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Émile Durkheim 1 Émile Durkheim Émile Durkheim French sociologist Born April 15, 1858 Épinal, France Died November 15, 1917 (aged 59) Paris, France David Émile Durkheim (French pronunciation: [emil dyʁkɛm]) (April 15, 1858 November 15, 1917) was a French sociologist. He formally established the academic discipline and, with Karl Marx and Max Weber, is commonly cited as the principal architect of modern social science. [1] Durkheim set up the first European department of sociology at the University of Bordeaux in 1895, publishing his Rules of the Sociological Method. In 1896, he established the journal L'Année Sociologique. Durkheim's seminal monograph, Suicide (1897), a study of suicide rates amongst Catholic and Protestant populations, pioneered modern social research and served to distinguish social science from psychology or political philosophy. [2] Durkheim refined the positivism originally set forth by Auguste Comte, promoting epistemological realism and the hypothetico-deductive model. For him, sociology was the science of institutions, its aim being to discover structural "social facts": "A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or not, capable of exercising on the individual an external constraint; or again, every way of acting which is general throughout a given society, while at the same time existing in its own right independent of its individual manifestations." [3] Durkheim acknowledged the limitations of sociology, noting the necessity in social science to form theoretical concepts in the abstract: "Science cannot describe individuals, but only types. If human societies cannot be classified, they must remain inaccessible to scientific description." [4] Durkheim was a major proponent of structural functionalism, a foundational perspective in both sociology and anthropology. [5] [6] He remained a dominant force in French intellectual life until his death in 1917, presenting numerous lectures and published works on a variety of topics, including social stratification, religion, law, education, and deviance. Marcel Mauss, a notable social anthropologist of the pre-war era, was his nephew. Durkheimian terms such as "collective conscience" have since entered the popular discourse. [7]

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Émile Durkheim 1

Émile Durkheim

Émile Durkheim

French sociologist

Born April 15, 1858Épinal, France

Died November 15, 1917(aged 59)Paris, France

David Émile Durkheim (French pronunciation: [emil dyʁkɛm]) (April 15, 1858 – November 15, 1917) was a Frenchsociologist. He formally established the academic discipline and, with Karl Marx and Max Weber, is commonlycited as the principal architect of modern social science.[1]

Durkheim set up the first European department of sociology at the University of Bordeaux in 1895, publishing hisRules of the Sociological Method. In 1896, he established the journal L'Année Sociologique. Durkheim's seminalmonograph, Suicide (1897), a study of suicide rates amongst Catholic and Protestant populations, pioneered modernsocial research and served to distinguish social science from psychology or political philosophy.[2] Durkheim refinedthe positivism originally set forth by Auguste Comte, promoting epistemological realism and thehypothetico-deductive model. For him, sociology was the science of institutions, its aim being to discover structural"social facts":"A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or not, capable of exercising on the individual an external constraint; oragain, every way of acting which is general throughout a given society, while at the same time existing in its ownright independent of its individual manifestations."[3]

Durkheim acknowledged the limitations of sociology, noting the necessity in social science to form theoreticalconcepts in the abstract:"Science cannot describe individuals, but only types. If human societies cannot be classified, they must remaininaccessible to scientific description."[4]

Durkheim was a major proponent of structural functionalism, a foundational perspective in both sociology andanthropology.[5] [6] He remained a dominant force in French intellectual life until his death in 1917, presentingnumerous lectures and published works on a variety of topics, including social stratification, religion, law, education,and deviance. Marcel Mauss, a notable social anthropologist of the pre-war era, was his nephew. Durkheimian termssuch as "collective conscience" have since entered the popular discourse.[7]

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Biography

Childhood and educationDurkheim was born in Épinal in Lorraine, coming from a long line of devout French Jews; his father, grandfather,and great-grandfather had been rabbis.[8] At an early age, he decided not to follow in his family's rabbinicalfootsteps.[8] Durkheim himself would lead a completely secular life. Much of his work was dedicated todemonstrating that religious phenomena stemmed from social rather than divine factors. While Durkheim chose notto follow in the family tradition, he did not sever ties with his family or with the Jewish community.[8] Many of hismost prominent collaborators and students were Jewish, and some were blood relations. The exact influence ofJewish thought on Durkheim's work remains uncertain; some scholars have argued that Durkheim's thought is a formof secularized Jewish thought,[9] [10] while others argue that proving the existence of a direct influence of Jewishthought on Durkheim's achievements is difficult or impossible.[11]

A precocious student, Durkheim entered the École Normale Supérieure (ENS) in 1879.[12] The entering class thatyear was one of the most brilliant of the nineteenth century and many of his classmates, such as Jean Jaurès andHenri Bergson would go on to become major figures in France's intellectual history. At the ENS, Durkheim studiedunder the direction of Numa Denis Fustel de Coulanges, a classicist with a social scientific outlook, and wrote hisLatin dissertation on Montesquieu.[13] At the same time, he read Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer. ThusDurkheim became interested in a scientific approach to society very early on in his career. This meant the first ofmany conflicts with the French academic system, which had no social science curriculum at the time. Durkheimfound humanistic studies uninteresting, and he finished second to last in his graduating class when he aggregated inphilosophy in 1882.There was no way that a man of Durkheim's views could receive a major academic appointment in Paris. Thus in1885 he decided to leave for Germany, where he studied sociology in Marburg, Berlin and Leipzig. As Durkheimindicated in several essays, it was in Leipzig that he learned to appreciate the value of empiricism and its language ofconcrete, complex things, in sharp contrast to the more abstract, clear and simple ideas of the Cartesian method.[14]

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Academic career

A collection of Durkheim's courses on the originsof socialism (1896), edited and published by his

nephew, Marcel Mauss, in 1928.

Durkheim traveled to Bordeaux in 1887, which had just startedFrance's first teacher's training center. There he taught both pedagogyand sociology (the latter had never been taught in France before).[15]

From this position Durkheim helped reform the French school systemand introduced the study of social science in its curriculum. However,his controversial beliefs that religion and morality could be explainedin terms purely of social interaction earned him many critics.

The 1890s were a period of remarkable creative output for Durkheim.In 1892 he published The Division of Labour in Society, his doctoraldissertation and fundamental statement of the nature of human societyand its development.[16] Durkheim's interest in social phenomena wasspurred on by politics. France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War ledto the fall of the regime of Napoleon III, which was then replaced bythe Third Republic. This in turn resulted in a backlash against the newsecular and republican rule, as many people considered a vigorouslynationalistic approach necessary to rejuvenate France's fading power.Durkheim, a Jew and a staunch supporter of the Third Republic with asympathy towards socialism, was thus in the political minority, asituation which galvanized him politically. The Dreyfus affair of 1894only strengthened his activist stance.

In 1895 he published Rules of the Sociological Method, a manifesto stating what sociology is and how it ought to bedone, and founded the first European department of sociology at the University of Bordeaux. In 1898 he founded thejournal L'Année Sociologique to publish and publicize the work of what was, by then, a growing number of studentsand collaborators (this is also the name used to refer to the group of students who developed his sociologicalprogram). Durkheim was familiar with several foreign languages and reviewed academic papers in German, English,and Italian for the journal. In 1897, he published Suicide, a case study which provided an example of what thesociological monograph might look like. Durkheim was one of the founders in using quantitative methods incriminology during his suicide case study.

By 1902 Durkheim had finally achieved his goal of attaining a prominent position in Paris when he became the chairof education at the Sorbonne. Because French universities are technically institutions for training secondary schoolteachers, this position gave Durkheim considerable influence — his lectures were the only ones that were mandatoryfor the entire student body. Despite what some considered, in the aftermath of the Dreyfus affair, to be a politicalappointment, Durkheim consolidated his institutional power by 1912 when he was permanently assigned the chairand renamed it the chair of education and sociology. It was also in this year that he published his last major work,The Elementary Forms of Religious Life.The outbreak of World War I was to have a tragic effect on Durkheim's life. His leftism was always patriotic ratherthan internationalist — he sought a secular, rational form of French life. But the coming of the war and the inevitablenationalist propaganda that followed made it difficult to sustain this already nuanced position. While Durkheimactively worked to support his country in the war, his reluctance to give in to simplistic nationalist fervor (combinedwith his Jewish background) made him a natural target of the now-ascendant French Right. Even more seriously, thegeneration of students that Durkheim had trained were now being drafted to serve in the army, and many of themperished in the trenches. Finally, Durkheim's own son, André, died on the war front in December 1915 — apsychological blow from which Durkheim never recovered. Emotionally devastated and overworked, Durkheimcollapsed of a stroke in Paris in 1917 and now lies buried at the Cimetière du Montparnasse in Paris.

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Theories and ideas

Theoretical foundations of sociologyA fundamental influence on Durkheim's thought was the sociological positivism of Auguste Comte, who effectivelysought to extend and apply the scientific method found in the natural sciences to the social sciences. According toComte, a true social science should stress for empirical facts, as well as induce general scientific laws from therelationship among these facts. There were many points on which Durkheim agreed with the positivist thesis. First,he accepted that the study of society was to be founded on an examination of facts. Second, like Comte, heacknowledged that the only valid guide to objective knowledge was the scientific method. Third, he agreed withComte that the social sciences could become scientific only when they were stripped of their metaphysicalabstractions and philosophical speculation.[17]

A second influence on Durkheim's view of society beyond Comte's positivism was the epistemological outlookcalled social realism. Although he never explicitly exposed it, Durkheim adopted a realist perspective in order todemonstrate the existence of social realities outside the individual and to show that these realities existed in the formof the objective relations of society.[18] As an epistemology of science, realism can be defined as a perspective whichtakes as its central point of departure the view that external social realities exist in the outer world and that theserealities are independent of the individual's perception of them. This view opposes other predominant philosophicalperspectives such as empiricism and positivism. Empiricists such as David Hume had argued that all realities in theoutside world are products of human sense perception. According to empiricists, all realities are thus merelyperceived: they do not exist independently of our perceptions, and have no causal power in themselves.[18] Comte'spositivism went a step further by claiming that scientific laws could be deduced from empirical observations. Goingbeyond this, Durkheim claimed that sociology would not only discover "apparent" laws, but would be able todiscover the inherent nature of society.Throughout his career, Durkheim was concerned primarily with how societies could maintain their integrity andcoherence in the modern era, when things such as shared religious and ethnic background could no longer beassumed. To study social life in modern societies, he hence sought to create one of the first rigorous scientificapproaches to social phenomena. Along with Herbert Spencer, he was one of the first people to explain the existenceand quality of different parts of a society by reference to what function they served in maintaining the quotidian (i.e.by how they make society "work"), and is thus sometimes seen as a precursor to functionalism. Durkheim alsoinsisted that society was more than the sum of its parts. Thus unlike his contemporaries Ferdinand Tönnies and MaxWeber, he focused not on what motivates the actions of individuals (an approach associated with methodologicalindividualism), but rather on the study of social facts.

Social factsDurkheim's work revolved around the study of social facts, a term he coined to describe phenomena that have anexistence in and of themselves and are not bound to the actions of individuals. Durkheim argued that social factshave, sui generis, an independent existence greater and more objective than the actions of the individuals thatcompose society. Being exterior to the individual person, social facts may thus also exercise coercive power on thevarious people composing society, as it can sometimes be observed in the case of formal laws and regulations, butalso in phenomena such as church practices or family norms.[19] Unlike the facts studied in natural sciences, a"social" fact thus refers to a specific category of phenomena: it consists of ways of acting, thinking, feeling, externalto the individual and endowed with a power of coercion, by reason of which they control him. According toDurkheim, these phenomena cannot be reduced to biological or psychological grounds.[20]

Hence even the most "individualistic" or "subjective" phenomena, such as suicide, would be regarded by Durkheim as objective social facts. Individuals composing society do not directly cause suicide: suicide, as a social fact, exists independently in society, whether an individual person wants it or not. Whether a person "leaves" a society does not

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change anything to the fact that this society will still contain suicides. Sociology's task thus consists of discoveringthe qualities and characteristics of such social facts, which can be discovered through a quantitative or experimentalapproach (Durkheim extensively relied on statistics).[21]

Method and objectivityIn his Rules of the Sociological Method (1895), Durkheim expressed his will to establish a method that wouldguarantee sociology's truly scientific character. One of the questions raised by the author concerns the objectivity ofthe sociologist: how may one study an object that, from the very beginning, conditions and relates to the observer?According to Durkheim, observation must be as impartial and impersonal as possible, even though a "perfectlyobjective observation" in this sense may never be attained. A social fact must always be studied according to itsrelation with other social facts, never according to the individual who studies it. Sociology should therefore privilegecomparison rather than the study of singular independent facts.[22]

It has been noted, at times with disapproval and amazement by non-French social scientists, that Durkheim traveledlittle and that, like many French scholars and the notable British anthropologist Sir James Frazer, he never undertookany fieldwork. The vast information Durkheim studied on the aboriginal tribes of Australia and New Guinea and onthe Inuit was all collected by other anthropologists, travelers, or missionaries.[23]

This was not due to provincialism or lack of attention to the concrete. Durkheim did not intend to make venturesomeand dogmatic generalizations while disregarding empirical observation. He did, however, maintain that concreteobservation in remote parts of the world does not always lead to illuminating views on the past or even on thepresent. For him, facts had no intellectual meaning unless they were grouped into types and laws. He claimedrepeatedly that it is from a construction erected on the inner nature of the real that knowledge of concrete reality isobtained, a knowledge not perceived by observation of the facts from the outside. He thus constructed concepts suchas the sacred and totemism exactly in the same way that Karl Marx developed the concept of class.[23]

Sociological studies

EducationDurkheim was also interested in education. Partially this was because he was professionally employed to trainteachers, and he used his ability to shape curriculum to further his own goals of having sociology taught as widely aspossible. More broadly, though, Durkheim was interested in the way that education could be used to provide Frenchcitizens the sort of shared, secular background that would be necessary to prevent anomie in modern societies. It wasto this end that he also proposed the formation of professional groups to serve as a source of solidarity for adults.Durkheim argued that education has many functions:1. To reinforce social solidarity

• History: Learning about individuals who have done good things for the many makes an individual feelinsignificant.

• Pledging allegiance: Makes individuals feel part of a group and therefore less likely to break rules.2. To maintain social role

• School is a society in miniature. It has a similar hierarchy, rules, expectations to the "outside world." It trainsyoung people to fulfill roles.

3. To maintain division of labour.• School sorts students into skill groups, encouraging students to take up employment in fields best suited to

their abilities.

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CrimeDurkheim's views on crime were a departure from conventional notions. He believed that crime is "bound up withthe fundamental conditions of all social life" and serves a social function. He stated that crime implies, "not only thatthe way remains open to necessary change, but that in certain cases it directly proposes these changes... crime [canthus be] a useful prelude to reforms." In this sense he saw crime as being able to release certain social tensions andso have a cleansing or purging effect in society. He further stated that "the authority which the moral conscienceenjoys must not be excessive; otherwise, no-one would dare to criticize it, and it would too easily congeal into animmutable form. To make progress, individual originality must be able to express itself...[even] the originality of thecriminal... shall also be possible" (Durkheim, 1895).

LawBeyond the specific study of crime, criminal law and punishment, Durkheim was deeply interested in the study oflaw and its social effects in general. Among classical social theorists he is one of the founders of the field ofsociology of law. In his early work he saw types of law, distinguished as repressive versus restitutive law(characterised by their sanctions), as a direct reflection of types of social solidarity. The study of law was thereforeof interest to sociology for what it could reveal about the nature of solidarity. Later, however, he emphasised thesignificance of law as a sociological field of study in its own right. In the later Durkheimian view, law (both civil andcriminal) is an expression and guarantee of society's fundamental values. Durkheim emphasised the way that modernlaw increasingly expresses a form of moral individualism - a value system that is, in his view, probably the only oneuniversally appropriate to modern conditions of social solidarity.[24] Individualism, in this sense, is the basis ofhuman rights and of the values of individual human dignity and individual autonomy. It is to be sharplydistinguished from selfishness and egoism, which for Durkheim are not moral stances at all. Many of Durkheim'sclosest followers, such as Marcel Mauss, Paul Fauconnet and Paul Huvelin also specialised in or contributed to thesociological study of law.

SuicideIn Suicide (1897), Durkheim explores the differing suicide rates among Protestants and Catholics, arguing thatstronger social control among Catholics results in lower suicide rates. According to Durkheim, Catholic society hasnormal levels of integration while Protestant society has low levels. There are at least two problems with thisinterpretation. First, Durkheim took most of his data from earlier researchers, notably Adolph Wagner and HenryMorselli,[25] who were much more careful in generalizing from their own data. Second, later researchers found thatthe Protestant-Catholic differences in suicide seemed to be limited to German-speaking Europe and thus may alwayshave been the spurious reflection of other factors.[26] Despite its limitations, Durkheim's work on suicide hasinfluenced proponents of control theory, and is often mentioned as a classic sociological study.Durkheim's study of suicide has been criticized as an example of the logical error termed the ecological fallacy.[27]

[28] Indeed, Durkheim's conclusions about individual behaviour (e.g. suicide) are based on aggregate statistics (thesuicide rate among Protestants and Catholics). This type of inference, explaining micro events in terms of macroproperties, is often misleading, as is shown by examples of Simpson's paradox.[29]

However, diverging views have contested whether Durkheim's work really contained an ecological fallacy. Van Poppel and Day (1996) have advanced that differences in suicide rates between Catholics and Protestants were explicable entirely in terms of how deaths were categorized between the two social groups. For instance, while "sudden deaths" or "deaths from ill-defined or unspecified cause" would often be recorded as suicides among Protestants, this would not be the case for Catholics. Hence Durkheim would have committed an empirical rather than logical error.[30] Some, such as Inkeles (1959),[31] Johnson (1965)[32] and Gibbs (1968),[33] have claimed that Durkheim's only intent was to explain suicide sociologically within a holistic perspective, emphasizing that "he intended his theory to explain variation among social environments in the incidence of suicide, not the suicides of

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particular individuals."[34]

More recent authors such as Berk (2006) have also questioned the micro-macro relations underlying Durkheim'swork. For instance, Berk notices that

Durkheim speaks of a "collective current" that reflects the collective inclination flowing down the channels ofsocial organization. The intensity of the current determines the volume of suicides (...) Introducingpsychological [i.e. individual] variables such as depression, [which could be seen as] an independent[non-social] cause of suicide, overlooks Durkheim's conception that these variables are the ones most likely tobe effected by the larger social forces and without these forces suicide may not occur within suchindividuals.[35]

Durkheim stated that there are four types of suicide:• Egoistic suicides are the result of a weakening of the bonds that normally integrate individuals into the

collectivity: in other words a breakdown or decrease of social integration. Durkheim refers to this type of suicideas the result of "excessive individuation", meaning that the individual becomes increasingly detached from othermembers of his community. Those individuals who were not sufficiently bound to social groups (and thereforewell-defined values, traditions, norms, and goals) were left with little social support or guidance, and thereforetended to commit suicide on an increased basis. An example Durkheim discovered was that of unmarried people,particularly males, who, with less to bind and connect them to stable social norms and goals, committed suicide athigher rates than married people.[36]

• Altruistic suicides occur in societies with high integration, where individual needs are seen as less important thanthe society's needs as a whole. They thus occur on the opposite integration scale as egoistic suicide.[36] Asindividual interest would not be considered important, Durkheim stated that in an altruistic society there would belittle reason for people to commit suicide. He stated one exception, namely when the individual is expected to killthemselves on behalf of society – a primary example being the soldier in military service.

• Anomic suicides are the product of moral deregulation and a lack of definition of legitimate aspirations through arestraining social ethic, which could impose meaning and order on the individual conscience. This is symptomaticof a failure of economic development and division of labour to produce Durkheim's organic solidarity. People donot know where they fit in within their societies. Durkheim explains that this is a state of moral disorder whereman's desires are limitless and, thus, his disappointments are infinite.

• Fatalistic suicides occur in overly oppressive societies, causing people to prefer to die than to carry on livingwithin their society. This is an extremely rare reason for people to take their own lives, but a good example wouldbe within a prison; people prefer to die than live in a prison with constant abuse and excessive regulation thatprohibits them from pursuing their desires.

These four types of suicide are based on the degrees of imbalance of two social forces: social integration and moralregulation.[36] Durkheim noted the effects of various crises on social aggregates – war, for example, leading to anincrease in altruism, economic boom or disaster contributing to anomie.[37]

ReligionIn classical sociology, the study of religion was primarily concerned with two broad issues:1. How did religion contribute to the maintenance of social order?2. What was the relationship between religion and capitalist society?These two issues were typically combined in the argument that industrial capitalism would undermine traditional religious commitment and thereby threaten the cohesion of society. More recently the subject has been narrowly defined as the study of religious institutions. In his article, 'The Origin Of Beliefs' Émile Durkheim placed himself in the positivist tradition, meaning that he thought of his study of society as dispassionate and scientific. He was deeply interested in the problem of what held complex modern societies together. Religion, he argued, was an expression of social cohesion. His underlying interest was to understand the existence of religion in the absence of belief in any

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religion's actual tenets. Durkheim saw totemism as the most basic form of religion. It is in this belief system that thefundamental separation between the sacred and the profane is most clear. All other religions, he said, are outgrowthsof this distinction, adding to it myths, images, and traditions. The totemic animal, Durkheim believed, was theexpression of the sacred and the original focus of religious activity because it was the emblem for a social group, theclan. Religion is thus an inevitable, just as society is inevitable when individuals live together as a group.Durkheim presented five elementary forms of religious life (The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life;Conclusion) to be found in all religions, from the more "primitive" to Judeo/Christian/Moslem. These are: 1.Sacred/Profane division of the world; 2. Belief in souls,spirits, mythical personalities 3. Belief in divinity, eitherlocal or multi-local 4. a negative or ascetic cult within the religion 5. Rites of oblation, communion, imitation,commemoration or expiation.He argued that these five forms were communal experiences, thereby distinguishing religion from magic.Durkheim thought that the model for relationships between people and the supernatural was the relationship betweenindividuals and the community. He is famous for suggesting that "God is society, writ large." Durkheim believed thatpeople ordered the physical world, the supernatural world, and the social world according to similar principles.Durkheim’s first purpose was to identify the social origin of religion as he felt that religion was a source ofcamaraderie and solidarity. It was the individual’s way of becoming recognizable within an established society. Hissecond purpose was to identify links between certain religions in different cultures, finding a common denominator.Belief in supernatural realms and occurrences may not stem through all religions, yet there is a clear division indifferent aspects of life, certain behaviours and physical things.In the past, he argued, religion had been the cement of society—the means by which men had been led to turn fromthe everyday concerns in which they were variously enmeshed to a common devotion to sacred things. His definitionof religion, favoured by anthropologists of religion today, was, "A religion is a unified system of beliefs andpractices relative to sacred things, i.e., things set apart and forbidden--beliefs and practices which unite in one singlemoral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them." (The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life,Book 1, Ch. 1)Durkheim believed that “society has to be present within the individual.” He saw religion as a mechanism that shoredup or protected a threatened social order. He thought that religion had been the cement of society in the past, but thatthe collapse of religion would not lead to a moral implosion. Durkheim was specifically interested in religion as acommunal experience rather than an individual one. He also says that religious phenomena occur when a separationis made between the profane (the realm of everyday activities) and the sacred (the realm of the extraordinary and thetranscendent); these are different depending what man chooses them to be. An example of this is wine atcommunion, as it is not only wine but represents the blood of Christ. Durkheim believed that religion is ‘societydivinised’, as he argues that religion occurs in a social context. He also, in lieu of forefathers before who tried toreplace the dying religions, urged people to unite in a civic morality on the basis that we are what we are as a resultof society.Durkheim condensed religion into four major functions:1. Disciplinary, forcing or administrating discipline2. Cohesive, bringing people together, a strong bond3. Vitalizing, to make livelier or vigorous, vitalise, boost spirit4. Euphoric, a good feeling, happiness, confidence, well-being

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See also• Anomie• Antipositivism• Collective consciousness• Collective effervescence• Normlessness• Organic solidarity• Positivism• Social fact• Social research• Social structure• Structural functionalism

Selected works• Montesquieu's contributions to the formation of social science (1892)• The Division of Labour in Society (1893)• Rules of the Sociological Method (1895)• On the Normality of Crime (1895)• Suicide (1897)• The Prohibition of Incest and its Origins (1897), published in L'Année Sociologique, vol. 1, pp. 1–70• Sociology and its Scientific Domain (1900), translation of an Italian text entitled "La sociologia e il suo dominio

scientifico"• The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912)• Who Wanted War? (1914), in collaboration with Ernest Denis• Germany Above All (1915)Published posthumously:

• Education and Sociology (1922)• Sociology and Philosophy (1924)• Moral Education (1925)• Socialism (1928)

Further reading• Bellah, Robert N. (ed.) (1973). Emile Durkheim: On Morality and Society, Selected Writings. Chicago: The

University of Chicago Press (ISBN 9780226173368).• Cotterrell, Roger (1999). Emile Durkheim: Law in a Moral Domain. Edinburgh University Press / Stanford

University Press (ISBN 0804738084, ISBN 9780804738088).• Cotterrell, Roger (ed.) (2010). Emile Durkheim: Justice, Morality and Politics. Ashgate (ISBN 9780754627111).• Douglas, Jack D. (1973). The Social Meanings of Suicide. Princeton University Press (ISBN 978-0-691-02812-5).• Eitzen, Stanley D. and Maxine Baca Zinn (1997). Social Problems (11th ed.). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and

Bacon (ISBN 0205547966).• Giddens, Anthony (ed.) (1972). Emile Durkheim: Selected Writings. London: Cambridge University Press (ISBN

0521097126, ISBN 978-0521097123).• Giddens, Anthony (ed.) (1986). Durkheim on Politics and the State. Cambridge: Polity Press (ISBN

0-7456-0131-6).

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• Henslin, James M. (1996). Essentials of Sociology: A Down-to-Earth Approach. Needham Heights, MA: Allynand Bacon (ISBN 0205174809, ISBN 9780205174805).

• Jones, Susan Stedman (2001). Durkheim Reconsidered. Polity (ISBN 074561616X, ISBN 978-0745616162).• Lemert, Charles (2006). Durkheim's Ghosts: Cultural Logics and Social Things. Cambridge University Press

(ISBN 0521842662, ISBN 9780521842662).• Lockwood, David (1992). Solidarity and Schism: "The Problem of Disorder" in Durkheimian and Marxist

Sociology. Oxford: Clarendon Press (ISBN 0198277172, ISBN 978-0198277170).• Lukes, Steven (1985). Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work, a Historical and Critical Study. Stanford University

Press (ISBN 0804712832, ISBN 9780804712835).• Mestrovic, Stjepan (1988). Emile Durkheim and the Reformation of Sociology. Rowan & Littlefield. (ISBN

0847678679)• Pickering, W. S. F. (2009). Durkheim's Sociology of Religion: Themes and Theories, The James Clarke & Co

(ISBN 9780227172971).• Pickering, W. S. F. (ed.) (1975). Durkheim on Religion, Routledge & Kegan Paul (ISBN 0-7100-8108-1).• Pickering, W. S. F. (ed.) (1979). Durkheim: Essays on Morals and Education, Routledge & Kegan Paul (ISBN

0-7100-0321-8).• Siegel, Larry J (2007). Criminology: Theories, Patterns, and Typologies (7th ed.) Wadsworth/Thomson Learning

(ISBN 049500572X, ISBN 9780495005728).• Tekiner, Deniz (2002). "German Idealist Foundations of Durkheim's Sociology and Teleology of Knowledge",

Theory and Science, III, 1, Online publication [38].• Thompson, Kenneth (2002). Emile Durkheim (2nd ed.) Routledge (ISBN 0415285305, ISBN 9780415285308).

External linksAbout Durkheim:• The Durkheim pages (University of Chicago) [39]

• Bibliography on Durkheim (McMaster University) [40]

• Annotated bibliography on Durkheim and Religion (University of North Carolina) [41]

• Review material for studying Émile Durkheim [42]

Online works:• Moral Education [43]

• Professional Ethics and Civic Morals (collection of lectures) [44]

• Primitive Classification (with Marcel Mauss) [45]

• Pragmatism and Sociology (collection of lectures) [46]

• The Evolution of Educational Thought (selected writings) [47]

• For all of Durkheim's works in French, including many unpublished essays, go to: http:/ / classiques. uqac. ca/classiques/ Durkheim_emile/ durkheim. html

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Émile Durkheim 11

References[1] Kim, Sung Ho (2007). "Max Weber". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (August 24, 2007 entry) http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/

weber/ (Retrieved 17-02-2010)[2] Gianfranco Poggi (2000). Durkheim. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chapter 1.[3] Durkheim, Émile [1895] "The Rules of Sociological Method" 8th edition, trans. Sarah A. Solovay and John M. Mueller, ed. George E. G.

Catlin (1938, 1964 edition), pp. 13.[4] Durkheim, Émile [1892] "Montesquieu's Contribution to the Rise of Social Science" in Montesquieu and Rousseau. Forerunners of

Sociology, trans. Ralph Manheim (1960), pp.9[5] Hayward, J.E.S. "Solidarist Syndicalism: Durkheim and DuGuit", Sociological Review, Vol. 8 (1960)[6] Thompson, Kenneth. 2002. Emile Durkheim. Routledge.[7] Simpson, George (Trans.) in Durkheim, Emile "The Division of Labour in Society" The Free Press, New York, 1993. pp. ix[8] Gianfranco Poggi (2000). Durkheim. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 1.[9] Strenski, Ivan. 1997. Durkheim and the Jews of France. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Google Print pp. 1-2 (http:/ / books. google.

ca/ books?id=nyneB7F0m0sC& printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_navlinks_s)[10] "While Durkheim did not become a Rabbi, he may have transformed his father's philosophical and moral concerns into something new, his

version of sociology." – Meštrović, Stjepan Gabriel (1993). Émile Durkheim and the reformation of sociology. Rowman & Littlefield, GooglePrint, p. 37 (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=lqGUxDs3K_UC& pg=PA37#v=onepage& q=& f=false)

[11] Pickering, W. S. F. 2001. "The Enigma of Durkheim's Jewishness", in Critical Assessments of Leading Sociologists. British Centre forDurkheimian Studies, v. 1, Google Print, p. 79 (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=amP-MyZAL-cC& printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_navlinks_s)

[12] Gianfranco Poggi (2000). Durkheim. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 2.[13] Bottomore, Tom, Robert Nisbet (1978). A History of Sociological Analysis. Basic Books. pp. 8.[14] Jones, Robert Alun and Rand J. Spiro. "Contextualization, cognitive flexibility, and hypertext: the convergence of interpretive theory,

cognitive psychology, and advanced information technologies." in Susan Leigh Star (ed.) 1995. The Cultures of Computing. SociologicalReview Monograph Series, Google Print p. 149 (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?hl=en& lr=& id=vM5MgiPPlgcC& oi=fnd& pg=PA148)

[15] Gianfranco Poggi (2000). Durkheim. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 3.[16] Gianfranco Poggi (2000). Durkheim. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. x.[17] Morrison, Ken (2006): Marx, Durkheim, Weber: formations of modern social thought. Second edition. SAGE, p. 151.[18] Morrison, Ben (2006), p. 152.[19] Martin, Michael and Lee C. McIntyre. 1994. Readings in the Philosophy of Social Science. Boston: MIT press, Google Print p. 433 (http:/ /

books. google. ca/ books?id=oUx60TFkLxoC)[20] Martin, Michael and Lee C. McIntyre. 1994. Readings in the Philosophy of Social Science. Boston: MIT press, Google Print p. 434 (http:/ /

books. google. ca/ books?id=oUx60TFkLxoC)[21] "Suicide [...] is indeed the paradigm case of Durkheim's positivism: it remains the exemplar of the sociological application of statistics."

Hassard, John. 1995. Sociology and Organization Theory: Positivism, Paradigms and Postmodernity. Cambridge University Press (ISBN0521484588) Google Print p. 15 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?hl=en& lr=& id=EjI6Rd-NreYC& oi=fnd& pg=PP13& dq=Durkheim+suicide+ sociological+ positivism& ots=764qjcztaG& sig=YOVkvTMvWDpq2FIYgf0v7TR_JFw#PPA15,M1)

[22] "Durkheim was the first to seriously use the comparative method correctly in the scientific sense" Cf. Collins, Randall. 1975. ConflictSociology: Toward an Explanatory Science. N.Y.: Academic Press, p. 529

[23] "Émile Durkheim." Encyclopædia Britannica (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 174299/ Emile-Durkheim). 2009.Encyclopædia Britannica Online. (Retrieved 14-06-2009)

[24] Cotterrell, Roger (1999). Emile Durkheim: Law in A Moral Domain. Stanford University Press. chs. 7–9.[25] Stark, Rodney and William Sims Bainbridge. 1996. Religion, Deviance and Social Control. Routledge, Google Print p. 32 (http:/ / books.

google. ca/ books?id=lm0DLM_T8zsC& pg=PA32)[26] Pope, Whitney, and Nick Danigelis. 1981. "Sociology's One Law," Social Forces 60:496-514.[27] Freedman, David A. 2002. The Ecological Fallacy. University of California. (http:/ / www. stat. berkeley. edu/ ~census/ ecofall. txt)[28] H. C. Selvin. 1965. "Durkheim's Suicide:Further Thoughts on a Methodological Classic", in R. A. Nisbet (ed.) Émile Durkheim pp. 113-136[29] Irzik, Gurol and Eric Meyer. "Causal Modeling: New Directions for Statistical Explanation", Philosophy of Science, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Dec.,

1987), p. 509[30] Van Poppel, Frans, and Lincoln H. Day. "A Test of Durkheim's Theory of Suicide--Without Committing the Ecological Fallacy". American

Sociological Review, Vol. 61, No. 3 (Jun., 1996), p. 500[31] Cf. Inkeles, A. 1959. "Personality and Social Structure." pp. 249-76 in Sociological Today, edited by R. K. Merton, L. Broom, and L. S.

Cottrell. New York: Basic Books.[32] Cf. Johnson, B. D. 1965. "Durkheim's One Cause of Suicide." American Sociological Review, 30:875-86[33] Cf. Gibbs, J. P. and W. T. Martin. 1958. "A Theory of Status Integration and Its Relationship to Suicide." American Sociological, Review

23:14-147.[34] Berk, Bernard B. "Macro-Micro Relationships in Durkheim's Analysis of Egoistic Suicide". Sociological Theory, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar.,

2006), p. 60

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Émile Durkheim 12

[35] Berk, Bernard B. "Macro-Micro Relationships in Durkheim's Analysis of Egoistic Suicide". Sociological Theory, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar.,2006), pp. 78-79

[36] Thompson, Kenneth. 1982. Emile Durkheim. London: Tavistock Publications, pp. 109-111[37] Dohrenwend, Bruce P. "Egoism, Altruism, Anomie, and Fatalism: A Conceptual Analysis of Durkheim's Types", American Sociological

Review, Vol. 24, No. 4 (Aug., 1959), p. 473[38] http:/ / theoryandscience. icaap. org/ content/ vol003. 001/ tekiner. html[39] http:/ / durkheim. uchicago. edu[40] http:/ / socserv. mcmaster. ca/ econ/ ugcm/ 3ll3/ durkheim/ index. html[41] http:/ / www. unc. edu/ ~elliott/ durkheim. html[42] http:/ / www. bolenderinitiatives. com/ sociology/ emile-durkheim-1858-1917[43] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=hxl6ULMGqbYC& lpg=PA1& ots=eTV8p16Lcj& dq=Emile%20Durkheim& lr=&

pg=PP1#v=onepage& q=Emile%20Durkheim& f=false[44] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=Uo6_THlj0c4C& lpg=PR9& ots=7NDYlsbR0r& dq=Emile%20Durkheim& lr=& pg=PP1#v=onepage&

q=Emile%20Durkheim& f=false[45] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=VNixDAUlShsC& lpg=PR7& ots=7-NKkZPiWv& dq=Emile%20Durkheim& lr=&

pg=PP1#v=onepage& q=Emile%20Durkheim& f=false[46] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=ckI9AAAAIAAJ& lpg=PR7& ots=C0gV5K53nu& dq=Emile%20Durkheim& lr=&

pg=PP1#v=onepage& q=Emile%20Durkheim& f=false[47] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=lnmDJ1tnooMC& lpg=PP1& ots=OhS67jWmal& dq=Emile%20Durkheim& lr=&

pg=PP1#v=onepage& q=Emile%20Durkheim& f=false

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Article Sources and Contributors 13

Article Sources and ContributorsÉmile Durkheim  Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=383290645  Contributors: 1984GO, Addshore, AdjustShift, Adrian.benko, Aeusoes1, Ahchecker, Alansohn, Ale jrb, AlexGolub, AllGloryToTheHypnotoad, Altes, Andre Engels, Andrew Norman, Andycjp, Anjesh, Anthony, Apus, Arnie587, Atif.t2, Attilios, Aude, BMF81, BTLizard, Banakar, Bassbonerocks,Bbatsell, Bearcat, Bender235, Betterusername, Bill Chadwell, Bill cz, Black Falcon, Blainster, Bobo192, BrendelSignature, Bruceanthro, Bryan Derksen, CQJ, CWii, Can't sleep, clown will eatme, Cantiorix, Capricorn42, Carl Logan, Cetheriel, Charles Matthews, Christofurio, Cookiehead, Cosmic Latte, Céçaquiéça, D6, DarwinPeacock, Darwinek, David91, Deb, Delldot, Deniz22,Dowcet, Dv82matt, Easyer, Eclecticology, Editor2020, Edward, Eric-Wester, Esperant, Euchiasmus, Everyking, Excirial, Frieda, Gabbe, Gail, Gaius Cornelius, Garion96, Gdarin, Ggraham96,Gilliam, Ginkgo100, Gregbard, Grenavitar, Gudshead, Haham hanuka, Harthacnut, Hazel77, HexaChord, Homagetocatalonia, Howabout1, IW.HG, Igodard, Imsu4s, Islescape, It Is Me Here,JForget, JYOuyang, James086, Jboy, Jclemens, Jeffrey O. Gustafson, JimFarm, Jimmy jinx, Joarku, John, Jon Awbrey, Jonik, Joriki, Joseph Solis in Australia, Josh Cherry, Joygerhardt, Jusdafax,Kate, Keilana, Kelner, Klehti, Kmcfarla, Kpjas, Ktoonen, L Kensington, LAWinans, LCecere, Larsivi, Liface, Little Mountain 5, Littlealien182, LonelyMarble, Lucidish, LuckyWizard,Lukehunt, Luna Santin, LutP, Lutterworth Press, Lvms90, M-le-mot-dit, M3taphysical, MER-C, Mackan79, Mahanga, Mani1, Marcelo Reis, MarkS, Masterpiece2000, Matthew Proctor, Mattisse,Mc288, McSly, Mikemo007, Modify, Mohsens, Monegasque, Monkey Bounce, Mrw12, Mtevfrog, Mukhtar1, Nagelfar, Narchy, Narkin, Nathansz, NawlinWiki, Neelix, Nolomotm, Olivier,Ormers, Osmanja, Owen, Panoramix, Parkjunwung, Paulbirch, Pedant17, PelleSmith, Peter morrell, Philip Trueman, Piotrus, Pit, Pmjones, PranksterTurtle, Princessshah, ProfAncious, Profoss,Proverb, Pruneau, Pshopboy, Quendus, Quite, R'n'B, RCS, RaseaC, Ray Chason, Rbmcotterrell, Red Thrush, Reddi, Redound, Reswik, Riana, Rigadoun, Rindzin, Rjwilmsi, Rkr1991,Rmackenzie, Roland2, Romanm, Rosiestep, RossPatterson, SJP, SMP, Sadi Carnot, Saksham, Sam Hocevar, Sasuke Sarutobi, Sbowers3, Scarian, Schmaus, Schmloof, SebRovera, Serein(renamed because of SUL), SeventhHell, Shoeofdeath, Sidonuke, Sir Nicholas de Mimsy-Porpington, Skittleys, Skyskyskyskyskysky, Slopigyo, Sluzzelin, Soetermans, Soobrickay, Sp0, Staycool, Stefan Kruithof, Stephen Gilbert, Stephensuleeman, Student.mckinney, Studymore, Stunetii, Sunray, SuperSmurph, THEN WHO WAS PHONE?, TTwist, TakuyaMurata, Tannin, Terence,TexasAndroid, The wub, Theresa knott, Tide rolls, TimBentley, Timeineurope, Toezar, Tom, Tom Lougheed, Tomsega, Tyler, Undolph, Unyoyega, Vanished188, Varlokkur, Vincej, WLGades,Wayward, Welsh, Werdnawerdna, Wikiman1298, Wilfried Derksen, Wmahan, Woohookitty, Wtmitchell, Wynnj26, Yo lenin, Zzuuzz, €pa, 460 anonymous edits

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