in heaven's name are we fighting for?"

The profound deep- seated cau se s of th is war are to

be sought in the fact that the mutual relationships of

the peoples are still conducted in s uch a way that al-

though the ir intere st s ha ve be come more bound up w ith

one another than ever before, although they can get

nearer to one another than they have ever been able

to do before, although their respective acti vities i n the

economic, the intellectual, and the scientific fi eld are

more indispensable to one another than at any

pre viou s per iod in their history, although they were

beginning to realize as they had never realized till now

that the real needs of ci vili zed humanity, the things



APPENDIX D 309

that rea lly matter in the l ife of peop le s, are common

to them all, despite all this, the moment a difference of

opinion arises between their respective governments

there is interposed a barrier between them and thei r

ne ighbor s wh ich pre vent s an y effe ctua l d iscu ssi on and

examination of the point at i ssue . No machinery ex-

ists by which the various Parliaments can confer to-

gether through the medium of authorized representa-

tives and compel the Government to listen to their

views. The public never hear anything but a carica-

ture of the other side of the cas e .

They are committed to courses of action without

their knowledge. They are utterly helpless in the

hand s of a part icu lar department wh ich is suppo sed to

exist for the purpose of regulating the national rela-

tions with other states ; but which conducts its work

in silen ce and in secre cy . Th is situat ion pre va ils i n

every country, and when the officials i n these particu-

lar departments cannot agree, the peoples pay for that

disagreement with their lives . That is the brutal

truth .

The last half century has been a steady decrease in

the capacity of dynasti c friction to promote war . But

an autocratic power greater today than the power of

kings and parliaments rules the destinies of mankind

in the mass . The power is secret diplomacy, and un-

til the peoples of Europe take it in their hands and

break it, they themselves will be c onstantly broken and

periodically destroyed by it .

Secret diplomacy i s the barrier which separates the

peop le s ; which prevents reasoned and reasonable dis-




cussi on of international disputes and precipitates the

peop le s into war . It is the octopus whose all embrac-

ing tenta cle s drag down the peop le s into the abyss of

desolation . Secret diplomacy is the dominating fac-

tor in the statecraft of Europe, the basic cause of

militarism, armaments, incendiary press campaigns,

and the rest of the paraphernalia of international fears

and hatreds leading to war . Substit ute for it public

in stru ct ion and d iscu ssi on, a tr ibuna l where the rea l

or the supposed conflicting interests of the nations can

be thrashed out in advance by impartial assess ors, and

militarism, with its gigantic and insensate waste of the

commonly-earned wealth of the peoples, its piteous

m isd ire ct ion of ta lent and de vot ion, and it s cr im ina l

and imbecile consummation, the slaughter of tens of

thousands and the misery of millions would cease to

exist because it woul d cease to posses s relevancy to

human issues . War a s the so l ut ion for internat iona l

disputes would disappear as it di sappeared in religious

disputes . Had the needs and requirements, the rea-sonable fears, the general problems and difficulties of

the now belligerent peoples been known and realizedby public opinion ; had their adjustment not been at the

mercy of the intrigues, narrow prejudices and ignor-

ance of a handful of bureaucrats tunnell ing in the dark

and escaping all effective public control, the rulers of

so-cal led Christi an Europe would not today be assi sting

at the mutual destruction of their peoples .

Dark as is the hour, it is my belief that a sentiment

vague, as yet, unformed and uninstructed, is begi nning

to permeate the sou l of the peop le s ; a sent iment that



APPENDIX D 311

is half question, half passionate revolt ; a sentiment of

mingled helplessness, bewilderment and anger at be-

ing caught in the meshes of a net or being swept bl ind-

folded into the vast maelstrom of furious, intangible

elements inspired by unknown forces whirling towards

unknown issues for uncomprehended ends .

In the growth of that sentiment, in its disci pline,

in it s w ise d ire ct ion toward s con sciou s a i m s and con-

crete achievements li es the only hope of the civilized

peoples . The statesmen have failed them. They

themselves, the mass of the people, the awakened in-

telligence and determination of democracy can alone

provide salv ation for the generations to come .

Arbitration versus the sword . The court agai nst the

battlefield. That is the goal which the peoples of

Europe must attain, and we, the people of England,

by the peculiarity of our geographical position, by our

immense power and inexhaustible resources derived

from every part of the globe, by the liberties which

we have wrested and kept and conferred in turn upon

others, by the real greatness whi ch I believe to be in us,

we, the people of England, can, if we wi sh, lead the

way in its attainment .



APPENDIX E

LETTER BY BARON DE L'ESCAILLE, BEL-GIAN MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG,TO M. DAVIGNON, BELGIAN MIN-ISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS .

Belgium Legation, St . P e t e r s b u r g , J u l y 3 0 , 1 9 1 4 .

To His Excellency M . Davignon, Secretary of Foreign

A f f a i r s .

Mr. S e c r e t a r y :

Yesterday and the day before yesterday have passed

in t h e e x p e c t a t i o n o f e v e n t s t h a t m u s t i n e v i t a b l y f o l -

low Austria-Hungary's declaration of war against

Servia . The most contradictory reports have been

c i r c u l a t i n g , w i t h o u t i t s b e i n g p o s s i b l e t o d i s t i n g u i s h

between the true and the false, concerning the inten-

tions of the Imperial Russian Government . Only one

thing is uncontradicted, which i s that Germany has

made earnest efforts here and i n Vienna to find s ome

way of avoiding a general conflict . * O n t h e o n e s i d e ,

however, it has met with the firm decision of the

Vienna cabinet not to yield a step, and on the other

side with the mistrust of the St . Petersburg cabinet

a g a i n s t t h e a s s u r a n c e o f A u s t r i a - H u n g a r y , t h a t i t o n l y

i n t e n d s t o p u n i s h S e r v i a , a n d n o t t o t a k e a p a r t o f h e r

t e r r i t o r y .

* Italics are the author's .



* I t a l i c s a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s .

APPENDIX E 313

M. S a s o n o f f h a s s a i d that it is impossible for Russia

to avoid holding herself in readiness and not to

m o b i l i z e , t h a t t h e s e p r e p a r a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , a r e n o t d i -

rected against Germany . This morning an official

communication in the newspapers announced that the

reserves in a certain number of governments have been

c a l l e d t o t h e c o l o r s . Anyone who knows the customof the o f f i c i a l Russian communications to keep some-

thing in reserve, can safely maintain that a general

mobilization is taking place .*

The German Ambassador has this morning declared

t h a t h e h a s r e a c h e d t h e e n d o f t h e e f f o r t s w h i c h s i n c e

Saturday he has been making without interruption for

a satisfactory arrangement, and that he has almost

given up hope .

I have been told that the English Ambassador also

has expressed himself in the same way . England has

recently proposed arbitration . Sasonoff answered

"We have ourselves proposed it to Austria-Hungary,

b u t i t h a s r e j e c t e d t h e p r o p o s a l ." To the proposal of

a conference, Germany answered with the counter

proposal of an understanding between the cabinets .

One might truly ask oneself whether the whole world

does not wish war and only seeks to postpone for

a w h i l e t h e d e c l a r a t i o n , i n - o r d e r t o g a i n t i m e .

England at first let it be understood that it would

n o t a l l o w i t s e l f t o b e d r a w n i n t o a c o n f l i c t . Sir George

Buchanan said that quite openly . Today i n St . P e -

tersburg one is firmly persuaded that England willstand by the side o f France, and even that the assurance




o f this has been given . This ass istance i s o f quite ex-

traordinary weight, and has not a little c ontributed to

give the war party the upper hand . * The Russian Gov-

ernment has i n these last days given free rein to all

demonstrations friendly to Servia and hostil e to Aus-

tria, and has in no wise attempted to suppress them .

In the council of ministers, which took place yesterday

morning, differences of opinion still showed them-

selves ; the declaring of a mobilization was postponed,

but since then a change has appeared, the war party

ha s atta ined the upper hand, and th is morn ing at four

o'cloc k the mobilization was ordered . *

The army which feels itself strong,' is full of en-

thusiasm, and base s great hopes on the extraordinary

progress which it has made since the Japanese war .

The navy is sti ll so far from the completion of its plans

of reorganization that it is s carcely to be taken into

account . Fo r th i s re as o n, t he a ss u ra nc e of English

a ssistan ce is con sidered of su ch great importan ce .

As I had the honor of telegraphi ng you today (T . 10)

all hopes of a peaceable solution seem to have van-

ished ; that is the view of the diplomatic c orps .

I have made use of the route via Stockholm with the

Nordisk cabl e for sending my telegram, as it is safer

than the other .

I am entrusting this report to a private courier, who

will post it in Germany .

Please receive, Mr . Secretary , the assur ance of my

greatest respect .

(Signed) B. de L'ESCAILLE* Italics are the author's .



Abdulaziz, 121 .

Abraham, the Heights of, 24 .

Acland, Mr . , 2 6 6 .

Administrati on of John de Witt,

1 7 .

Afghanistan, 64 .

Agadir trouble, the, 300 .

Agreement between Napoleon and

the Czar, the secret, 60 .

Ahmad Mirza, 139 .

Aide-memoire, 266 .

Alau'd Dawla, Prince, 145 .

Albania, 163, 248 .

Albert, Prince, 158 .

Alexander, King, 237 .

Algeciras, 108, 120, 128 .

Ali, Mohammed , 135 .

Alli ance with Russi a, unnatural,

190, 227 .

Alsace-Lorraine, 161, 249 .

America during the Civil War, 78 .

American colonists, ungrateful,

27 ; kultur, 225 ; manufacturers,

203 ; seamen, 48 .

American Treasurer-General i n

Persia, 144 .

Amiens in 1802, treaty of, 28 .

Angel of Death, the, 71 .

Anglo-Japanese alliance, 190 .

Angeo-Russian conventi on of 1907,

179 .

Annual Register for 1913, the, 257 .

Appeals to sentiment, hypocritical,

286 .

Appendices, 230 .

Arbitration, 311 .

INDEX

Archduke Francis Ferdinan d and

his Consort, the murder of the,

239 .

Arguments, sham, 286 .

Armada, defeat of th e, 9, 22 .

Armageddon, a parochial view of,

250 .

Armed peace, ruinous, 253 .

Asiatic troops, the use of fero-

cious, 289 .

Asquith, Mr., 127, 226, 258, 281,

283 .

Assimilation, benevolent, 86 .

Assistance, English, 313 .

Atlantic Monthly, 208 .

Atrocities, 40, 283 ; German, 202 .

Auckland, Lord, 65 .

Austrian Archduke, the murder of

the, 193 .

Austrian Emperor, the, 258 .

Authority in England, d e s p o t i c ,

199.

Autocracy in democratic England,

202 .

Autocrat of Britain, Sir Edward

Grey is the, 289 .

"Balance of Power," the, 71, 130 .

Balkan League, the, 234 ; war,

second, 239 .

Baskerville, H . C . , 1 3 8 .

Battle of Bunker Hill in the Revo-

l u t i o n , 5 2 .

Beacons field , Lord, 161, 173 .

Bed of justice, a, 199 .

Bedouins, the, 82 .




Beginnings of struggles, 16 .

Belgium, 270 ; customs employees

i n P e r s i a , 1 4 3 ; mystery of, 279 ;

n e u t r a l it y o f , 1 5 2 , 2 4 7 , 2 8 0 , 2 8 6 ;

"red rubber" denunciations of,

285.

Belloc, Hilaire, 187, 300 .

Benevolent, assimilation, 128 .

Berchtold, Count, 242 .

"Between two thieves," 71 .

Bismarck , 79, 158, 160, 162, 280,

Bismarckian psychology, 245 .

Black Hole of Calcutta, the, 36 .

Blagoves tchenk, the massacre of,

285.

Block ade of German ports, no

r e a l , 2 0 6 .

Blunt, Wilfrid Seamen, 76, 85 .

Boer Republics i n South Africa,

the small, 280, 285 .

Boer War, the great, 81, 163 .

Book of the Council of State, 17 .

Bosnia, the annexation of, 236 .

Boulanger, General, 162.

Bourbon and Hapsburg, the great

houses of, 18.

Brailsford, H. N . , 2 3 0 .

Brand, Sir John, 95 .

"Breadc ards," 205 .

"Breakdown of Civilizatio n," 178 .

Bright, John, 71, 79 ; speeches of,

295.

B r i t a i n , g r e a t e r , 3 1 ; independence

destroyed by, 282 ; p r o t e s t f r o m ,

282 .

B r i t a i n ' s v u l n e r a b l e p o i n t , 5 0 ; vir-

tuous indignation, 281 .

British Blue Book, 135 ; b l o c k a d e ,

203 ; case against Germany, the,

246 ; citizens, hard working, un-

derpaid mass of, 291 ; Foreign

Policy, the present tendencies

of, 105, 156 ; governme nt, the

bad faith of the, 40 ; liberties,

s t a t u t o r y , 2 8 1 ; navy, the sacred

s p e l l o f t h e i n v i n c i b i l i t y o f t h e ,

52, 281 ; Orders in Counci l, the

48 ; record in Persia, the, 150 ;

superb qualities of the, 195 ;

trade unionism, 281 ; working

class, grinding of the faces of

the, 289 .

Buchanan, Sir George, 313 .

B u f f e r s t a t e s , 2 7 1 .

Bulgaria, 249.

Bullard, Mr . Arthur, 149 .

Bunsen, Sir Maurice de, 241, 247 .

Burke, Edmund, 36 .

Business interests, 171 .

Cairns, Lord, 99 .

Calhoun, John C. , 4 7 .

California, state laws of, 172 .

Cambon, M . , 1 1 2 , 2 7 5 .

Campaign, an insane, 278 .

Campbell, John, 95 .

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry,

283 .

Campbell, Thomas, 61 .

Canada, the c onquest of, 24 .

Cape Colony, 89, 100 .

C a p i t o l , s e t f i r e t o t h e , 5 3 .

"Captains of Industry ," 219 .

Casablanca, 121 .

Casement, Sir Roger, 285 .

Catch words of opportunit y, the,

219 .

Catspaw of Britain and France,

Belgium has been the, 272 .

Cave, Mr . , 7 5 .

Cecil, Lord Hugh, 268.

Cemetery, Europe turned into a,

290 .

Censorship, the present, 86, 221 .

Century Magazine, the, 149, 178 .

C e n t u r y , t h e s p i r i t o f t h e n e w , 2 0 2 .

Chamberlain, Joseph, 102, 165 .

Champion of Protestantism, 22 .

Chess, the game of, 245 .

C h i l d , t h e c a r e o f t h e , 2 1 7 .

Chinese Emperor, the, 69 ; opium

war, 150 .



Christian generals, 283 .

Churchill, Winston, 265, 279 .

Ciganowi c, Milan, 259 .

Citizenry, a most valuable part of

o u r , 1 6 4 , 2 0 9 .

Civil War, the, 203, 211 .

Civilian population, food to the,

206 .

C i v i l i z a t i o n , t h e d e a t h - r o l l o f , 2 1 5 .

Clay, Henry, 47 .

Cliv e, Lord, 35 .

Colbert, 25 .

Colquhon, A . R. , 1 7 4 .

Colley, Sir George, 98 .

Colvi n, Sir Auckl and, 80 .

"Comit adji" methods, 239 .

Commonwealth, the English, 18 .

Competition, wasteful, 219 .

Conference, the Madrid, 115 .

Confession of incompetence, a 267 .

Conflagration, a general, 263 .

C o n g r e s s o f B e r l i n , 1 6 2 ; of Vienna,

t h e , 1 5 5 ; the European, 227 .

Conscription, universal, 223 .

Conve ntio n, August 31, 1907, 130 .

"Conve rsat ions ," 296 .

Conspiracy to break up the union

of the states, a widespread, 48 .

Copenhag en, bombardm ent of, 59 .

Corea, the case of, 282 .

Cornwallis, 43 .

Cortez, 31 .

Cossacks, the, 233, 285 .

Cotton, and Sir E. Grey, 207 .

Cowardice, a poli cy of, 222 .

"Cradle of Liberty," 228 .

Crimean War, 129, 285, 289 .

Crisis, the United States is facing

a, 220 .

Cromwell, Oliver, 11, 195 .

Cromer, Lord, 75 .

Cruelty, al ways a symptom o f

fear, 287 .

Cyprus, Island of, 77 .

Czar, telegram to the Kaiser of

J u l y 3 0 t h , 1 8 3 ; t h e " g e n i al , " 2 8 1 .

INDEX

Dalhous ie, Lord, 40 .

Danish fleet, 59 ; Duchies, 271 .

Davignon, M ., 1 1 .

Dawson, W. H. , 1 6 7 .

Dearborn, General, 50 .

Deccan, disturbances in the, 33 .

Declara tion o f 1585, 6 ; of West-

minster, 58 .

Dehan, Richard, 71 .

Delagoa Bay, 90 .

Delcasse, M ., 108, 130, 163, 191 .

Democracy i n Russi a, 196 ; bul-

wark of, 197 ; i n a u t o c r a t i c G e r -

many, 202 ; and Diplom acy, 221 .

Denmark, an allianc e with, 16 .

Dependencies, the network of, 28 .

Dervis h Pasha, 84 .

Derby, Lord, 99.

Deschanel, M. , 1 2 5 .

Despatch s ent by the German gov-

ernment, 126 .

De Wet, General Christi an, 89 .

Diggio, 46 .

Diplomacy, European, 1 4 4 , 1 7 0 ,

221, 309 .

Diplomatists' war, a, 301 .

"Disi ngenuous and tric ky," 269 .

Disraeli, 74 .

Document of 1912, the, 276 .

Doors, closed, 221 .

"Don't give up the ship," motto

of our navy, 52 .

Doyle, Sir A. Conan, 89 .

Drake and Hawkins, the st ories

o f , 4 .

Drake, Sir Francis, English navy

had its real beginning under, 13 .

Dreyfus c ase, the, 280 .

"Dual Control," the, 85 .

du Maroc, Comite, 123 .

Dutch-Danish Treaty , the, 17 .

Ears prepared by fear, 253 .

East India Company, the, 32 .

Edwa rd VII, King, 130, 256 .

Effrontery, 276 .

317




Egypt, British interests in, 74 .

Elizabeth, 1 ; r e a l r e l i g i o u s v i e w s ,

3 , 4 , 5 , 1 0 ; cheese paring econ-

omy of, 7 .

Ellenborough, Lord, 65 .

Embargo Act of December 22nd,

1807, 44 .

Ems telegram, the famous, 159.

Emotions, 209 .

England must rule the oceans, 10 ;

f i x e d p o l i c y o f , 1 4 ; and France,

the struggle between, 21, 28 ;

private agreement, 113 ; in war

with the United States, 43 ; t h e

expansion of, 23 ; in Egypt, 84 .

Englis h Commercia l Empire, the

foundation of the, 15 ; liberties,

199; naval supremacy, a blow

t o , 5 1 .

Franklin, Benjamin, 43 .

Frederick, the victories of, 24 .

French and Indian War, 25 ; Rev-

o l u t i o n , 2 7 ; m i l i t a r i s m , 280 ;

f l e e t , t h e , 2 8 6 .

Frenchman, the witty, 282 .

Frere, Sir Bartle, 97 .

Fundamental principles , 209 .

Gabrinowic, Nedeljko, 259 .

George, King, 277.

Genet, 45 .

"Gentleman's agreement," the, 221 .

German, case for this war, the,

244 ; the empero r, 195 ; empire,

216 ; c h i l d , 2 1 7 ; m i l i t a r i s m, 2 5 3 ;

race in central Europe, the, 244 ;

social s ystem, the, 216 ; navy,

t h e , 1 6 6 , 2 8 6 ; White Paper, the,

"Entente cordiale,"

Erskine, Mr . ,

Euan-Smith,

163 .

45, 61 .

Sir C. , 1 0 5 .

243 .

Germanization of Britain, the,

158 .

Germany and Morocco, 125, 127 ;

"a land of damned professors,"

European Concert, 158 ; crisis,h e ,

299 .56 ; war,

Evolution of Modern Germany, 156 ; the isolation of, 163, 256 ;

no slums in, 219 .he, 167 .

Faber, Captain, 265 .Germanys , three, 200 .

Gibraltar and the direct route toFashoda, 108 .

the one motive which makesIndia, 106, 153 .

G i v i n g , o u r n a t i o n a l , 228 .e a r ,

i s ,78, 98, 152,

t h e populations acquiesceGaldstone, Mr . , 70 ,

190 ; p s y c h o l o g i c a l , 1 9 2 .225, 300 .

Federal Reserve Banks, 196 .Goethe, 156, 201 .

F e d e r a l i s t s , t h e , 4 8 .Gordon, General, 79 .

Goshen, Sir E . , 1 8 9 , 274 .ichte, 201 .

Finland, 177 .

neutral, 205 .Gospel of force, the, 253 .

Flags, flyingGuarantee, a collective, 246 .

"Guerriere" and the "President,""Forget and Forgive ," Kruger's

motto would be, 101 .a f f a i r o f t h e , 4 6 .

Guil d Hall, speec h at, 167 .Fox, Charles, 27 .

France, the arrogant pretensionsGrabez, Trifko, 259 .

Great Britain, her period of de-of, 26, 27 ; the awakening of,

197 ; alliance with, 222 ; r e v o l u -

tionary, 24 ; sticking to, 265 .

Franco-Prussian war, the, 271 .

c l i n e , 1 9 6 ; her game, 222 ; s o c i a l

conditions in, 216 ; four reasons

for war with, 48 .ranco-Russian agreement, the,163 .



Greater Servia, the dream of a,

238, 245 .

Greece, the Allied blockade in,

228 .

Grey, Sir Edward, 73, 86, 122, 125,

1 2 7 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 0 , 1 4 6 , 1 6 3 , 1 6 8 ,

1 7 9 , 1 8 3 , 1 8 4 , 2 2 1 , 2 4 6 , 2 5 8 , 2 6 5 ,

274, 279, 256, 264, 299, 293 ; re-

ply to our note about cotton,

207 .

"Growth of British Policy,' 6, 23 .

Haas e, Dr . , 2 3 2 .

Hague Tribun al, The, 261 .

Hamburg-American, 264 .

Hamilton, 225 .

Hapsburg, the hous e of, 1 ; the

pride of, 260 .

Hardie, Keir, 187 .

Harper's Magazine, 160 .

Hartwi g, M . d e , 2 3 6 .

Hastings, Warren, 35 .

Henry, John, 48 .

Henry of Navarre, 22 .

Hertslet, Sir E . , 2 7 1 .

High schools, 216 .

Hill, James J. , 2 0 8 .

History of the Indian Mutiny, 40 ;

read, 191 .

Historian of the future, the, 246 .

Hohenzollerns, 200 .

Holland powerful up on the seas,

12, 226 .

Home Rule, Ireland objecte d to,200 ; to the Serbs, 242

Hong Kong, 70 .

Hull, Wi lli am, 50 .

Humbug in this outc ry against

German militarism, 280 .

"Huns" of th ose days, the, 54 .

Hyndman, Mr. H M, 198, 226 .

Hypocrisy, a pretty little game of,

301 .

Idealism, 201, 300 .

Ideal of a democratic state, the

German, 202 .

INDEX 319

Illegal precedents, 204 .

I l l i t e r a c y , 2 1 7 .

"Imperialism marching with an

idea on its banner," 14 .

India, British conquest of, 31, 40 ;

history of the British, 34 ; turn

your eyes to, 41 .

Insult to Russian Consular Offi-

c i a l s , 1 4 6 .

Insurance, compulsory, 218 ; work-

ingmen's, 218 .

International law, 205 .

I n t e r v e n t i o n , f o r c i b l e , 1 3 6 .

Ireland, union of Great Britain

and, 11, 195 .

Ismael, the Khedive, 74, 78 .

Italian aspirations, 242 .

Jacks on, Francis James, 45 .

Jameson Raid, the, 103 .

Japan, an allia nce with, 222 ; t h e

intervention of, 288 .

Japanese Army, the, 284 .

Jefferson, President, 44 .

J e n a , t h e b a t t l e o f , 1 5 4 .

Jingo party in Britain, the, 277 .

Juarez, 194 .

Jugdulluk Pass, 65 .

June 28, 1914, 181 .

Justice in War Time, 189.

Kaiser, the, 103, 248, 260, 263,

273, 277 .

Kant, 201 .

Keate, Lieutenant-Governor, 95 .

Key, Francis Scott, 54 .

Khan, Akbar, 65 .

Khartoum, Gordon at, 87 .

Kiel Canal, the, 2$6 .

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir C ., 266 .

Kitchener, Lord, 285 ; in Egypt

and India, 281 .

Kruger, Paul, 92, 100 ; telegram,

1 0 1 .

"Krugerism," 281 .

"Kult ur," 224 .




Lansdowne, Lord, 108, 112.

L e c o f f r e , 1 4 6 .

L'Escaille, Baron de, 312, 314 .

Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 73 .

Liakhoff, Colonel, 137 .

Liberation, the war of, 283 .

Liberty in America, the current

idea of, 224 .

Lichnowsky's question, Prince, 187.

274 .

L i e s , t e l l i n g , 3 0 0 .

Lincoln, Abraham, 225 .

L i t t e r a t e u r s , 284 .

" L i t t l e B e l t , " t h e , 4 7 .

Louisiana Purchase, the, 45 .

Louis XIV, 19, 160 .

Louvain, 283 .

Lusitania disaster, the, 206 .

Luxemburg, 273 ; t h e n e u t r a l i t y o f ,

159.

Macedonia, 249 .

M a c h i a v e l l i , t h e p o l i c i e s o f , 1 5 6 .

"Made in G ermany," 165 .

Madison, James, 45 .

Madrid Confere nce in 1880, the,

1 2 5 .

Majuba Hill, 98 .

Malines, 283 .

Malta the key of Egypt, 29 .

Manthey, Councilor, 59 .

Map-making, 253 .

Maritime l aw of the world, 14 .

Mazarin, France under, 23 .

McCarthy, Justin, 67 .

Medjlis, the destruc tion of the,

136 .

M e l i l l a d i s t r i c t , t h e , 1 2 1 .

Melting pot, the, 249 .

Menace to the peace of Europe ,

Sir Edward Grey as a, 294 .

Metternich, Prince, 62 .

Milan Decree, 44, 245 .

Militarism, German, 102 .

Military negotiations between Sir

Edward Grey himself and the

French Cabinet, 185 .

Military rivalry, 235.

Milne r, Sir Alfred, 102, 103 .

Mind, the Oriental, 75 .

Mistress of the Seas, an alliance

with the, 226 .

Modern Egypt, 75 .

Modernis m, 201 .

Mohammed, Dost, 64 .

Moller, Erik, 59 .

Moltke, v on, 160 .

Moore, W. A . , 1 3 8 .

Moorish Government, the, 108 .

Moral tone of Engla nd, the high,

275 .

Morel, E. D . , 2 2 1 .

Morley, Lord, 63 .

Morocco, 221, 265, 266, 282 ; a f -

f a i r o f , 1 0 5 , 1 8 0 ; signatory pow-

ers and, 119 .

Motives back of this gigantic

struggle, 24 .

Mulai-Hafid, 121 .

Mulk, Azudu'l, 140.

Munitions Act, 199 .

Munitions and other suppli es of

war, 203 ; our tremendous sales

o f , 2 2 2 .

Napoleon, 21, 28, 173, 191 .

Napoleon III, 159, 238 .

Napoleonic conflict, England alone

unscathed in the, 29 .

Nationalists, the Egyptian, 80 .

Nationalities, the freedom of, 282 .

"Nations have long memori es," 78 .

Naval conve ntion between Russia

and Britain, 270 .

Navalism, British, 102 .

Navi gation Act, the, 15 .

Navy, English commercial, 15 .

Near East, the hegemony of the,

250 .

Netherlands, political union with

Elizabeth of the, 5 .

Neutrality might be violated, 300 .

Neutral rights of trade and travel,

204 .

New Orleans, the battle of, 51 .



Newspaper idea, th e, 191 .

Nineteenth century, the, 73, 77 .

North American Continent, the, 26 .

North American Review, the, 198 .

North German Lloyd, 164 .

Note, the dual, 81 .

Oliver, F . S ., 198 .

"On the knee, you dog," 281.

Open door, the, 125 .

"Opium War," 68 .

Orange Free State, th e, 92, 283 .

Ordeal by Battle , 198 .

Orders i n Counc il, 43, 199 .

O'Reilly , A . A., 9S.

Orleans, Jackson's vi ctory at New,

54 .

Oudh, the kingdom of, 40 .

Overture made by Germany, re-

fused, 297 .

Pachitch, M., 235 .

Pall Mall Gazette, 79.

Palmerston, Lord, 66, 72, 73, 156 .

Panama Canal, the, 223.

Pan-Americanism, 220 .

Pan-German press, the, 116 .

Pan-Serb agita tion, th e, 257 .

Pan-Slavism, 240, 246 .

"Panther," the German gunboat,126

Pasha, Arabi, 76, 79 .

Peace of Paris,, 24 .

Peace, the murderous toll of, 216 ;

the blessings of, 292 .

Pekin, the s acx of, 285 .

Perceval, Spencer, 48 .

Perry, Oliver H., 53 .

Persia, the convention betweenEngland and Russia as to, 130,

250; the partition of, 70 ; the in-

tegrity and independence of, 131 .

Persian customs and loans, 132 ;

Parliament, 134 .

Peter the Great, 173 ; the will of,

174 .

Philadelphia, 214 .

INDEX 321

Philip of Spain, 1 .

Philippines, 172 .

Piedmont, 241 .

Pinckney, Willi am, 46 .

Pitt, William, 27 .

Pizzaro, 31 .

Pogrom, "truly Russi an," 251 .

Polish unity, 249.

Ponsonby, Arthur, 221 .

Portugal, ultimatum to, 150 .

Posen, 249 ; the Polish province of,

248 .

Potgieter, Andries Hendrik, 90 .

Poverty, scandal ous, 291 .

Precedent that no man should bepresident more than eight years,

45 .

"Prepar edne ss, " 211 .

Press, pro-English, 202 .

Pretoria, the British fla g at, 98 .

Pretorius, Andries W. J ., 90 .

Prince of Darkness, the, 284 .

Princip, Gabrilo, 259 .

Principle of non-intervention, the,

291 .

Procedure, unfai r, 284 .

Propaganda, 171 . '

Protege of Russia, the, 236 .

Prussia and Brandenburg , 280 .

Quarrels, international, 227 .

Question, the one paramount, 210 .

Quintuple t reaty o f April 19, 1839,

the, 271 .

Racial Unity , 246 .

Rapprochement, in 1904, a, 109 .

"Rats i n a ho le," 286 .

Religious freedom and religiousindifference, S .

Repenta nce, 256 .

Resolu tions of Carlsbad, th e, 156 .

Reuter's te legram to the pres s, 185 .

Revoluti on, great, the, 27 .

Rheim s, 283 .

Richelie u and Mazarin, Cardinals,

22 .



Seeley, John R., 6, 23, 164 .

Sepoy rebellion, the, 40 .

Serajevo, 181, 243, 246, 257 .

Servia upon Russian countenanceand support, absolute depend-ence of, 239 .

Servians an attractive race, t h e ,

237 .

"Setting the cl ock back " in Per-

sia, 148 .

Seven Years' War, 24 .

Shah deposed, the, 139 .

Shepstone, Sir Theophilus , 96 .

Shuster, W. Morgan, 142, 282 .

Slaughter of non-combatants, 284 .

Slav assault, a united, 240 ; against

Teuton, 246

Tattenbach, Count, 116 .

Taylor, Henry Osborn, 208Teuton and Slav, conflict of, 189 .

Tewfik, 78 .

Thackeray , 157 .

Theresa, Maria, 154 .

Thieves' covenant, the, 282 .

Three Years' War, the, 89.

Tilsit, the peace of, 57 .

"Times change, but principles

never," 227 .

Tirpitz, Admiral, 166 .

Tolstoi's War and Peace, 71 .

Trade, questi ons of, 16 , 169, 191 .

Transv aal, th e, 89, 249, 282 .

Treaty between the Netherlandsand Kingdom of Denmark, 18 ;


"Righ t of se arc h," 15, 48 .

Roberts , Lord, 285 .

Robinson, Sir Hercules, 101 .

Roosevel t, Theodore, 225 .

Rothschild, the great banking

house of, 74 .

Roumania, 248 .

Rudolf o f Hapsburg, 3 .

Russel l, Honorable Bertrand, 188 .

Russia, 136, 149, 173, 174, 185,

Slums, 214 .

Smith, F. E., 284 .

Social Forces in England andAmerica, 169 ; Democracy i n

Germany, 201 ; unrest in theUnited States , 196 .

Socialism, 215 .

"Solidarity wi th France and Rus-

sia," 182 .

South African Republic, the, 8 9 ,

252, 280, 282, 286 . 91, 103, 163 .

Russif icati on, forcible, 251 .

Russo-Japanese War, 172 .

Spain, the sea power of, 4 .

Spanish Successi on, the great war

of the, 24 ; Spanish-American

War, the, 212

Spring-Rice, Sir Cecil , 134, 136 .

Sacredness of treaty obligations ,

149.

St. John, Oliv er, 13 .

Salisbury , Lord, 105, 114, 153 .

Springfield Republican, the, 214 .

Starvation li ne, the, 195 .

Stefano, the treaty of San, 77 .

Stokes, Major C. B ., 144 .

Strangling of Persia, the, 142 .

Strickland, Walter, 13 .

Stuart, Mary, 21 .

Submarines, 205, 206 .

Suez, Isthmus of, 73 .

Supremacy upon the seas, 27 .

Tangier, 117 .

Tariff Bill, Underwood, the, 02 .

Sand River Conven tion, t he, 90 .

Santayana, George, 224 .

Sayce, Professor, 86 .

Sazanoff , M ., 245, 313 .

Schiller, 201 .

Schleswig-Holstein, 156, 158 .

Sea, Britain mus t rule the , 14 .

Secret commitments, 251 ; diplo-

macy, sacred idol of, 130 ; His-

tory of the English Occupation

of Egypt, 75 .



Unemployed in Germany, the num-ber of, 217 .

United States, the, 210 .

"Unity of authority c oupled with

direct responsibility," 39; na-tional, 212 .

Unpreparedness, the question ofour, 223 .

Urquhart , Davi d, 66 .

Usher, Roland, 220 .

Vibeck, landin g at, 59 .

"Vic ars o f Chri st, " 284 .

Victo ria, Queen, 151 .

Voja Tankosic, Major, 259.

Volks raad, 92 .

Voltaire, 156 .

INDEX 323

213 .

Wellesley, Lord, 37 .

Wells, H. G., 169, 181, 284 .

Whelpl ey, James Davenport, 169 .

Where do we stand? 209White, Sir George, 117 .

Whitman, Sidney, 160 .

William II, 167 .

Wilson, President, 193, 202 .

Wodehou se, Sir Phili p, 94 .

Wolseley , Lord, 86, 89 .

Wood, Sir Evelyn, 99 .

World-Empir e, 10, 28 .

Zulus, war with the, 96 .

Zone syst em, the, 219 .

of August, 1870, 152 ; of 1839, Von Jagow, Herr, 277 .

the, 152, 271 ; witu Prussia (in

1756), 153 ; of Bucharest, the

Von

War,

Rensburg,

1 6 , 23 ;

Jan, 90 .

a . preventive of wan-iniquitous, 239 ; of Partition,

236; of 1831 and 1839, 271 .ton, 49, 172 ; declared, 188 ;

Tricha rd, Louis, 90 .

Triple Entente, the, 130 .

"Trusts," 219 .

Tuberculosis, 215 .

Typhoid, 216 .

Tyranny of capitalism,

281

the o l d ,

Zone

the

Proclamation, 205 ; after

war, 228 ; a co-operative

crime, 244 ; for the Empire of

the East, a, 252 ; War-infected

executive, a , 290 .

Washington,Washington,

city of , 53 .

George, 225 .

Uitlanders, the, 100 .

Underwood Tariff Bill, t h e , 203 .

Waterboer,

Waterloo,

Wealth

Nichol as, 94 .

the battle of, 155 .

of the nation, the entire,

Englands World Empire Alfred Hoyt Granger 1916 333pgs POL

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Transcript of Englands World Empire Alfred Hoyt Granger 1916 333pgs POL