Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, 1969 (5th Chapter)

8/9/2019 Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, 1969 (5th Chapter)

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EduardoMondlane,TheStruggleforMozambique,1969

Chapter5

Resistance TheSearchforaNationalMovement

And ask no more

to know what i am

Im nothing but a lump of flesh

in which, its cry swollen great with hopethe revolt of africa has merged

From If you want to know who I am, by Nomia de Souza

LikeallAfricannationalism,theMozambicanformwasbornoutoftheexperience

ofEuropeancolonialism.Thesourceofnationalunityisthecommonsuffering

duringthelastfiftyyearsspentundereffectivePortugueserule.Thenationalist

assertiondidnotriseoutofastablecommunity,inhistoryalinguistic,territorial,

economicandculturalunity.InMozambique,itwascolonialdominationwhich

producedtheterritorialcommunityandcreatedthebasisforapsychological

coherence,foundedontheexperienceofdiscrimination,exploitation,forced

labour,andothersuchaspectsofcolonialrule.

Communication,however,hasbeenlimitedbetweentheseparatecommunities

subjectedtothesesameexperiences.Allformsofcommunicationpreviouslycame

fromabove,throughthemediumofthecolonialadministration.Andthisnaturally

sloweddownthedevelopmentofasingleconsciousnessthroughouttheterritorial

area.InMozambique,thesituationhasbeenaggravatedbytheGreaterPortugal

policy,wherebythecolonyisreferredtoasaprovinceofPortugal,thepeople

calledPortuguese

by

the

authorities.

On

the

radio,

in

the

newspapers,

in

the

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schools,thereisagreatdealoftalkaboutPortugal,andverylittleabout

Mozambique.Amongthepeasantry,suchpropagandahasdoneagreatdealto

hinderthedevelopmentofaMozambiqueconcept;andasPortugalistoodistant

anideatoprovideaunifyingfactor,thishasalsofosteredtribalismbynothelping

peopletolookbeyondtheirimmediatesocialunit.

Inmanyareaswherethepopulationissmallandwidelyscattered,contactbetween

thecolonial

power

and

the

people

has

been

so

superficial

that

little

personal

experienceofdominationexisted.ThereweresomegroupsinEasternNyanzawho

hadneverseenaPortuguesebeforetheoutbreakofthepresentwar.Insuchareas

thepeoplehadlittlesenseofbelongingeithertoanationoracolony,anditwasat

firsthardforthemtounderstandthestruggle.ThearrivalofthePortuguesearmy,

however,veryrapidlychangedthis.

Popularresistance

Whereverthe

presence

of

the

colonizing

power

was

felt,

some

kind

of

resistance

wasshown,takingvariousformsfromarmedinsurrectiontowholesaleexodus.But

atanygivenmoment,itwasonlyalimitedcommunity,smallinrelationtothe

wholesociety,whichroseagainstthecolonizer,whiletheoppositionitselfwas

limitedbecausedirectedagainstonlyoneaspectofdomination,theconcrete

aspectwhichaffectedthatparticularcommunityatthatparticulartime.

Activeresistancewasfinallycrushedin1918,withthedefeatoftheMokombe

(King)ofBarwe,intheTeteregion.Andfromtheearly1930s,thecolonial

administrationof

the

young

fascist

state

spread

across

Mozambique,

destroying,

oftenphysically,thetraditionalpowerstructure.

Fromthistimeon,bothrepressionandresistancehardened.Butthecentreof

resistanceshiftedfromthetraditionalhierarchies,whichbecamedocilepuppetsof

thePortuguese,toindividualsandgroupsthoughforlongtheseremainedas

isolatedintheiraimsandtheiractivitiesasthetraditionalleadershadbeen.

Asimplepsychologicalrejectionofthecolonizerandhisculturewasvery

widespread,but

it

was

not

aconscious,

rationalized

stand;

it

was

an

attitude

bound

upwiththeculturaltraditionofthegroup,itspaststruggleswiththePortuguese

andpresentexperienceofsubjection.

ThePortuguesewishtoimplanttheirculturethroughouttheterritory,evenifwell

intentioned,wascompletelyunrealisticbecauseofthenumbersinvolved.

Comprisinglessthan2percentofthepopulation,theycouldnothopetogiveall

theAfricansanopportunityofevenobservingthePortugesewayoflife,letalone

bringthemintocloseenoughcontacttoabsorbit.Likemanycolonizingnations,

theyalso

miscalculated

the

enthusiasm

of

the

poor

savages

for

civilisation.

Since


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mostAfricansmetthePortugueseonlywhenpayingtaxes,whencontractedfor

forcedlabourorwhenhavingtheirlandseized,itisscarcelysurprisingthatthey

shouldhavereceivedveryunfavourableimpressionsofPortugueseculture.This

revulsionisoftenexpressedinsongs,dances,evencarvingstraditionalformsof

expressionwhichthecolonizerdoesnotunderstand,andthroughwhichhecan

thusbesecretlyridiculed,denouncedandthreatened.TheChope,forinstance,

sing:

We are still angry; its always the same story

The oldest daughters must pay the tax

Natanele tells the white man to leave him alone

Natanele tells the white man to leave me be

You, the elders must discuss our affairs

For the man the whites appointed is the son of a nobody

The Chope have lost the right to own their land

Let me tell you about it

In

another

song,

they

ridicule

the

attempt

to

impose

the

Portugese

manners:

Listen to the song of Chigombe village

Its tedious saying bom dia all the time

Macarite and Babuane are in prison

Because they didnt say bom dia,

They had to go to Quissico to say bom dia.

ThemercantilevaluesoftheEuropeansarefrequentlysatirizedorattacked:

How it surprised me,

My brother Nguissa,

How it surprised me

To take along money to buy my way.

SomeofthecarvingsoftheMkondepeopleexpressadeepseatedhostilitytothe

alienculture.Inthatarea,Catholicmissionarieshavebeenveryactive,andunder

theirinfluencemanycarvershavemademadonnasandcrucifixes,imitating

Europeanmodels.UnlikeMakondeworkontraditionalthemes,theseChristian

imagesareoftenrigidlystereotypedandlifeless.Butsometimesoneofthem

departsfromthestereotype,andwhenitdoes,thisisnearlyalwaysbecausean

elementof

doubt

or

defience

has

been

worked

into

it;

aMadonna

is

given

ademon

toholdinsteadoftheChristchild;apriestisrepresentedwiththefeetofawild

animal,apietabecomesastudynotofsorrowbutofrevenge,withthemother

raisingaspearoverthebodyofherdeadson.

Inspecificareasatspecifictimes,theseattitudes,ingrainedinpopularculture,

crystallizedintoactionofonekindoranother;theeldersdiddiscussouraffairs.

Oneformthatthistookwasthecooperativemovement,whichdevelopedinthe

northinthefifties.Initsearlystages,thiswasconstructiveratherthandefiant.A

numberof

peasants

including

Mzee

Lazaro

Kavandame,

now

amember

of


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FRELIMOsCentralCommitteeandProvincialSecretaryforCaboDelgado

organizedthemselvesintocooperatives,inanattempttorationalizetheproduction

andsaleofagriculturalproduceandsoimprovetheireconomiclot.ThePortuguese

authorities,however,placedsevererestrictionsontheactivitiesofthe

cooperatives,burdenedthemwithfinanciallevies,andkeptalltheirmeetings

understrictsurveillance.Itwasthenthatthemovementbegantoacquireamore

powerfulcharacter,

becoming

totally

hostile

to

the

authorities.

Earlynationalism

Conditionswerescarcelyfavourableforthespreadofdevelopednationalistideas

throughoutthecountry.Becauseofthebanonpoliticalassociation,thenecessity

forsecrecywhichthisimposed,theerosionoftraditionalsocietyandthelackof

moderneducationinruralareas,itwasatfirstonlyamongatinyminoritythatthe

ideaofnational,asopposedtolocal,actioncouldgaincurrency.Thisminoritywas

predominantly

an

urban

one,

composed

of

intellectuals

and

wage

earners,

on

individualsessentiallydetribalized,mostlyassimilatedAfricansandmulattos;in

otherwordsatinymarginalsectionofthepopulation.

Inthetowns,thecolonizingpowerwasseenatclosequarters.Itwaseasierto

understandthatthecolonizersstrengthwasbuiltuponourweakness,andthat

theirachievementsdependedonthelabouroftheAfrican.Possiblythevery

absenceofthetribalenvironmenthelpedtoencourageanationalview,helpedthis

grouptoseeMozambiqueasthecountryofalltheMozambicans,helpedthemto

understandthepowerofunity.

EncouragedbytheliberalismofthenewRepublicinPortugal(19101926),these

groupsformedsocietiesandstartednewspaperswithwhichtheyconducted

campaignsagainsttheabusesofcolonialism,demandingequalrights,until,littleby

little,theybegantodenouncethewholecolonialsystem.

In1920theLigaAfricanawasestablishedinLisbon,asanorganizationunitingthe

veryfewAfricanandmulattostudentswhocametothecity.Itsintentionwasto

giveanorganizedcharactertoliaisonsbetweencolonizedpeoples;itparticipated

inthe

Third

Pan

African

Conference

held

in

London

and

organized

by

W.

E.

B.

Du

Bois,andin1923receivedtheSecondSessionoftheConferenceinLisbon.Itwas

significantthatinitsconceptiontheLigastoodnotonlyfornationalunitybutalso

forunitybetweencoloniesagainstallcolonizingpowers,andunityamongall

oppressedblackpeoplesoftheworld.Butinfactitwasweak,consistingasitdid

onlyofsometwentymembersandsituatedinLisbon,farfromthesceneofpossible

action.

InMozambiqueintheearlytwenties,anorganizationcalledGrmioAfricano

(AfricanGuild)

was

formed,

and

this

later

evolved

into

the

Associaio

Africana.

The


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settlersandtheadministrationsoonbecamealarmedatthestrengthofthe

Associationsdemands,andintheearlythirties,favouredbythefascistwinds

blowingfromPortugal,theybeganacampaignofintimidationandinfiltration,and

succeededingainingthehelpofsomeoftheleaderstodirecttheassociationalong

moreconformistlines.Amoreradicalwingwasthenformed,whichbrokeawayand

createdtheInstitutoNegrfilo;andthiswaslaterforcedtochangeitsnamebythe

Salazargovernment,

to

Centro

Associativo

dos

Negros

de

Moambique.

A

tendency

developedformulattostojointheAssociaioAfricana,whileblackAfricanswere

concentratedintheCentroAssociativo.

Athirdorganizationwasformed,calledtheAssociaiodosNaturaisde

Moambique.Thiswasoriginallyconceivedasameansofdefendingtherightsof

whitesborninMozambique;butfromthe1950sitopeneditsdoorstootherethnic

groups,andafterthatbecamequiteactiveinthestruggleagainstracism.Itevendid

alittletoadvanceAfricaneducationbyprovidingscholarships.Othersimilar

associations

were

formed

by

smaller

interest

groups,

like

Moslem

Africans

or

differentgroupsofIndians.

Alltheseorganizationscarriedourpoliticalactionunderthecoverofsocial

programmes,mutualaid,andculturalorathleticactivities.Andsidebysidewith

thesemovementstheredevelopedaprotestpress,typifiedbythepaperOBrado

Africano(theAfricanCry),whichwassetupbytheAssociaioAfricanaand

directedbytheAlbasinibrothers.Thispresswasmuzzledin1936bythefascist

governmentssystemofpresscensorship,butuntilthenitformedafairlyeffective

mouthpieceforrevolt.

Thespiritoftheseearlymovementsandthenatureoftheirprotestarewell

illustratedbythisOBradoAfricanoeditorialof27February1932:

Weve had a mouthful of it. Weve had to put up with you, to suffer the terrible

consequences of your follies, of your demands we can no longer put up with the

pernicious effects of you political and administrative decisions. From now on we refuse

to make ever greater and more useless sacrifices Enough We insist that you carry

out your fundamental duties not with laws and decrees but with acts We want to be

treated in the same way that you are. We do not aspire to your refined education

Even less so do we aspire to a life dominated by the idea of robbing your brother Weaspire to our savage state which, however, fills your mouths and your pockets. And

we demand something we demand bread and light We repeat that we do not want

hunger or thirst or poverty or a law of discrimination based on colour We will learn

to use the scalpel the gangrene that you spread will infect us and then we will no

longer have the strength to take action. Now we have it we, the beasts of burden

Fromthistextclearlyemergesalineofdemarcationbetweencolonizerand

colonized;thelatterviewshimselfasadominatedwholeandsetshimselfup

againstanotherwhole,thecolonizinggroup,withwhichhecontestsforpower.Itis

interestingtonotethecompleterejectionofthecolonizersvalues,theproud


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assumptionofthesavagestateandthedefinitionofthecolonizerscivilizationas

dominatedbytherobberyofyourbrother.

Itistruethatasyetitisnotthedemandfornationalindependencewhichis

formulated.Thisstageofdenunciation,though,andthedemandforequalrights

werenecessaryinthedevelopmentofpoliticalconsciousnesstowardsthedemand

forindependence. Itwasnotuntilafterthesepreliminarydemandshadbeen

rejectedthat

amore

radical

position

could

be

taken.

TheestablishmentofSalazarsNewStateandthepoliticalrepressionwhich

followedputanendtothiswaveofpoliticalactivity.Corruptionandinternal

dissensionfomentedbythegovernmenttransformedtheorganizationsinto

bourgeoisclubs,whichfromthenonwerefrequentlyrequiredbytheauthoritiesto

joininthechorusofallegiancetoSalazarandhisregime.

ItwasnotuntiltheendoftheSecondWorldWarandthedefeatofthemajorfascist

powers,that

some

renewal

of

political

activity

became

possible.

The

changes

in

poweracrosstheworldandtheresurgencyofnationalism,particularlyinAfrica,

hadrepercussionsinthePortugueseterritories,despitethecontinuanceofthe

fascistgovernmentinLisbonandtheeffortsmadebythePortugueseauthorities to

insulatetheareastheycontrolledagainsttheideasofselfdeterminationgaining

groundelsewhere.

Therevoltoftheintellectuals

Again

it

was

for

the

most

part

only

the

small

educated

minority

who

were

in

a

positiontofollowevents,whohadadequatecontactswiththeoutsideworld,who

hadbeenabletoacquirethehabitofanalyticalthoughtandsothenecessary

equipmenttounderstandthecolonialphenomenonasawhole.

InMozambiqueanewgenerationofinsurgentsarose,activeanddeterminedto

struggleontheirowntermsandnotonthetermsimposedbythecolonial

government.Theywereinapositiontoseethethreeessentialaspectsoftheir

situation:racialdiscriminationandexploitationwithinthecolonialsystem;thereal

weaknessofthecolonizer;andfinallymanssocialevolutioningeneral,withthe

contrastbetweentheemergenceofblackstruggleinAfricaandAmericaandthe

muteresistanceoftheirownpeople.

Theycouldanalysethesituation,butitwasdifficulttodomorethanthis.Thefield

ofactionwaslimitedfirstofallbythecomprehensivestructureofoppression,the

insidiouspolicenetworkdevelopedbythefasciststateduringitslongperiodof

strength,andsecondlybythelackofcontactbetweenthepoliticallyconscious

urbanminorityandthemassofthepopulationwhoborethebruntofexploitation,

whoactuallysufferedforcedlabour,forcedcultivationandthedailythreatof


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violence.Itisnotsurprisingthereforethatamongthisminority,resistancefirst

foundapurelyculturalexpression.

Thenewresistanceinspiredamovementinalltheartswhichbeganduringthe

fortiesandinfluencedpoets,paintersandwritersfromallthePortuguesecolonies.

FromMozambiquethebestknownoftheseareprobablythepaintersMalangatana

andCraveirinha,theshortstorywriterLuisBernardoHonwana,andthepoetsJos

Craveirinhaand

Nomia

de

Sousa.

ThepaintingsofMalangatanaandJosCraveirinha(thenephewofthepoet)draw

theirinspirationfromtheimagesoftraditionalsculptureandfromAfrican

mythology,bindingthemintoworksexplosivewiththemesofliberationandthe

denunciationofcolonialviolence.

TheshortstoriesofLuisBernardoHonwana,whohasbeenrecognizedwidely

outsideAfricaasamasterofhismedium,leadthereadertomakethesame

denunciationthrough

aperceptive

detailed

analysis

of

human

behaviour.

Following

alongtraditionofartistsworkingunderanoppressivegovernment,hesometimes

writesintheformofparables,orcentreshisstoryaroundoneapparently

insignificantconcreteeventwhichheusestoilluminatethewidersituation.

Inthepoliticalpoetryofthefortiesandfifties,threethemespredominate:the

reaffirmationofAfricaasthemothercountry,spiritualhomeandcontextofa

futurenation;theriseoftheblackmanelsewhereintheworld,thegeneralcallto

revolt;andthepresentsufferingsoftheordinarypeopleofMozambique,under

forced

labour

and

in

the

mines.

Thefirstofthesethemesisofteninterwovenwiththepoetspersonalconflicts,the

problemsarisingfromhisoriginsandfamilysituationalreadydescribedin

connexionwiththesocialpositionofthemulatto.Inamoregeneralizedformit

triestoexpressthecommonrootsofallMozambicansinaprecolonialAfricanpast,

asinthisextractfromanearlypoembyMarcellinodosSantos,Herewewere

born:

The land where we were born

goes backlike time

Our forefathers

were born

and lived

in that land

and they, like the coarse wild grass

were the meagre bodys veins

running red, earths fragrance.

Trees and granite pinnacles


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their arms

embraced the earth

in daily work

and sculpting the new worlds fertile rocks

began in colour

the great design of life

Thebest

example

of

the

second

theme

is

probably

Nomia

de

Sousas

poem,

Let

mypeoplego,inspiredbythestrugglesoftheAmericanNegro:

A warm Mozambican night

and the distant tone of marimbas reach me

- firm, constant

coming, i dont know from where.

In my house of wood and zinc

I turn on the radionand let myself drift, lulled

But voices from America stir my soul and nerves

And Robeson and Marion sing for me

Negro spirituals from HarlemLet my people go

- oh let my people go

let my people go

they say.

I open my eyes and can no longer sleep.

Anderson and Paul sound within me

and they are not the soft voices of a lullaby

Let my people go

Thesufferingsoftheforcedlabourerandthemineworkerinspiredmanypoems,

andthere

are

powerful

examples

from

all

the

main

poets

of

the

period:

de

Sousas

Magaia;CraveirinhasMamparraMGaiza,MamanaSaquina;Marcellinodos

SantossAterraTreme.Thosepoems,however,aeinterestingperhapslessfor

theirpowerandeloquencethanforthetermsinwhichtheystatethesituation.For

theyillustrateveryvividlytheweaknessaswellasthestrengthofthemovementto

whichtheirauthorsbelonged.Noneofthesewritershadthemselvesexperienced

forcedlabour;noneofthemwassubjecttotheNativeLabourCode,andtheywrite

ofitasoutsiders,readingtheirownintellectualizedreactionsintothemindsofthe

Africanminerandforcedlabourer.NomiadeSousa,forinstance,writesin

Magaia:

Bemused Magaia lit the lamp

To look for lost illusions

His youth, his health, which stayed behind

Deep in the mines of Johannesburg

Craveirinha,speakingoftheChopemanoncontractintheRand,writeseachtime

hethinksofescapeheisaweekinagallerywithoutsun.Butinactthereisno

questionofescape:theMozambicancontractsfortheminesinordertobringback

cashfor

the

family

and

avoid

forced

labour

under

even

more

unfavourable


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economictermsathome.Theverywayinwhichsuchpoemsareconceived,ina

styleofeloquentselfpity,isalientotheAfricanreaction.Compareanyofthese

poemswiththeChopesongsquotedearlier.Itisclearthatdespitetheeffortsof

theirauthorstobeAfrican,heformerhavetakenmorefromtheEuropean

traditionthanfromtheAfrican.Thisindicatesthelackofcontactexistingbetween

theseintellectualsandtherestofthecountry.Atthattimetheywerenomoreina

positionto

forge

atrue

national

movement

than

were

the

peasants

of

Lzaro

Kavandamescooperatives.Ontheotherhand,theirstrengthlayintheir

enthusiasmandability,gainedpartlyfromtheirknowledgeofEuropeanhistoryand

revolutionarythinking,toanalyseapoliticalsituationandexpressitinclearand

vividterms.

NomiadeSousawrotethispowerfulcalltorevoltwhenoneofhercompanionsin

themovementhadbeenarrestedanddeportedafterthestrikesof1947:

But what matter?

They have stolen Joo from usbut Joo is us all

Because of that Joo hasnt left us

Joo was not, Joo is and will be

For Joo is us all, we are a multitude

and the multitude

who can carry off the multitude and lock it in a cage?

InBlackCry(GritoNegro),Craveirinhaachievedperhapsoneofthemostvivid

statementsonalienationandrevolteverwritten.Becauseofitsextremelytightand

meaningfulmusicalstructure,thispoemlosesmuchofitspowerintranslation;but

itisworthquotinginfull,asitisamongthemostimportantandinfluentialworksof

thetime:

I am coal!

you tear me brutally from the ground

and make of me your mine, boss

I am coal

and you burn me, boss

to serve you forever as your driving force

but not forever, boss

I am coal

and must burn, exploited

burn alive like tar, my brother

until no more your mine, boss

I am coal

and must burn

and consume everything in the fire of my combustion

Yes, boss

I will be your coal!*


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*(In Portuguese the words coal, brother, boss, combustion, rhyme: carvo, irmo, patro,

combusto.)

FewofCraveirinhasgroupsucceededinescapingfromtheirisolationandbridging

thegapbetweentheoryandpractice.NomiadeSousaleftMozambique,has

stoppedwritingpoetry,andnowlivesinParis;Man,includingCraveirinhaand

Honwana,areinprison.MalangatanaisstillworkinginMozambiquebutclosely

supervisedand

harassed

by

the

police.

Of

all

those

mentioned

here,

only

Marcelino

dosSantos,afteralongperiodofexileinEurope,joinewdtheliberationmovement,

andsincethenhispoetryhaschangedanddevelopedundertheimpetusofthe

armedstruggle.TheworkofCraveirinhaandhiscompanions,however,influenced

andinspiredaslightlyyoungergenerationofintellectuals,manyofwhomwereable

toescapethesurveillanceofthepoliceandhavethrownthemselvesintothe

liberationmovement.There,inthecontextofthearmedstruggle,anewliterary

traditionistakingshape.

Thisis

the

generation

which

grew

up

after

the

Second

World

War

and

who

were

at

schoolduringtheearlymovementforselfdeterminationelsewhereinAfrica.Itwas

atschoolthattheybegandevelopingtheirpoliticalideasandatschoolthatthey

begantoorganizethemselves.ThePortugueseeducationsystemitselfgavethem

goodcausefordiscontent.ThosefewAfricansandmulattoswhoreachedsecondary

schoolonlydidsowithgreatdifficulty.Inthepredominantlywhiteschoolsthey

wereconstantlysubjecttodiscrimination.Ontopofthis,theschoolsattemptedto

cutthemofffromtheirbackground,annihilatethevaluestheyhadbeenbroughtup

with,andmakethemPortugeseinconsciousnessthoughnotinrights.Howthey

failedis

illustrated

by

this

account

from

an

African

girl

who

was

at

atechnical

school

inLourenoMarquesonlyafewyearsago:

JosinaMuthemba:Thecolonialistswantedtodeceiveuswiththeirteaching;they

taughtusonlythehistoryofPortugal,thegeographyofPortugal;theywantedto

forminusapassivementality,tomakeusresignedtotheirdomination.We

couldntreactopenly,butwewereawareoftheirlie;weknewthatwhattheysaid

wasfalse;thatwewereMozambicansandwecouldneverbePortuguese.(F.I.)

In

1949

the

secondary

school

pupils,

led

by

some

who

had

been

to

South

Africa

to

study,formedNcleodesEstudiantesAfricanosSecundriosdeMoambique

(NESAM),whichwaslinkedtotheCentroAssociativodosNegrosdeMoambique,

andwhichsimilarlyundercoverofsocialandculturalactivities,conductedamong

theyouthapoliticalcampaigntospreadtheideaofnationalindep0endenceand

encourageresistancetotheculturalsubjectionwhichthePortugueseimposed.

Fromthefirstthepolicekeptaclosewatchonthemovement.Imyself,asoneof

thestudentsreturnedfromSouthAfricawhohadfoundedNESAM,wasarrested

andquestionedatsomelengthaboutouractivitiesin1949.NeverthelessNESAM

managedto

survive

into

the

sixties,

and

even

launched

amagazine,

Alvor,

which


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althoughheavilycensoredhelpedtospreadtheideasdevelopedatthegroups

meetingsanddiscussions.

NESAMseffectiveness,likethatofalltheearlyorganizations,wasseverelylimited

byitstinymembership,restrictedinthisinstancetotheblackAfricanpupilsof

secondaryschoollevel.Butinatleastthreewaysitmadeanimportantcontribution

totherevolution.Itspreadnationalistideasamongtheblackeducatedyouth.It

achievedacertain

revaluation

of

national

culture,

which

counteracted

the

attempts

bythePortuguesetomakeAfricanstudentsdespiseandabandontheirownpeople;

NESAMprovidedtheonlyopportunitytostudyanddiscussMozambiqueinitsown

rightandnotasanappendageofPortugals.And,mostimportantperhaps,by

cementingpersonalcontacts,itestablishesanationwidenetworkof

communication,whichextendedamongoldmembersaswellasthosestillat

school,andwhichcouldbeusedbyafutureunderground.Forinstance,when

FRELIMOestablisheditselfintheLourenoMarquesregionin19623,theNESAM

members

were

among

the

first

ot

be

mobilised

and

provided

a

structure

to

receive

theparty.Thesecret[police,PIDE,alsounderstoodthisandbannedNESAM;in

1964arrestedsomeofitsmembersandforcedothersintoexile.Itwasatthistime

thatJosinaMuthembawasactiveinNESAM,andshedescribesthisstateof

oppressionandthefateofherowngroup:

We wanted to organize ourselves, but we were harassed by the secret police. We had

cultural and educational activities, but during discussions, talks and debates we had to

keep a constant lookout for the police The police persecuted us, they even banned

NESAM.

I was also arrested when I was running away from Mozambique. I was arrested at theVictoria Falls on the frontier between Rhodesia and Zambia. The Rhodesian police

arrested me and sent me back to Loureno Marques (the Rhodesian police work closely

with the Portuguese police). There were eight of us in our group, boys and girls. The

Portuguese police threatened us, interrogated us and beat up the boys. I was in prison

for six months without being sentenced or condemned. I was in prison for six months

without them bringing a case against me at all. (F.I.)

Shortlyafterthis,seventyfiveNESAMmemberswerearrestedbytheSouthAfrican

policeandhandedovertoPIDE,whiletheyweretryingtomaketheirwayfrom

Swazilandto

Zambia.

They

are

still

inconcentration

camps

in

southern

Mozambique.

In1963itwassomeformerNESAMmemberswhocreatedUNEMO,theMozamican

StudentUnionwhichisformallyapartofFrelimo,andwhichorganizesMozambican

studentsstudyingthroughFRELIMOauspices.

WithinPortugal,theveryfewblackormulattostudentswhoreachedaninstituteof

higherlearninggatheredintheCasadosEstudiantesdoImperio(CEI),andalso

establishedalinkthroughtheClubdosMaratimoswithsailorsfromthecolonies

whofrequentlycametoLisbon.In1951theCentrodeEstudosAfricanoswas

formedby

CEI

members,

although

not

itself

apart

of

CEI.

Despite

the

oppressive


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measuresofthepolicetheCEIworkedactively,untilitsdissolutionin1965,to

spreadthewordofnationalindependenceinthecolonies,todiffuseinformation

aboutthecoloniestotheworldbeyondPortugal,andtohardenandconsolidate

nationalistideasamongtheyouth.In1961alargegroupofthesestudents,

frustratedandfinallythreatenedbythepersistentnatureofpoliceaction,fled

acrosstheborderandmadetheirwaytoFranceandSwitzerland,makingapublic

andirreversible

break

with

the

Portuguese

rgime.

Most

of

these

immediately

establishedopencontactwiththeirnationalistmovements,andanumberofthese

formerstudentsofthePortugueseEmpirearenowamongtheleadersof

FRELIMO.

Industrialaction

Ifitwasamongtheintellectualsthatpoliticalthoughtandorganizationdeveloped

furthestduringtheperiodfollowingtheSecondWorldWar,itwasamongtheurban

proletariat

that

the

first

experiments

in

organized

active

resistance

took

place.

The

concentrationoflabourinandnearthetowns,andtheterribleworkingconditions

andpoverty,providedthefundamentalimpetustorevolt;butintheabsenceof

tradeunions,itwasonlyclandestinepoliticalgroupswhichcouldprovidethe

organizationnecessary.TheonlyunionspermittedbythePortuguesearethefascist

unions,whoseleadersarechosenbytheemployersandthestate,andwho,inany

event,extendmembershiponlytowhitesandoccasionallytoassimilatedAfricans.

In1947theradicaldiscontentofthelabourforce,combinedwithpoliticalagitation,

producedaseriesofstrikes,inthedocksofLourenoMarquesandinneighbouring

plantations,whichculminatedinanabortiveuprisinginLourenoMarquesin1948.

Theparticipantswerepunishedferociously,andseveralhundredAfricanswere

deportedtoSoTom.In1956,againatLourenoMarques,therewasadockstrike

whichendedinthedeathoffortynineparticipants.Then,in19623,theFRELIMO

undergroundtookovertheworkoforganizingandsetupamorecoordinated

system,whichhelpedtoplantheseriesofdockstrikeswhichbrokeoutin1963at

LourenoMarques,BeiraandNacala.Despiteitswiderextent,thislasteffortalso

endedonlyinthedeathandarrestofmanyparticipants.Althoughsomepolitical

organizationexisted

among

the

workers

responsible

for

the

strikes,

the

strike

action

itselfwasverylargelyspontaneousandforthemostpartlocalized.Itsfailureand

thebrutalrepressionwhichfollowedineveryinstancehavetemporarily

discouragedboththemassesandtheleadershipfromconsideringstrikeactionasa

possibleeffectivepoliticalweaponinthecontextofMozambique.

Towardsunity

Boththeagitationoftheintellectualsandthestrikesoftheurbanlabourforcewere

doomed

to

failure,

because

in

both

cases

it

was

the

action

only

of

a

tiny

isolated


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1320041/4

group.ForagovernmentlikePortugals,whichhassetitsfaceagainstdemocracy

andispreparedtouseextremesofbrutalitytocrushopposition,itiseasytodeal

withsuchisolatedpocketsofresistance.Itwastheveryfailureoftheseattempts,

however,andthefiercerepressionwhichfollowed,thatmadethisclearand

preparedthegroundformorewidelybasedaction.Theurbanpopulationof

Mozambiqueamountsaltogethertolessthanhalfamillion.Anationalist

movementwithout

firm

roots

in

the

countryside

could

never

hope

to

succeed.

Somedevelopmentsinthecountrysidewhichtookplaceintheperiodjust

precedingtheformationofFRELIMOwereofenormousimportance.Thesetookthe

mostextremedirectioninthenorthernareaaroundMueda,thoughtheyhadtheir

mildercounterpartsinotherregions.Theywerefirstofalltheeffectonthe

populationofthefailureofthecooperativemovementalreadydescribed.The

reactionoftheleadersisbestillustratedinthewordsofLzaroKavandamehimself:

I couldnt sleep all night. I knew that from that moment they wouldnt leave me in

peace, that everything I did would be closely watched and controlled by the authorities;that they would call me more and more often to the administrative post and that I would

be constantly watched by the police. My only hope was to run away We immediately

made arrangements to organize a meeting of the peoples leaders to discuss what we

should do to regain our liberty and to drive the Portuguese oppressors out of our

country. After a long and important discussion, we reached the conclusion that the

Makonde people alone could not succeed in driving out the enemy. We then decided to

join forces with Mozambicans from the rest of the country. [Official report.]

Theotherdevelopment,alsoassociatedwiththecooperatives,wasanincreasein

spontaneousagitation,whichculminatedinamajordemonstrationatMuedain

1960.This

demonstration,

though

passing

unnoticed

by

the

rest

of

the

world,

acted

asacatalystintheregion.Over500peoplewereshotdownbythePortuguese,and

manywhouptothattimehadnotconsideredtheuseofviolencenowdenounced

peacefulresistanceasfutile.TheexperienceofTeresaMblale,nowaFRELIMO

militant,showswhy:IsawhowthecolonialistsmassacredthepeopleatMueda.

ThatwaswhenIlostmyuncle.Ourpeoplewereunarmedwhentheybeganto

shoot.Shewasoneofthethousandswhodeterminedneveragaintobeunarmed

inthefaceofPortugueseviolence.

Afuller

account

of

that

day

comes

from

Alberto

Joaquim

Chipande,

then

aged

22,

andnowoneoftheleadersinCaboDelgado:

Certainleadersworkedamongus.SomeofthemweretakenbythePortuguese

TiagoMuller,FaustinoVanomba,KibiritiDiwaneinthemassacreatMuedaon16

June1960.Howdidthathappen?Well,someofthesemenhadmadecontactwith

theauthoritiesandaskedformorelibertyandmorepayAfteawhile,when

peopleweregivingsupporttotheseleaders,thePortuguesesentpolicethrough

thevillagesinvitingpeopletoameetingatMueda.Severalthousandpeoplecame

tohear

what

the

Portuguese

would

say.

As

it

turned

out,

the

administrator

had


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1420041/4

askedthegovernorofDelgadoProvincetocomefromPortoAmliaandtobringa

companyoftroops.ButthesetroopswerehiddenwhentheygottoMueda.We

didntseethematfirst.

Then the governor invited our leaders into the administrators office. I was waiting

outside. They were in there for four hours. When they came out on the verandah, the

governor asked the crowd who wanted to speak. Many wanted to speak, and the

governor told them all to stand to one side.

Then without another word he ordered the police to bind the hands of those who had

stood to one side, and the police began beating them. I was close by. I saw it all. When

the people saw what was happening, they began to demonstrate against the Portuguese,

and the Portuguese simply ordered the police trucks to come and collect these arrested

persons. So there were more demonstrations against this. At that moment the troops

were still hidden, and the people went up close to the police to stop the arrested persons

from being taken away. So the governor called the troops, and when they appeared he

told them to open fire. They killed about 600 people. Now the Portuguese say they have

punished that governor, but of course they have only sent him somewhere else. I myself

escaped because I was close to a graveyard where I could take cover, and then I ranaway. (D.I.).

Afterthismassacrethingsinthenorthcouldneverreturntonormal.Throughout

theregionithaqdarousedthemostbitterhatredagainstthePortugueseand

showedonceandforallthatpeacefulresistancewasfutile.

Thuseverywhereitwastheveryseverityofrepressionthatcreatedthenecessary

conditionsforthedevelopmentofastrong,militantnationalistmovement.The

tightpolicestatedroveallpoliticalactionunderground,andpartlybecauseofthe

difficultiesand

dangers

involved

underground

activity

turned

out

to

be

the

best

schoolinwhichtoformabodyoftough,devotedandradicalpoliticalworkers.The

excessesofthergimedestroyedallpossibilitiesofreformswhich,byimprovingthe

conditionsalittle,mighthavesecuredthemaininterestsofcolonialrulefroma

seriousattackforsometimetocome.

Thefirstattemptstocreateanationwideradicalnationalistmovementweremade

byMozambicansworkinginneighbouringcountries,wheretheywerebeyondthe

immediatereachofPIDE.Atfirsttheoldproblemofinadequatecommunications

ledto

the

establishment

of

three

separate

movements:

UDENAMO

(Unio

Nacional

DemocrticadeMoambique)formedin1960inSalisbury;MANU(Mozambique

AfricanNationalUnion)formedin1961fromanumberofsmallergroupsalready

establishedamongMozambicansworkinginTanganyikaandKenya,oneofthe

largestbeingtheMozambiqueMakondeUnion;UNAMI(UnioAfricanade

MoambiqueIndependente)startedbyexilesfromtheTeteregionlivinginMalawi.

Theaccessionofmanyformercoloniestoindependenceinthelatefiftiesandearly

sixtiesfavouredtheformationofexilemovements,andforMozambique,


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Tanganyikasindependence,gainedin1961,seemedtooffernewscope.Allthree

movementsestablishedseparateheadquartersinDaresSalaamsoonafterwards.

In1961,too,anintensificationofrepressioninallthePortuguesefollowedthe

revoltinAngolaandcausedaninfluxofrefugeesintoneighbouringcountries,

particularlyTanganyika(nowTanzania).Theserecentexilesfromtheinterior,many

ofwhomdidnotalreadybelongtoanyoftheexistingorganizations,exercised

strongpressure

for

the

formation

of

asingle

united

body.

External

conditions

also

favouredunity:theConferenceoftheNationalistOrganizationsofthePortuguese

Territories(CONCP)heldatCasablancain1961andattendedbyUDENAMOmadea

strongcallfortheunityofnationalistmovementsagainstPortuguesecolonialism.A

conferenceofallnationalistmovements,calledbyGhanasPresidentKwame

Nkrumah,alsoencouragedtheformationofunitedfronts,andinTanganyika

PresidentJuliusNyererepersonallyexertedinfluenceonthemovements

establishedintheterritorytounite.Thuson25June1962thethreemovementsis

Dar

es

Salaam

merged

to

form

the

Mozambique

Liberation

Front

(FRELIMO),

and

preparationsweremadetoholdaconferenceinthefollowingSeptemberwhich

woulddefinetheaimsoftheFrontandworkoutaprogrammeforaction.

Abriefaccountofafewamongtheleadersofthenewmovementwillillustratehow

variouspoliticalandparapoliticalorganizationsfromalloverthecountry

contributedtoit.TheVicePresident,theReverendUriaSimango,isaProtestant

pastorfromtheBeiraregionwhohadbeeninvolvedinthemutualaidassociations

andwastheleaderofUDENAMO.AlsofromthemutualaidassociationoftheBeira

regioncameSilveroNungu,laterFRELIMOSecretaryforAdministration,andSamuel

Dhlakama,nowamemberoftheCentralCommittee.Fromthepeasant

cooperativesofnorthernMozambiquecameLzaroKavandame,laterProvincial

SecretaryforCaboDelgado;alsoJonasNamashulua,andothers.Fromthemutual

assistanceassociationsofLourenoMarquesandChaiChaiinthesouthof

MozambiquecamethelateMateusMuthemba,andShaffrudinM.Khan,who

becameFRELIMOrepresentativeinCairoandisnowrepresentativeintheUnited

States.MarcelinodosSantos,laterFRELIMOSecretaryforExternalAffairsandnow

SecretaryoftheDepartmentofPoliticalAffairs,isapoetofinternationalstanding;

hewas

active

in

the

literary

movement

in

Loureno

Marques

and

then

spent

some

yearsofexileinFrance.

ImyselfamfromtheGazadistrictofsouthernMozambique,and,likemanyofus,

myinvolvementwithresistanceofoneformoranothergoesbacktomychildhood.

Ibeganlife,asmostMozambicanchildrendo,inavillage,anduntiltheageoftenI

spentmydaysherdingthefamilylivestockwithmybrothersandabsorbingthe

traditionsofmytribeandfamily.ThatIwenttoschoolatallIowetothefar

sightednessofmymother,whowasmyfathersthirdandlastwife,andawomanof

considerable

character

and

intelligence.

In

trying

to

continue

mu

education

after


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primaryschool,Iexperiencedallthefrustrationsanddifficultiesinstoreforan

AfricanchildattemptingtoenterthePortuguesesystem.EventuallyImanagedto

reachSouthAfrica,andwiththehelpofsomeofmyteachersIcontinuedstudying

onscholarshipstocollegelevel.ItwasduringthisperiodthatmyworkwithNESAM,

andsomyserioustroubleswiththepolice,began.WhenIwasofferedascholarship

toAmerica,thePortugueseauthoritiesdecidedtosendmetoLisbonUniversity

instead.During

my

brief

stay

there,

however,

Iwas

harassed

so

constantly

by

the

policethatitinterferedwithmystudies,andImadeeffortstotakeupmu

scholarshipintheUnitedStates.Succeeding,Istudiedsociologyandanthropology

atOberlinandNorthwesternUniversities,andthenworkedfortheUnitedNations

asaresearchofficerintheTrusteeshipsection.

MeanwhileIkeptintouchasfaraspossiblewithdevelopmentsinMozambique,

andIbecameincreasinglyconvincedfromwhatIsawandfrommyoccasional

contactsthroughtheUNwiththePortuguesediplomatsthatnormalpolitical

pressure

and

agitation

would

not

affect

the

Portuguese

stand.

In

1961

I

was

able

to

visitMozambiqueonleavefromtheUN,andtravellingwidelysawformyselfwhat

hadchanged,ornotchanged,sinceIhadleft.OnmyreturnIlefttheUnitedNations

toengageopenlyintheliberationstruggle,andtookajoblecturingatSyracuse

Universitywhichleftmethetimeandtheopportunitytostudythesituation

further.Ihadestablishedcontactswithalltheseparateliberationparties,butIhad

refusedtojoinanyofthemseparately,andwasamongthosecampaigningstrongly

forunityin1961and1962.

TheMozambicanswhogatheredinDaresSalaamin1962togetherrepresented

almosteveryregionofMozambiqueandeverysectorofthepopulation.Nearly

everyonehadsomeexperienceofresistanceonasmallscale,andofthereprisals

whichnormallyfollowed.Bothinsideandoutsidethecountry,conditionswere

favourabletothenationaliststruggle.Ourproblemwaswhetherwecouldweld

togethertheseadvantagessoastomakeourmovementstrongthroughoutthe

country,andcapableoftakingeffectiveactionwhich,unlikepreviousisolated

efforts,wouldhurtthePortuguesemorethanithurtus.

Course:AfricanRevolutionaryWriting

20041,EduardoMondlane,TheStruggleforMozambique,1969

6952words

Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, 1969 (5th Chapter)

Documents

Transcript of Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique, 1969 (5th Chapter)