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Transcript of eng4901essay
Devin Taylor
English 4901
Dr. Shonk
12 December 2008
Something British: Cockneyisms, Britishisms, and Vulgarisms
One of the lowliest dialects on England's dialect totem pole is Cockney, as it is “the
underprivileged slum cousin of 'good' English” (Ayres 127) in the manner that few outside of its
spectrum of speakers understand it. Once considered to be the dialect of all of London (Bolton 222),
Cockney is now often associated with the lower classes and people with poor education. It has gone
through a sort of pejoration as many began to deem it improper, but that has not stopped it from being
widely used in British comedy or in American acting schools. The Brits are known for their quirky
terms sometimes called Britishisms and, of course, for the hidden vulgarity of these terms in
conversations. Cockney doesn't fall short for those seeking good laugh at England's finest dialect, as it
includes many differences in pronunciation than those in the Received Pronunciation spoken by Queen
Elizabeth II, but it is this phonology and insertion of vulgarisms only meant to be heard when one's
mother is not around that keep it in the spotlight and fresh on the minds of those wishing to hear a solid
British dialect or to enjoy a good bit of humor.
Cockney and Its -isms
Cockney is said to be an allusion straight from a medieval rhyme “which by some fanciful
connection with London's effeminacy and luxuriousness came to be applied to its genuine citizens”
(Bolton 222), though there is no textual evidence that London is even the fictitious place. Cockney is
the rough accent one hears when one meets an underpaid worker shuffling along waste at the tube
wishing it is almost time to 'urry 'ome for dinner. It is the dialect of Eliza Doolittle, a reformed flower
girl in George Bernard Shaw's Pygmalion. But most importantly, it seems to be at the heart of what a
foreigner wants to experience while visiting England for the first time. After all, the trip was not worth
it if no one had been called a “bloomin' arse,” right? Cockney is quite simply that quintessential accent
(or dialect, for those counting) that sums up a cranky, liquored-up Londoner.
Reginald Pelham Bolton, a native speaker of Cockney, noted the lack of aspiration placed on
words by his fellow dialect speakers but more importantly the aspiration used by the rest of English
who are perceived to speak some semblance of a proper language. Not without a bit of humor did he
propose that the Romans may have been at fault for:
indelibly fixing their carelessness of aspiration upon the British speech, yet from the fact
that the language generally has grown up full of aspirates, in spite of the equally patent
fact that two thirds of the population of England ignore and misplace them, they can
scarcely be credited with the result. (Bolton 225)
The speakers of Cockney were completely shortchanged in the fact that they were left out of the
proverbial aspiration pool, and they become quite a specimen for linguists asking them to speak a
sentence full of the letter h. What they lack in aspirates, however, is made up in an almost
hypercorrection when they insert one in front of words like “heasy” or “hirritation.” This helps to
evoke confusion at a baptism when the priest asks if the baby has any other names but Robert. No, he
has “'Robert, h'only,' [his mother] answered. 'Robert Honly, I baptize thee,' etc., proceeded the
clergyman” (Bolton 225-226).
Not only does a Cockney speaker have fault when it comes to the aspiration autocrat, but the
glottal nasal guru could start a row when he hears the g's being dropped off the ends of words to make a
person goin', rather than going, to the supermarket (Bolton 225). This feature is quite common in
America, but for one to carry it in England makes one low indeed; after all, pronunciation is the one
and only marker to determine a person's class and quality of education. It is this kind of thinking that
has left Cockney in a very poor and undeserved position, because it has such a lilting tune to
desensitized ears. Even the “ah—ah--ah--ow--ow--oo!” like the one so famously crooned by Ms.
Doolittle in Pygmalion is lovable (Shaw II). Prescriptive grammarians might cringe, though, when the
Cockney happens to switch v's with w's (Kokeritz 192) or inserts a svarabhakti, otherwise known as an
extra vowel between consonants (Algeo 330), like in donikey, but really they're only trying to make up
for everything else lacking in their, well, lacking speech. The following passage helps to sum up many
problems faced in Cockney:
Mr. Spriggings vas saying t'other day, as how he verily did think that weal vas better
eating than wenson; to be sure weal is wery good of the kind; but Mr Spriggings, says I,
gimme wenson [...] I vas wastly fond of wenson, for after all now, what can be more
betterer or more fitterer, eh? [...] He might as well say that wice ought to be walued
above wirtue, or that wawnuts can be pickled vithout winegar. (Kokeritz 190-191)
The switching of the consonants v and w is highly prevalent and utterly confusing as this young
gentleman tries to relate his fondness for wenson. The middle syllable has been dropped out of
venison, but an extra -er is added in the use of double comparatives like in betterer. The l's seemingly
fall out of words like walnut to make wawnut, with other examples being walk and talk to make tawk
and wawk. There is also the insertion of gimme, a presently common word used in America, which
was being used early on in Cockney. Give and me were pushed together, and the v subsequently gave
way to an m. Cockneys also include the dropping off of the r's in words like regard where a flat a
forms to make regaad (Kokeritz 193-194).
Britishisms and Vulgarisms
One of the most exciting things to hear a Londoner shout is “bloody this!” and “bloody that!”
In fact, it's just as sensational to hear any word not commonly used in the everyday speech of
Americans. Though the Cockneys do get blamed for inserting a large portion of vocalized filth into the
Queen's good English, they, if tales be true, have come up with some remarkable terms like bloomin',
bleedin', and bugger. Other Britishisms included, but not without a parental advisory warning, are:
BRITISH AMERICAN
Balls to the wall Hurry up
Face like a bag of spanners Ugly
Fag Cigarette
Galloping knob-rot Severe, uncontrollable venereal disease
Jesus creepers Sandals
Keen as mustard Very enthusiastic, eager
Lay one on To hit someone
Nose-bag Food or meal
Undercrackers Underwear
Wallies False teeth
Most of the words and phrases seem to have evolved out of no particular meaning, and they have
nothing to do with the original definitions of the words that comprise them. Nose-bag, does however,
have a bit of rationality in it, because it apparently comes from the bag with which horses were fed
(Duckworth). But it will be a fine day indeed when a rotting knob gallops and crackers are worn as
underwear. Jesus might even adopt the term creepers for his fashionable Birkenstocks as he balls to
the wall to Mass.
Many terms are crossing national boundaries in today's society with inventions like the internet
and television. They provide a way for people with differences in a common language to come
together and learn another culture's colloquialisms. Even standardized spelling is changing as an
American student wonders if it is spelled judgment or judgement. Grammar has had little change
between the different English-speaking countries of the world, so it is still possible for an Australian to
understand what a Canadian says, providing the use of slang is at a minimum (Svartvik 152-156). This
is all due to the transatlantic drift, which cause “the British [to so busily borrow] linguistically from the
Americans that what was originally felt to be an Americanism has become thoroughly at home in
Britain” (157). For example, the following is a list of British words and their now accepted
counterparts in the American style:
BRITISH AMERICAN
Wireless Radio
Season ticket holder Commuter
American words without a complementary British one are also making it into everyday British use like:
bucks, bonehead, jerk, movie, guys, and cool (158). There have been some instances, though, where
Britishisms have not made it into American society. The following chart lists the changes made by
American publishers of J.K. Rowling's famous Harry Potter series about a boy in wizarding school in
Britain:
BRITISH AMERICAN
At weekends On weekends
Barking Off his rocker
Bins Trash-cans
Bit rich coming from you You should talk
Cooker Stove
Father Christmas Santa Claus
Queuing Lining up
Row Fight
Torch Flashlight
Wonky Crooked
Looking at Rowling's series is a great way to see Britishisms, even though a majority of them were
changed while trying to “make [the] books more intelligible to a young American readership.” There is
still an essence of Britishness in the way the publishers left some of her sentences worded, though
syntax is said to rarely signify a dialect (161-163).
Social Distinction
What poses an interesting question, though, is why the British make such a distinction between
classes based on dialects or the inability or disagreeance to speak in Received Pronunciation. It can be
seen in novels like Wuthering Heights by Emily Brontë and Hard Times by Charles Dickens. Brontë's
Heathcliff is first secluded from his adoptive family by his inability to communicate with them, and
then Dickens' character Mr. Sleary is given a lisp which later allows for his intentions to be understated
by the novel's major characters. He may be a leader of a traveling circus, but it seems that a primary
reason why he is not taken as seriously as he should be until the end of the novel is because of his
humorous lisp.
Even “[t]o be a middle-class student just [twenty] years ago carried such a social stigma that
many graduates in their [forties] recall faking a proletarian accent for their entire university education”
(Aitkenhead) to fit in. This stigma certainly does not translate into America, where there is less stress
placed on what class a person falls into. Perhaps the distinction comes from the fight to leave England
and its traditions behind when the Pilgrims sailed to the New World to practice their own religion.
Over the centuries, America has been a refuge for those seeking shelter from rapacious rulers in
countries with little means. Societies that have an uneven split in wealth tend to have more lower class
people, and the upper classes are characterized by how much money the family has. Those who were
coming to America in those difficult times were in the same situation as their fellow travelers, and
because of this, they fell into a special bond that drove out most distinctions of class.
In Accents of English I, author J.C. Wells attempts to answer the question of social distinction
based on dialects, but he only comes to the already apparent conclusion that “[a] person's social
position is reflected in the words and constructions he uses, as well as in the way he pronounces them
[...] which they do not generally have in, say, North America.” He does, however, nicely illustrate a
triangle which shows the base as the “broad, local accents” along a “regional variation,” and the sides
coming together to represent class status rising higher until they join at a point. This does seem relative
to the mass amount of people who speak in an accent or dialect, not just Cockney, that is bound to be
deemed embarrassing by someone somewhere else (13-14).
Stereotypes are constantly being inflicted upon people based on the way one looks or dresses,
the way one acts, and even the way one speaks. A Canadian walks into a bar with a maple leaf
plastered over his chest. Not a lot of people there have met a Canadian before, but some of them
probably expect him to say “eh” after every sentence. It is “the indexical information we collect from
listening to a person speak [through television shows, the radio, movies, and other media that lead to
slotting] him into an appropriate stereotype” (Wells 29). So if what Wells says is true, then it would
certainly have to apply to American dialects in the sense of southerners, urban dwellers, and country
bumpkins; and it does, but there is again that lack of prevalence that is seen so heavily in England.
Looking back at Cockney, it “signals working-class status and conflicts disturbingly with the stereotype
of the kind of wealthy upper-middle-class woman who would employ domestic help in the home” (30);
therefore, a Cockney woman of wealth would be hard-pressed to keep help who spoke in the same
fashion as her. It is a never ending cycle that will probably never reach a conclusion, because a is
always factoring into b; whereas, b affects c, d, and e.
Cockney, with its vulgarity, and Britishisms ,with their ability to amuse foreigners, are both still
in high demand throughout the world. Actors learn them and use them on stage, novelists collect them
and print them on their pages, and people sitting behind a screen on one side of the globe type them out
to someone sitting behind a screen on the other side. Through this media and mass communication, the
linguistics of England have almost become a commodity that is in high demand, though the deeper
meanings of their origins become lost to those seeking a short-lived amusement. Cockney, a dialect
found in a small place in England, is quite recognizable to others across the world even though its
home base is comparatively smaller than areas of lesser known dialects. And thanks to famous British
movies like Monty Python, the Harry Potter series, The Beatles' A Hard Day's Night, and television
programs like “Benny Hill,” many have come to learn what it means to drink a few too many wobbly
pops before starting a row and becoming that pissed tosser who everyone wants chucked out of the pub.
It's all for the best, right? Because speaking like the British, whether a part of them or not, is what
makes the world go round and turns the day into night. There is no class distinction when an American
phones a bobby to report a burglary or when a Brit yacks up their burger and fries. It's all relative in
linguistics.
Works Cited
Aitkenhead, Decca. "Class Rules." The Guardian. 20 Oct. 2007.9 Dec. 2008
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2007/oct/20/britishidentity.socialexclusion1>.
Algeo, John, and Thomas Pyles. The Origins and Development of the English Language. 5th ed.
Boston, MA: Thomas Wadsworth, 1964.
Ayres, Harry Morgan. "Cockney Past and Present." American Speech 14 (1939): 127-29.
Bolton, Reginald Pelham. "The Cockney and His Dialect." The Journal of American Folklore 8 (1895):
222-29.
Duckworth, Ted. A Dictionary of Slang. 9 Dec. 2008
<http://www.peevish.co.uk/slang/>.
Kokeritz, Helge. "A Record of Late 18-Century Cockney." Language 25 (1949): 190-94.
Shaw, George Bernard. Pygmalion.
<http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext03/pygml10.txt>
Svartvik, Jan, and Geoffrey Leech. English: One Tongue, Many Voices. New York, NY: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2006.
Wells, J.C. Accents of English I. Cambridge 1982: Cambridge UP.