Ecosystem services in agricultural landscapes966824/... · 2016. 10. 3. · Agricultural landscapes...
Transcript of Ecosystem services in agricultural landscapes966824/... · 2016. 10. 3. · Agricultural landscapes...
Ecosystem services in agricultural landscapes A study on farming and farmers in South Africa and Sweden
Rebecka Malinga
©Rebecka Malinga, Stockholm University 2016
ISBN 978-91-7649-506-3 (printed)
ISBN 978-91-7649-507-0 (pdf)
Printed in Sweden by Holmbergs, Malmö 2016
Distributor: Stockholm Resilience Centre
Cover photos: Top centre by E. Andersson
Abstract
Humanity is facing challenges of sustainably producing enough food for a growing population
without further eroding the world’s ecosystems. Transformation of natural habitats into agriculture
has resulted in opportunities for civilization, but has also led to land degradation and loss of
biodiversity, threatening the generation of ecosystem services. A better understanding of
interlinkages and trade-offs among ecosystem services, and the spatial scales at which services are
generated, used and interact, is needed in order to successfully inform land use policies. This
includes the need to develop transdisciplinary tools that can disentangle the relationships between
the supply of and demand for ecosystem services. This thesis investigates agricultural landscapes
as complex social-ecological systems, and uses a multi-method approach to assess ecosystem
service generation from different types of agricultural landscapes and to examine the social-
ecological nature of these services. More specifically, the thesis discusses the importance of
appropriate spatial scales, explores landscape change, integrates stakeholder knowledge and
develops tools to investigate supply and demand of multiple ecosystem services.
Paper I reviews the literature on ecosystem service mapping, revealing that services were mostly
mapped at intermediate spatial scales (municipality and province), and rarely at local scales
(farm/village). Although most of the reviewed studies used a resolution of 1 hectare or less, more
case-specific local scale mapping is required to unravel the fine-scale dynamics of ecosystem
service generation that are needed to inform landscape planning. To explore future uncertainties
and identify relevant ecosystem services in a study area, paper II builds alternative scenarios using
participatory scenario planning in the Upper Thukela region, South Africa. The paper compares
methods to select services for an ecosystem service assessment showing that scenario planning
added limited value for identifying ecosystem services, although it improved knowledge of the
study area and availed useful discussions with stakeholders. Papers III and IV combines social
and biophysical data to study the supply and demand of ecosystem services at farm- and landscape
level, through participatory mapping and expert assessments in the Upper Thukela region, South
Africa (paper III), and through in-depth interviews and biophysical surveys in Uppsala County,
Sweden (paper IV), including small-scale and large-scale farmers. Both papers find apparent
differences between the farmer groups in terms of the supply and the demand of services, and also
the capacity of the farmers to influence the generation of services (paper III). Paper IV further
establishes the importance of using multiple indicators combining social and biophysical data to
quantify and investigate the complex social-ecological nature of ecosystem services. A cross-case
comparison of ecosystem service bundles, using data from papers III and IV, finds similarities in
bundles generated in the large-scale systems, while the small-scale agriculture bundles varied. This
thesis provides new insights into the social-ecological generation of ecosystem services at fine
scales such as farm and landscape levels, and shows the importance of including the knowledge
of various stakeholders, combining different methods and tools to increase the understanding of
supply and demand of ecosystem services.
Table of content
List of papers ................................................................................................................................... v
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 6
Theoretical background ................................................................................................................... 8
Agricultural landscapes as social-ecological systems .............................................................................................. 8
Ecosystem service bundles in different agricultural landscapes ............................................................................ 10
The beneficiaries of ecosystem services ................................................................................................................ 11
Mapping ecosystem services.................................................................................................................................. 12
The supply and demand of ecosystem services...................................................................................................... 13
Scope of the thesis ......................................................................................................................... 14
Empirical approach ........................................................................................................................ 16
Study areas ............................................................................................................................................................. 16
KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa ........................................................................................................................... 16
Uppsala County, Sweden .................................................................................................................................. 18
Methods ................................................................................................................................................................. 19
Results and discussion ................................................................................................................... 22
Comparing different agricultural landscapes ......................................................................................................... 22
Cross-case comparison of ecosystem service supply ........................................................................................ 25
Mapping and assessing ecosystem services ........................................................................................................... 26
Mapping ecosystem services at relevant scales ................................................................................................ 27
Selecting ecosystem services ............................................................................................................................ 27
Ecosystem service categories............................................................................................................................ 28
Stakeholder participation .................................................................................................................................. 28
Reflections on the empirical approach and ways forward ..................................................................................... 29
On a personal note ............................................................................................................................................ 30
Conclusions ................................................................................................................................... 31
References ..................................................................................................................................... 32
Sammanfattning ............................................................................................................................. 38
Isifingqo ......................................................................................................................................... 41
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 43
Appendix ....................................................................................................................................... 45
List of papers
I. Malinga, R., Gordon, L.J., Jewitt, G., and Lindborg, R. 2015. Mapping
ecosystem services across scales and continents – A review. Ecosystem
Services 13:57-63.
II. Malinga, R., Gordon, L.J., Lindborg, R., and Jewitt, G. 2013. Using
participatory scenario planning to identify ecosystem services in changing
landscapes. Ecology and Society 18(4):10.
III. Malinga, R., Lindborg, R., Andersson, E., Jewitt, G., and Gordon, L.J. On the
other side of the ditch: The stark contrasts between smallholder and
commercial farmers’ contribution to multiple ecosystem services. Manuscript.
IV. Andersson, E., Nykvist, B., Malinga, R., Jaramillo, F., and Lindborg, R. 2015.
A social–ecological analysis of ecosystem services in two different farming
systems. Ambio 44(Suppl. 1):S102-S112.
The published papers are reprinted with the permission from the publishers.
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Introduction
The grass is rich and matted, you cannot see the soil. It holds the rain and the
mist, and they seep into the ground, feeding the streams in every kloof. It is well-
tended, and not too many cattle feed upon it; not too many fires burn it, laying
bare the soil. Stand unshod upon it, for the ground is holy, being even as it came
from the Creator. Keep it, guard it, care for it, for it keeps men, guards men, cares
for men. Destroy it and man is destroyed.
Where you stand the grass is rich and matted, you cannot see the soil. But the rich
green hills break down. They fall to the valley below, and falling, change their
nature. For they grow red and bare; they cannot hold the rain and mist, and the
streams are dry in the kloofs. Too many cattle feed upon the grass, and too many
fires have burned it. Stand shod upon it, for it is coarse and sharp, and the stones
cut under the feet. It is not kept, or guarded, or cared for, it no longer keeps men,
guards men, cares for men. The titihoya does not cry here any more.
Alan Paton, 1948. Cry, the Beloved Country
In 1948, Alan Paton described a landscape in the South African grasslands of the Drakensberg
mountain range near to where a major part of this thesis takes place. He first illustrated a healthy
agricultural landscape used for grazing cattle, managed sustainably to maintain healthy soils,
grasses and water streams. Viewed through the eyes of an ecosystem services scientist, he
envisioned a landscape that generated multiple ecosystem services for society, in a manner that
would sustain future generations. In the second paragraph he predicted the degradation of the same
landscape by the overuse of natural resources and mismanaged grasslands, where the land could
no longer provide society with the ecosystem services they depend on, and the bird species, the
titihoya (Vanellus melanopterus), had disappeared.
Ecosystem services are the benefits humans obtain through their interaction with nature (Ernstson
2013, Reyers et al. 2013). These benefits translate into several dimensions of people’s quality of
life, from human needs such as food, water, health, security, and livelihoods, to cultural and
spiritual meaning, and identity people acquire through their relationship with ecosystems
(Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA) 2005). Many of the ecosystem services on which
humans depend, are derived from agriculture. While the primary goal of agriculture is to produce
food, there is an increasing pressure on agricultural landscapes to deliver a broad range of
ecosystem services to meet the demands of multifaceted societies as well as those from a growing
global population (Foley et al. 2005, Bindraban and Rabbinge 2012). Societies and their
composition of beneficiaries desire different sets of services (Biggs et al. 2015), which link to
various aspects of human well-being; from mere survival to maintaining certain chosen lifestyles.
Agricultural landscapes, seen as coupled social-ecological systems, result from the interplay
between the biophysical and the social environment that constitute the landscape (Parrott and
Meyer 2012, box 1). A combination of factors such as climate, geology and ecology as well as
management practices, technology, skills, institutions and societal demand, will hence result in the
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supply of ecosystem services within an agricultural landscape (Swinton et al. 2007, Kroll et al.
2012, Huntsinger and Oviedo 2014). The generation of these ecosystem services do not operate in
isolation from one another. Instead, they are either interconnected by corresponding in various
ways to different driving forces (i.e. climate change or management interventions) or through the
interaction with other services (Bennett et al. 2009). While some services may be enhanced by a
specific driver, other services may respond adversely and decrease. The composition of services
from a landscape or given land unit, will consequently alter as a result of the driving forces at play.
In this thesis I aim to deepen the understanding of the generation of multiple ecosystem services
in agricultural landscapes. I particularly focus on agricultural landscapes that provide a diverse set
of ecosystem services and include different farming intensities and farming cultures. I apply an
integrative approach capturing both the biophysical and social components of ecosystem services
to compare supply and demand of ecosystem services in small-scale and large-scale agriculture
from two different case studies. In the following section I outline the theoretical foundation from
which the topics of this thesis have emerged and highlight the research gaps the thesis aims to
address. I then summarise the scope of the thesis before introducing the study areas and methods
used. In the next section I summarise the findings from the four papers, followed by an in-depth
discussion on the implication of the results and ways in which this research could develop further.
Box 1. Defining the agricultural landscape
While scale is an important feature when studying a changing landscape, there is no particular scale
that is correct when referring to a landscape (Lindenmayer and Fischer 2006). The agricultural
landscapes in focus will alter in spatial scale throughout this thesis, and will be defined when needed.
Also the definitions of the term landscape vary in different contexts (Fry 2001). When reading this
thesis it is relevant to envision a landscape as “a spatial area constituting of several farms or small
villages that are or have been interconnected. A landscape includes a mosaic of different rural
environments and habitats, and covers at least one to a few square kilometres. In this area, physical
as well as immaterial and human aspects are included as features of the landscape“ (Lindborg et al.
2008). I see the farmers as the primary actors in the agricultural landscapes making them central to
this thesis (figure 1).
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Theoretical background
Agricultural landscapes as social-ecological systems
Almost 40% of the world’s terrestrial surface has been transformed into agriculture, either for
cultivation of crops or for grazing of livestock, enabling tremendous opportunities for humanity
and increased economic development (Ramankutty et al. 2008). Converting pristine lands into
agriculture has however been identified as one of the main causes for global land degradation and
biodiversity loss over the past decades (Tilman et al. 2001), consequently degrading the
ecosystems’ ability to generate many other ecosystem services. The decline of the generation of
ecosystem services is alarming throughout the world (MA 2005, IPCC 2014). Food production has
been targeted at the often unintended cost of other services, e.g. non-cultivated provisioning,
regulating and cultural services (Foley et al. 2005, MA 2005, Müller et al. 2016). Humanity now
faces the challenge of catering for a growing population, with limited resources at hand, and the
pressing need to find ways towards long-term sustainable agriculture (Rockström et al. 2016).
While an increased understanding of the undesirable outcomes of agriculture provide opportunities
to deal with these challenges, there are still important gaps that need to be addressed. In order to
improve land management and land use strategies we need to fully understand the interactions and
trade-offs among multiple ecosystem services, and how multifunctionality in agricultural
landscapes can increase human well-being.
Food production derives from fundamental ecological and biological processes, such as soil
nutrients, microorganisms, pollination, temperature, day light and water, and the genetic origin of
the species used within agriculture (crop and livestock varieties). However, these biophysical
elements also require human inputs to produce food (Biggs et al. 2015). Societal needs,
institutions, technology and skills are examples of socioeconomic characteristics that are part of
food production systems and shape the agricultural landscapes and the services they deliver
(Reyers et al. 2013). This thesis asserts the notion that agricultural landscapes are intertwined
social-ecological systems (SES) (figure 1), where the social system and the ecological system are
inseparable. The SES perspective of the agricultural landscape views farmlands as going beyond
an entity of land that produces food for people to eat. By improving the knowledge on the complex
dynamics between the social and ecological aspects of agricultural landscapes, and the ecosystem
services they generate, land management and environmental policy can focus on increasing the
multifunctionality of those landscapes, i.e. to diversify the portfolio of ecosystem services
sustained by the landscapes to society (Foley et al. 2005, Parrott and Meyer 2012). Viewing
agricultural landscapes as SES also acknowledges the landscapes as complex adaptive systems
that constantly change, both gradually and abruptly (Walker et al. 2004, Folke 2006). This
complexity requires tools that take the various components and characteristics of a SES into
account. Ecosystem service assessments that do not consider the temporal dynamics in a changing
landscape may soon be outdated and encounter undesirable surprises (paper II). A tool for dealing
with change and complexity is scenario planning and it has increasingly been applied in
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environmental management and social-ecological systems research in general (Carpenter et al.
2006, Oteros-Rozas et al. 2015) and ecosystem service research in particular (Plieninger et al.
2013a, Reed et al. 2013).
Figure 1. The figure illustrates the agricultural landscape as a social-ecological system supplying multiple
ecosystem services to society. Farmers, being the main actors in the agricultural landscape, work along
with socioeconomic and biophysical factors to mangage their landscapes according to the demand from
society, themselves and their families.
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Ecosystem service bundles in different agricultural landscapes
Different kinds of agricultural landscapes generate different kinds of ecosystem services. There
are many studies that compare different kinds of agricultural systems and the services they
generate, for example conventional monoculture farming vs organic farming, and the effects that
intensification of agriculture has on biodiversity and ecosystem services (Björklund et al. 1999,
Haas et al. 2001, Kleijn et al. 2009, Kremen and Miles 2012). A few publications present
comparative analyses between small-scale and large-scale agriculture, and focus on aspects such
as: productivity (Lele and Agarwal 1990); soil degradation and soil loss (Essiet 1990);
environmental impact from palm oil plantations (Lee et al. 2014); income after adoption to cotton
production (Gouse et al. 2003); birds and plants species richness and assemblages (Andersson and
Lindborg 2014) and adaptation to climate change (Wilk et al. 2011). However, none of these
examples provide comparisons between multiple ecosystem services associated with agricultural
landscapes but focus on single services. Assessing multiple ecosystem services simultaneously is
required to understand the interrelations between services, how services respond to drivers of
change such as management innovations, and how the alteration of one service affects other
services (Bennett et al. 2009).
Targeted landscape management practices which respond to the demand for particular ecosystem
services by certain beneficiaries will unavoidably result in trade-offs (Rodriguez et al. 2006,
Bennett et al. 2009, King et al. 2015, Schoon et al. 2015). Examples are upstream food production
causing reduced water provision and other ecosystem services downstream (Gordon et al. 2010),
historical clearing of land for agricultural crop production and pastures leading to severe
salinization of the lands and reduced biodiversity, productivity and livelihoods for descendant
generations (Briggs and Taws 2003, Islam et al. 2015), and biodiversity conservation resulting in
reduced access to natural resources and livelihoods for local communities (Benjaminsen and
Bryceson 2012). Understanding these trade-offs is an important part of ecosystem service
management, and useful approaches to investigate the extent and complexity of ecosystem service
trade-offs and multifunctionality need to be further developed. Already in 2005, Foley and others
presented a conceptual framework using flower diagrams to compare ecosystem service generation
from three different theoretical landscapes, illustrating the differences in ecosystem service
generation among those land uses (figure 2). While these well-cited flower diagrams are thought
provoking and useful for highlighting the challenges in terms of trade-offs between ecosystem
services in different landscapes (Parrott and Meyer 2012, Helfenstein and Kienast 2014, Paudyal
et al. 2015), they are both hypothetical and highly simplified, and neglect many of the ecosystem
services generated in a diversity of agricultural landscapes. An increasing number of studies
provide empirical assessments of multiple ecosystem services and their interactions from real
landscapes (Raudsepp-Hearne et al. 2010, Maes et al. 2012, Martín-López et al. 2012, Turner et
al. 2014, Queiroz et al. 2015, Früh-Müller et al. 2016), contributing to an improved understanding
of multifunctionality, and disentangling the mechanisms behind the bundling of ecosystem
services in certain land uses, landscape types or regions. The methodologies used in these studies
vary in terms of spatial scale, data collection and analysis, spatial units, and what ecosystem
services and indicators are assessed, challenging the possibilities for cross-case comparisons
(Queiroz et al. 2015). However, the studies highlight the context-dependence of drivers in
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Figure 2. Conceptual framework for comparing land use and trade-offs of ecosystem services. Three
hypothetical landscapes are compared where the length of the petals illustrate the extent of ecosystem
service generation. (Source: Foley et al. 2005. Reprinted with permission from the publisher.)
ecosystem service generation, calling for more empirical evidence in this relatively new strain of
ecosystem service research, at various scales. In this thesis, I use results from papers III and IV
to present a farm- and landscape scale comparison of multiple ecosystem services visualised as
flower diagrams, from contrasting agricultural systems (small-scale and large-scale agriculture)
from two different case study areas.
The beneficiaries of ecosystem services
The ecosystem services generated within the agricultural landscapes will reach society as different
kinds of benefits, ranging from direct benefits such as food intake to income generating benefits
and regulating processes important for these benefits, such as pollination and erosion regulation
(Daw et al. 2011). Agricultural landscapes involve a wide range of beneficiaries: land owners or
land managers who through their farming practices shape the landscapes; people living within the
agricultural landscapes and who benefit from it but who do not directly manage the land; visitors
who enjoy the agricultural landscapes for recreation and amenities and other beneficiaries who
benefit from the services generated in the landscapes without being physically connected to the
place. A society contains a diverse set of beneficiaries, from different socioeconomic and
sociocultural groups, which may lead to unequal access and asymmetric resource use (Schoon et
al. 2015, paper III). Consequently, stakeholder involvement, where local perspectives of
ecosystems are taken into account, is an important part of ecosystem service assessments when
taking societal injustices into consideration (Folke et al. 2005, Cowling et al. 2008). A fair
representation of beneficiaries, cultures and social constructs can best be achieved by including an
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extensive array of stakeholders (Menzel and Teng 2009, Reyers et al 2010, Björklund et al. 2012,
Elbakidze et al. 2015). Local, indigenous as well as practitioner knowledge, has proven
complementary to integrate with scientific knowledge for instance in sustainable ecosystem
management (Tengö et al. 2014, Gaspare et al. 2015). Seppelt et al. (2011) suggested that
stakeholder involvement is a method for relating ecosystem function to human well-being “to gain
a wider picture, to ground-truth academic possibilities and to provide a first estimate of which
measures of ecosystem management would be looked upon favorably by members of the public”.
The non-material and intangible values of ecosystems, called cultural ecosystem services (MA
2005, TEEB 2010), are pivotal when considering a diverse set of beneficiaries, cultures and social
constructs (Daniel at al. 2012, Plieninger et al. 2015). Most cultural services are both directly
experienced and subconsciously valued, in contrast to other services. The identification and
valuing of many cultural services therefore require participatory approaches (MA 2005, Daniel el
al. 2012, Hernández-Morcillo et al. 2013, Plieninger et al. 2015). Papers II, III and IV integrate
local and scientific knowledge to capture the perspectives of a wide range of beneficiaries, and
seeks to include a wide range of ecosystem services, including cultural ecosystem services. The
inclusion of cultural services other than recreation and tourism will contribute towards filling a
gap in the understanding of cultural ecosystem services and their importance for human well-being
(Seppelt et al. 2011, Plieninger et al. 2013b).
Mapping ecosystem services
Spatial quantification and mapping of ecosystem services has been recognised as an important tool
for scientists and decision-makers to assess and communicate ecosystem conditions and the
ecosystem services provided at various scales (Burkhard et al. 2013). The scientific literature
presenting mapping tools, models, indicators and decision support systems has expanded
tremendously over the past couple of decades (Egoh et al. 2012, Martínez-Harms and Balvanera
2012, Maes et al. 2016, paper I). There are many different mapping approaches, as well as new
techniques and models that aim to better inform policy (Crossman et al. 2013b). Maps that build
on primary data and measurements, as well as remote sensing observations, are more accurate than
those relying on secondary data and proxies (Crossman et al. 2013a). However, the lack of primary
data and resources to carry out field surveys are common limiting factors that force studies to rely
on secondary data (Eigenbrod et al. 2010). Land use proxies are commonly used to estimate
ecosystem service generation, either as simple assumptions where a certain land use type is
considered to generate a specific service or groups of services (Maes et al. 2016) or included in
more advanced models with several variables and/or in combination with expert opinion of
selected stakeholders with certain expertise (Jacobs et al. 2015). The importance of spatial scale
when assessing and managing ecosystem services and their interactions is unanimously
emphasised among scholars. Yet, much remains unknown in terms of at what spatial scales
services should ultimately be studied (Raudsepp-Hearne and Peterson 2016). The underlying
ecological processes that generate ecosystem services operate at different scales, as do the external
social and ecological driving forces (Potschin and Haines-Young 2011). The purpose of the study,
including which components or aspects of ecosystem services are aimed to be captured, determine
which spatial scale and mapping approach(es) is(are) most suitable (paper I).
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The supply and demand of ecosystem services
Despite the development of ecosystem service frameworks to make them more useful for policy
and decision making (e.g. MA 2005, TEEB 2010), and a rapid advancement in mapping
methodologies, there are still some important aspects of the ecosystem service concept that need
more attention (Daw et al. 2016, Maes et al. 2016). For instance, the differences between what
services potentially can be produced in a given piece of land, what services are available and used
by different beneficiaries, and what services are desired or needed, are often casually handled in
the ecosystem service literature (Villamagna et al. 2013). In other words, ecosystem service studies
do not always explicitly describe or define which aspect(s) of ecosystem services they aim to assess
(Wolff et al. 2015). The terms for the hierarchical elements of an ecosystem service chain, i.e.
from ecosystems, via flows of services from ecosystems to beneficiaries, and to the contributions
that the benefits bring to human well-being, are used differently within the various frameworks,
and within the greater scientific community (Villamagna et al. 2013, Daw et al. 2016). Villamagna
et al. (2013) provide a useful overview of the inconsistency of the use of these terms within the
ecosystem service literature. They find that terms like: capacity; potential supply; ecosystem
potential and function; stocks and provision, are all used interchangeably to refer to the capacity
of an ecosystem to provide a service. Furthermore, the terms: flow; benefit; supply; demand and
provision, are used to describe the benefits actually delivered to people. Lastly, the terms societal
demand and sociocultural preferences refer to the needs and preferences of beneficiaries
(Villamagna et al. 2013). The demand of services (i.e. needs and preferences) has also been termed
‘perceived ecosystem service supply’ (De Vreese et al. 2016) and ‘needs, gaps and aspiration’
(Daw et al. 2016). While the discrepancy of the use of terms is inevitable given the diversity of
ecosystem frameworks and their various ways of conceptualizing ecosystem services (Wolff et al.
2015), the components must be properly defined in order to select the most suitable indicators and
methods for quantification, as well as to improve the application of the analyses. Although the
potential supply of services, with land use and land cover as proxies, is most commonly mapped
(Egoh et al. 2012, Martínez-Harms and Balvanera 2012, Crossman et al. 2013b), there is a growing
body of literature presenting assessments of the actual supply of ecosystem services to
beneficiaries, as well as the demand and societal preferences (Wolff et al. 2015, Maes et al. 2016).
Separate measures of the different components of ecosystem service delivery are needed to
understand the social-ecological nature of ecosystem services, which includes the supply of and
the demand for multiple ecosystem services (Villamagna et al. 2013, papers III and IV).
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Scope of the thesis
Despite tremendous methodological and conceptual improvements, the multifaceted field of
ecosystem service research still contains gaps and challenges that need to be addressed. This thesis
combines social and biophysical data to improve the understanding of the social-ecological nature
of ecosystem services and covers different levels of stakeholder involvement, ranging from local
to regional (figure 3). It also encompasses various spatial scales of analysis, from a literature
review at a global scale, to two local case studies in South Africa and Sweden, at farm to landscape
scales (figure 3). The study areas were chosen to include agricultural landscapes that provide a
diverse set of ecosystem services, farming intensities and farming cultures. South Africa and
Sweden were specifically chosen to represent two areas geographically distanced from one
another, in countries within different climatic regions and with different socioeconomic positions,
in order to explore whether similar patterns of ecosystem service generation could be detected
between the two systems despite the fundamentally different contexts.
The complexity of a social-ecological system such as an agricultural landscape and its intertwined
social and ecological components clearly calls for integrated, explorative methods that can tackle
the various dynamics of ecosystem service supply and demand at relevant scales. The thesis starts
off with paper I, which examines the ecosystem services mapping literature in terms of what
services are mapped, where in the world and at what spatial scale the mapping is carried out. The
rest of the thesis explores the generation of multiple ecosystem services through the perspectives
of stakeholders, foremost farmers, in contrasting, changing, agricultural landscapes. Paper II
applies an iterative scenario planning approach with multi-level stakeholders, from local to
regional levels (e.g. farmers, practitioners, officials, and researchers), to develop alternative
scenarios and to identify relevant ecosystem services in the Upper Thukela region, KwaZulu-
Natal, South Africa. It also explores the challenges and opportunities that a rapid changing
agricultural landscape may face twenty years into the future. Paper III combines social and
biophysical data to map ecosystem services in the same study area. Specifically, supply and
demand of ecosystem services are mapped using participatory mapping and in-depth interviews
including small-scale and large-scale farmers, and expert interpretation of biophysical data
previously collected in the study area. Paper III also discusses the capacity of the farmers from
the different farmer groups to maintain the supply and meet their demands for ecosystem services.
To contrast the socioeconomic and climatic prerequisites in South Africa, this thesis uses a second
study area, Uppsala County, Sweden (paper IV). Similar to paper III, it investigates the supply
and demand of ecosystem services by using a mixed-method approach including multiple social
and biophysical indicators to quantify a wide range of services in contrasting agricultural
landscapes. Finally, drawing on the results from papers III and IV, I use flower diagrams to
visualise bundles of ecosystem service supply in different kinds of agricultural landscapes from
the two case study areas.
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This thesis explores the following overarching questions:
1. What are the differences in terms of bundles of ecosystem services between different
agricultural landscapes (such as between small-scale, low-intensive and large-scale, high-
intensive agriculture, and between different parts of the world)? Are the differences more
apparent within or between the case study areas? (papers III and IV)
2. How do the relationships between ecosystem service supply and demand manifest
differently in different agricultural landscapes? (papers III and IV)
3. How can stakeholder involvement and participatory methods improve insights into
ecosystem service assessments? (papers I, II, III, and IV)
Figure 3. Spatial scale of assessment (x-axis), level of stakeholder involvement (y-axis) and types of data
included in the four papers.
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Empirical approach
Study areas
The main part of the research in this thesis was conducted in the South African Drakensberg, in
the upper parts of the Thukela River Catchment (figure 4:1, papers II and III). Paper IV used the
south-central parts of Sweden, Uppsala County, as study area (figure 4:2). The comparison
between small-scale, low-intensive and large-scale, high-intensive agriculture is principal to both
study areas, although the terminology used to describe the systems in the three papers, and in the
thesis, differ. In paper II, mostly the terms ‘small-scale subsistence’, and ‘large-scale commercial’
farmers were used, while paper III used ‘smallholder’ and ‘commercial’ farmers. Although, the
terms subsistence and smallholder farmers are often used interchangeably in much of the academic
and policy literature, the term smallholder is more suitable to describe the small-scale farmers in
the South African study area (papers II and III) since ‘smallholder’ mostly refer to low-intensive
small-scale farmers in developing countries, using mainly family labour (Morton 2007). Paper IV
used mainly the terms ‘low-intensive’ and ‘high-intensive’ agriculture. Throughout the remainder
of this thesis I use the terms ‘small-scale’ and large-scale’ for the two farmer groups in both
Sweden and South Africa. It is however important to stress, that it is not simply the size of the
farm, or the intensity of the agricultural production that determine the generation of ecosystem
services in the various landscapes. Sociocultural-economic factors contribute greatly to shape the
agricultural landscapes, such as economic and social capital, skills, policies and legislation,
cultural preferences and lifestyle choices.
KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa
The study area is located in the Drakensberg mountain range, in the upper part of the Thukela
River catchment, South Africa (figure 4:1, papers II and III) The mean annual precipitation
ranges from around 550 millimetres per year in the lower valley regions, to 2000 millimetres per
year in parts of the Drakensberg Mountains, with an altitude of 3000 meters above sea level (Lynch
2004). The region has two small towns, Bergville and Winterton, although the majority of the
population is rural. The land is mainly used for commercial, privately owned agriculture with large
crop fields and grazing areas, or traditional Zulu villages presenting a mosaic of small crop fields
and communal grazing areas. Small-scale and large-scale farmers are situated right next to one
another since generations back but are characterised by highly contrasting farming intensities,
management practices, ethnic/cultural identity and socioeconomic position.
The crop fields in the small-scale farming villages are typically sized around 0.5-2 hectares, low-
yielding and rain fed (Kongo and Jewitt 2006, Sturdy et al. 2008, Salomon et al. 2013). Only
family labour is used and farmers have very limited access to mechanised equipment. Some rotate
and/or intercrop maize, beans and pumpkin varieties, and a few use no-till practices while most
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Figure 4. The case study areas. Pictures 1a) small-scale agricultural village, Upper Thukela region, 1b),
c) large-scale irrigated crop lands next to small-scale farmers’ homesteads and crop land, Upper Thukela
region, 1d) grazing land, Upper Thukela region. 2a), b) large-scale farms, Uppsala County, 2c), d) small-
scale farms, Uppsala County. Photos by 1a) - d) R. Malinga. 2b), c) S. Cousins. 2a), c) Obtained from
Google Earth.
practice conventional tillage using oxen (Kosgei et al. 2007). The communal grazing areas show
clear evidence of land degradation related to soil erosion, gully formations, and overgrazing
(Sonneveld et al. 2005, Kosgei and Jewitt 2006, Salomon et al. 2013). Mainly cattle are grazed in
the communal grazing lands, with little restrictions or coordinated grazing management in place
(Salomon 2011). These kinds of communal villages were evolved under the apartheid era where
people were either forcefully allocated or prevented from moving or expanding due to land
restrictions and racial segregation laws. There are still evident legacies of these discriminating
processes in terms of land access, education levels, and the distribution of wealth, development
opportunities and basic services, despite recent attempts by the government during the past two
decades to amend the historical inequalities (Francis 2006, Thornton 2009, Smith et al. 2014).
The large-scale farmers, distributed in the surroundings of the towns Bergville and Winterton,
privately own several hundreds to thousands hectares of agricultural land, for crop and grazing.
The presence of dams and irrigation systems provide opportunities for expanding the growing
season through double cropping of summer and winter crops (Wesely 2010). The large-scale
farmers’ crop lands are characterised by large fields, and high intensive, mechanised monoculture
18
(Wilk et al. 2011). Most farmers follow similar application programs of artificial fertiliser and
chemical pesticides and practice no-tillage techniques, typically rotating maize and soya, and often
planting winter cover crops for soil improvement and winter grazing (Wilk et al. 2011). The
grazing on the grazing lands is predominantly by cattle. Although large-scale farmers also battle
with erodibility of the sloping grasslands and gully formations, management practices (e.g.
rotation of grazing camps and fencing off gullies) are in place to minimise the land degradation
(Wilk et al. 2011). The commercial farms are important sources of employment for surrounding
communities, both in terms of permanent and seasonal employments. Many farms also have
present and previous farm employees and their families residing within the farm boundaries.
Uppsala County, Sweden
The study area is situated in south-central Sweden in Uppsala County (figure 4:2), an area with
fairly homogeneous climate. Rainfall is higher during the summer months of the year (up to 60
millimetres per day), while less abundant in winter (up to 25 millimetres per day), accumulating
around 530 millimetres per year. The large-scale farms (average 336 hectares) are located in the
intensively managed agricultural area around Uppsala-Enköping-Västerås, and were selected
among the 100 largest farms in that area. The small-scale farms (average 13 hectares) are situated
on the Hållnäs peninsula and were selected among the 50 smallest farms around Hållnäs. The two
farming systems mainly differ in the proportion of crop land (on average 6% within a 5 kilometre
circle around farmhouses in the small-scale system compared to 44% around farmhouses in the
large-scale system) and of forest (78-41% within 5 kilometres from farm houses) surrounding the
farms (often, if not always, in part owned and managed by the same farmers) (paper IV). The
geophysical conditions also differ in the region; the more forested, small-scale farming landscape
in north-east is characterised by poorer, primarily sandy soils, while soils in the large-scale area in
the south-west are dominated by richer clay soils, and with a flatter topography (Lindborg et al.
2008). Cereal production, primarily of wheat and barley, dominates the crop production in both
these agricultural landscapes (Nykvist 2014). The vast majority of crop land and cultivated
pastures in Sweden is rain fed (Eurostat 2012). Irrigation is carried out at a very small scale and
often at trial levels (Rosenqvist et al. 1997).
The agriculture in Sweden has undergone constant changes through history in terms of land use
and political change (Saifi and Drake 2008, Slätmo 2014). The land surface used for agriculture
has decreased after 1950, as well as the number of farms, while the farm sizes have increased
during the same period of time (Saifi and Drake 2008). The two farming systems in paper IV
represent two contrasting outcomes of this gradual change. Around Hållnäs (figure 4:2),
population has decreased over the past decades, and the agricultural land uses have shifted towards
mainly forest, and the traditional family-farming system has become more small-scale hobby
farming in addition to other income sources (Stenseke et al. 2012). There has been a decline in
agricultural land uses as well as population in the area over the past few decades (Stenseke et al.
2012, Slätmo 2014). Simultaneously, the Uppsala-Enköping-Västerås region (figure 4:2) is an
increasingly urbanised area where agricultural management has intensified, and become more
mechanised and specialised. The number of farm owners have declined, managing larger tracts of
land than previously, while crop productivity has increased (Saifi and Drake 2008, Jaramillo et al.
2013)
19
Swedish agriculture is controlled by regulations within the European Union, which through agro-
environmental subsidies schemes aims to diversify the agricultural landscapes. Diversification of
the landscape is implemented by managing for biodiversity, conservation of cultural-historical
land uses and artefacts, and reducing negative outcomes of the agricultural activities through for
instance reduction of nutrient run-off, while increasing the profitability for European farmers.
Agriculture in Sweden has experienced difficulties to compete on the globalised and increasingly
specialised food market, related to issues such as expensive labour, strict environmental and
animal husbandry laws, as well as climatic conditions which only allows short growing seasons
(Björklund et al. 1999, Slätmo 2014). Thus, viability remains a challenge in the agricultural sector
in Sweden (Saifi and Drake 2008).
Methods
This thesis uses a multi-method approach, with a strong focus on field work and participatory
methods, combined to capture several aspects of the social-ecological components comprising the
agricultural landscapes. Throughout the thesis, I use both biophysical and social, primary and
secondary data, stakeholder involvement, from local to regional level, expert assessments and
global meta-data (see table 1 for overview).
Tools for spatially explicit analyses of ecosystem services play an important role in land use
planning and environmental policy (Burkhard et al. 2013, Reyers et al. 2013). Spatial scale is
highly relevant to consider when assessing ecosystem services, as the distribution of ecosystem
services is spatially dependent, vary among services, and the spatial units from which ecosystem
services are generated differ (Bennett et al. 2009, Andersson et al. 2015, Raudsepp-Hearne and
Peterson 2016). In Paper I I carried out a literature review, where I used a standardised literature
search on ISI-Web of Knowledge to identify papers on ecosystem service mapping, using the terms
“map” or “spatial distribution” or “spatial pattern” and “ecosystem services” or “ecosystem goods
and services” or “ecological services”. Based upon this search, I selected only studies that (i) were
performed within an ecosystem service framework, (ii) had a connection to a case study, (iii)
included more than one services, (iv) were conducted in terrestrial systems, and (v) presented
spatially explicit quantification of ecosystem services at a smaller scale than global. A total of 39
papers, which presented 47 different case studies, were then analysed in terms of what ecosystem
services were mapped in the studies, where in the world they were based and at what spatial scale
(size of the study area (spatial extent) and grain size (resolution)). Paper II used a similar method
to compile a list of ecosystem services typically assessed in Southern African agricultural land
uses (see paper II for details on search terms and selection criteria).
Papers II, III and IV included the viewpoints from a wide range of stakeholders with various sets
of knowledge, ranging from stakeholders with local, regional and global knowledge, i.e.
indigenous, practitioners’ and scientific experts’ knowledge. Foremost, I included local farmers,
who are the stakeholders with the most intimate knowledge and understanding of the lands they
manage. I used three ways of including stakeholders in this theses: 1) through in-depth interviews
with farmers and other informants (papers II, III and IV); 2) by eliciting expert opinion to
prioritise among ecosystem services (paper II) and to evaluate spatial services generation (paper
20
III) and 3) by exploring interactive participatory methods (scenario planning in paper II and
mapping exercises in paper III) (table 1).
In paper II I applied an iterative participatory scenario planning approach (modified from Evans
et al. 2006 and Enfors et al. 2008), with a broad range of stakeholders, to understand multiple
perspectives of the past, present and future in the Upper Thukela region. The foci of the scenarios
were the three largest user groups in the area, namely large-scale and small-scale farmers, and
representatives from nature reserves. A series of interviews, workshops, focus group discussions
and exercises resulted in three explorative and contrasting storylines (Equal environment,
Diverging climate and Adaptive collaboration, see Appendix 3 in paper II), presenting internally
consistent alternative futures in the year 2030, including both challenges and opportunities for all
user groups. The storylines were analysed to estimate the potential change of ecosystem services
by translating general social and ecological variations into the changeability of services (table 1 in
paper II). This analysis generated a list of ranked services that were most prone to change across
all three scenarios. Further, three lists of prioritised and ranked ecosystem services for the area
were composed using experts and through a literature search. The four lists of identified and
prioritised ecosystem services were compared in terms of similarity of identity, placement and
number of services in the lists. The lists were also compared in terms of ecosystem service
categories (provisioning, regulating and cultural) using the top-ten ranked services in all lists.
Participatory mapping is a technique used to obtain high resolution land use data, direct discussions
with the land users about management practices and where in the landscapes material and non-
material values are valued (Ryan 2011, Plieninger et al. 2013b, Sinare et al. 2016). In paper III, I
carried out a participatory mapping exercise with the local farmers in the Upper Thukela region,
South Africa, to capture the farmers’ understanding and perspectives on the supply and demand of
ecosystem services. Open-ended interviews were conducted in combination with mapping
exercises where the farmers used aerial photographs of their land holdings to mark out boundaries,
land uses and land cover, management practices and places where 12 different ecosystem services
were perceived to be produced, used, collected and appreciated. The farmers were also asked
questions about farming methods, farm inheritance, farming skills and knowledge heritage, and
their perspectives of the farmers’ role and responsibility in society. The spatial information was
synthesised and processed into Graphic Information Systems (GIS) layers using QuantumGIS.
Polygons were drawn for each farmer and each land use, crop lands and grazing lands, which were
used for calculations of e.g. areas, slope and identification of soil types from available GIS layers.
Based on published and unpublished data on soil characteristics from the study area, and
information on management practices as indicated by the farmers, an expert based assessment was
conducted in order to estimate the supply of an additional four ecosystem services. Information
about the demand for the ecosystem services was extracted from in-depth interviews. The term
‘supply’ in paper III meant the production/use/appreciation of a service, and the term ‘demand’
was referred to as the farmers’ own demand for the same service, in order to identify gaps between
supply and demand. The supply-demand relation was also analysed in terms of the capacity of the
farmer groups to maintain the supply and meet their demand based on a combination of the
condition of the land, socioeconomic and cultural factors (see paper III for detailed description
of the analytical approach).
21
In paper IV I further deepened the understanding of the complexity of ecosystem service supply
and demand by testing another explorative approach in a second case study area, Uppsala County,
Sweden. This case study also included small-scale and large-scale agriculture, although with less
apparent differences in farm-size, farming intensity and socioeconomic prerequisites between the
two farmer groups. Paper IV combined already existing, spatially explicit, published data on
farmers’ values and perspectives (Nykvist 2014), and bird and plant surveys (Andersson and
Lindborg 2014) that were collected within the same scientific program (Ekoklim). The supply and
demand of 11 ecosystem services in two Swedish farming systems (high intensity and low
intensity), were analysed at a near-house and landscape scale. Publically available data such as
land use and statistical census information were also used. In total, 11 biophysical and 11 social
indicators were identified to describe different dimensions of supply and demand of services. Here,
‘supply’ was expressed as the quantity of a service, and ‘demand’ as the value placed on the
services by the farmers (see paper IV for detailed description of the analytical approach).
Table 1. Overview of methods, approaches and stakeholder groups used throughout the papers.
Liter
ature
revie
w
Loca
l
stak
ehold
ers
Reg
ional
stak
ehold
ers
Exper
t
opin
ion
In-d
epth
inte
rvie
w
Par
tici
pat
ory
met
hod
Pri
mar
y
dat
a
Sec
ondar
y
dat
a
Met
a-dat
a
Soci
al
dat
a
Bio
physi
cal
dat
a
Paper I
Paper II
Paper III
Paper IV
22
Results and discussion
Box 2. Synthesis of the results
The main results from this thesis are summarised here, and presented in more detail and discussed in
the subsequent section.
The majority of mapped ecosystem services in current literature were regulating services
(47%). Services were mostly mapped at intermediate scales (municipality and provincial
level) and 66% of the studies used a fine resolution of 1 hectare or less (paper I).
Scenario planning added limited value for identifying relevant ecosystem services to assess
in a changing agricultural landscape, but improved knowledge of the case study area,
strengthened relationships with stakeholders, and triggered useful discussions with
stakeholders on expectations and uncertainties of the future (paper II).
When stakeholders were involved in the process of selecting ecosystem services, more
attention was given to cultural services, especially other cultural services than recreation and
tourism (papers I and II).
There were clear differences between South African small-scale and large-scale agriculture
in terms of both the supply of and the demand for ecosystem services, as well as the capacity
of the farmer groups to maintain the supply of and meet their demand for the services
(paper III).
There was a dominating shortfall of ecosystem service supply in relation to the demand for
these services among small-scale farmers in South Africa, while large-scale farmers
generally met their demand (paper III).
The supply and demand of ecosystem services in a comparison between small-scale and
large-scale agriculture in Sweden differed between the farmer groups and showed
complexity in the ways services were interpreted and perceived in different systems (paper
IV).
The choice of indicators significantly altered the outcomes of ecosystem service
quantification, and a multiple indicator approach improved the understanding of the
dynamics of ecosystem service supply and demand in Swedish agricultural landscapes
(paper IV).
A cross-case comparison showed that large-scale agriculture in Sweden and South Africa
presented similar ecosystem service bundles, while small-scale agricultural systems differed
in terms of ecosystem service generation (papers III and IV).
23
Comparing different agricultural landscapes
There is an increasing pressure on agricultural landscapes to be multifunctional, in order to meet
the demands for multiple ecosystem services from diverse stakeholders and interests (Rabbinge
and Bindraban 2012). Multifunctional landscapes, however, often experience trade-offs that occur
due to conflicting interests between beneficiaries, preferences and policies (Power 2010, Bennett
et al. 2009, Smith et al. 2012, King et al. 2015). This illustrates the need for spatial tools that
analyse the supply and demand of ecosystem services, to guide land use policy and decision
making that can help balance these different goals. Papers III and IV, also emphasised by
Andersson et al. (2015), stressed that that the supply and demand of ecosystem services are highly
context-dependent, and more field data of the social and ecological dimensions of ecosystem
services at relevant scales are required to fully understand these dynamics.
In paper III I found that the supply of services in the small-scale farming areas were distributed
more evenly between the two land uses (crop land and grazing land), than in the large-scale areas
(figure 2 in paper III). Non-cultivated provisioning services (e.g. collection of wild foods, fire
wood and building material) and some cultural services (e.g. cultural heritage, spiritual value and
social relations) had higher importance for small-scale farmers. Recreation was appreciated only
by the large-scale farmers, predominantly in the grazing lands, while social relations (meetings)
and the collection of traditional medicines were carried out only by small-scale farmers. These
results showed similar pattern to a study comparing collection of wild foods and traditional
medicines in Russia, Ukraine and Sweden (Stryamets et al. 2015). They found that the dependence
on these services were much higher among the respondents in the least developed rural areas of
Russia and Ukraine than in Sweden, where the respondents, similar to the large-scale farmers in
South Africa, occasionally collected these species (but a significantly smaller variety) for
recreational purposes. Stryamets et al. (2015), like paper III, showed that economic development
influences the consumption of wild foods and medicine, and shifts those activities from survival
and livelihoods to recreation. The same service may thus result in different kinds of benefits to
different users, depending on the sociocultural-economic context (Daw et al. 2011). There were
also clear differences between the two farmer groups in terms of supply, demand and the capacity
of the farmers to influence ecosystem service generation within their landscapes (figure 5, paper
III). The large-scale farmers generally produced food to meet their own demands (i.e. demands
for the service food production as an income-generating benefit) (figure 5b), and had management
practices in place to mitigate land degradation and erosion. The food production at the commercial
farms thus cater to the demand of other beneficiaries elsewhere, while also providing opportunities
for employment for others. On the contrary, small-scale farmers lacked the capacity to maintain
the supply and meet their own demands (i.e. demands for the service food production as a benefit
related to food security and nutrition) (figure 5a). These results showed that the significant shortage
in agricultural production contributes significantly to poverty among the small-scale farmers,
results in diversification of land uses and increases the dependence on common-resource
ecosystem services. The high demand for these services contributes to land degradation which
further aggravates poverty and vulnerability. Both landscape types have the potential to become
more multifunctional, while a multitude of external and internal factors pose challenges to both
farmer groups to develop strong-founded multifunctionality and sustainable agriculture. Paper III
24
Figure 5. Comparison between a) small-scale and b) large-scale agricultural landscapes (crop land and
grazing land combined) in terms of the supply of 16 ecosystem services (low, medium high, x-axis), the
demand thereof (low, medium high, y-axis) and the capacity of the farmer groups to maintain the supply
and meet the demand (colour of the box: low=dark red, medium=pink and high=light pink) (from paper
III).
further discusses the various factors that hamper multifunctionality within the two kinds of
landscapes.
Paper IV identified multiple, biophysical and social, indicators to quantify the ecosystem services.
All services, except water availability, could be described by multiple indicators. Some indicators
could address multiple ecosystem services, e.g. open landscape, which described pollination,
biodiversity, nutrient retention and aesthetic experience. Additionally, some indicators could refer
to both supply and demand of a certain service, such as cultural heritage elements. This approach
highlighted the complexity in the relationship between supply and demand of services, and
showed, in congruence with a study by Martín-López et al. (2014) that the outcomes of an
ecosystem service assessment is likely to differ with the chosen indicators (table 2 in paper IV).
Martín-Lopéz et al (2014) found that biophysical, social and monetary indicators for the same
services gave different results, and highlighted the need to develop methods to systematically
combine different kinds of indicators.
The supply of and demand for many ecosystem services differed between the farmer groups also
in Sweden, especially on the demand dimension (figure 2 in paper IV). Examples are crop
production which is, not surprisingly, higher in the large-scale areas while timber production is
higher in the more forested small-scale areas. Like paper III, paper IV also found mismatches
between the supply and demand of services when comparing small-scale and large-scale farmers,
although not showing as clear patters as paper III. This mismatch was most clearly shown in the
services recreation, biodiversity, aesthetic experience, farmer identity and cultural heritage. For
25
example, there was no significant differences in biodiversity (in terms of species richness and
number of red-listed species) between the small-scale and large-scale systems, which is a result
that goes against literature suggesting that production-oriented agriculture holds less biodiversity
(Stoate et al. 2009, Tcharntke et al. 2012). At the same time, biodiversity was valued higher among
small-scale farmers. Rather than of value, legislation to protect biodiversity was considered to
limit management options by large-scale farmers. The aesthetic values connected to the indicator
‘open landscape’ were expressed to a larger degree by small-scale farmers in the more forested
areas, than by the large-scale farmers, who live in a more open landscape, which is congruent with
other studies on farmer perception (Stenseke 2009). This shows that ecosystem services can be
perceived in various ways and the appreciation of a service can be contextualised differently
between different groups (Daw et al. 2011).
Cross-case comparison of ecosystem service supply
In order to compare patterns of ecosystem service supply in small-scale and large-scale agriculture
between the two study areas (Upper Thukela region, South Africa, paper III, and Uppsala County,
Sweden, paper IV) I used flower diagrams to visualise the supply of six ecosystem services (crop
production, recreation, cultural heritage, aesthetic values, nutrient retention and water availability)
that had been assessed in both study areas (figure 6). The ecosystem service flowers representing
the Swedish and the South African large-scale farming systems were highly similar, with overall
high levels of all services except cultural heritage, which is a pattern that may be typical for many
large-scale agricultural systems across the globe (Daugstad et al. 2006). In contrast, the similarities
between the small-scale farmers were not as strong. They shared relatively low levels of crop
production and nutrient retention, but other than that they differed. Water availability was high in
the Swedish system, based on rainfall and the general hydroclimate, and in the South African large-
scale agricultural lands, where the farmers have access to irrigation. Although the rainfall in the
South African site is fairly similar between small-scale and large-scale areas, the condition of the
small-scale farmers’ lands, erosion, farming methods, and absence of irrigation technology means
that the water availability for small-holder farmers was low. Irrespective of agricultural systems,
the farmers attributed high values to the aesthetics of their lands. This probably reflects the general
expression from the vast majority of the farmers in the interviews that farming is a passion, a
choice of life and that the landscapes shaped by the farming culture is in accordance with the
farmers’ preferences. Recreation, an ecosystem service that is often associated with agricultural
landscapes (Swinton et al. 2007, Pinto-Correia et al. 2013), was also shown to be highly connected
to lifestyle and culture. Recreational activities were widely carried out among the large-scale
farmers in South Africa, and in both Swedish farming systems. Recreation opportunities were high
in these systems, and expressed as important, especially among the Swedish small-scale farmers.
Small-scale farmers in South Africa however expressed a lack of interest in recreational activities
as those are not part of their way of life. The general similarity between the large-scale bundles
and the dissimilarity between the small-scale bundles indicates that as the farm size and intensity
increase, the variability of ecosystem service bundles decreases. This can be because factors such
as climate and biophysical preconditions become less critical for intensive agriculture, at least in
the shorter term, due to increased inputs, e.g. artificial nutrients, chemical pest control and large-
scale irrigation, that are aimed at ‘mimicking’ the ecological processes on which farming relies
(Rist et al. 2014). On the other end of the intensity continuum (Rist et al. 2014), small-scale
26
Figure 6. The supply of six ecosystem services in contrasting agricultural landscapes from two different
case study areas. 1a) South African small-scale agriculture (average farm size 2 ha), 1b) South-African
large-scale agriculture (average farm size 1600 ha), 2a) Swedish small-scale agriculture (average farm
size 13 ha), 2b) South African large-scale agriculture (average farm size 336 ha). The supply of each service
was normalised for the study areas separately, where each of the six flower petals represented one
ecosystem service. The length of the axes across the flower petals represent the maximum value, and were
calculated differently for each study area (see Appendix 1 for a more detailed description of data handling
and analysis).
systems with less anthropogenic inputs, are shaped more by a diversity of sociocultural-economic
and biophysical-climatic factors. The small-scale systems are thus likely to have more distinct
context-dependent sets of drivers and types of values influencing the ecosystem service generation.
The small-scale systems in this comparison are largely shaped by the lifestyle choices of the
farmers in Sweden, and by the poverty of farmers in South Africa.
Mapping and assessing ecosystem services
The concept of ecosystem services has gained increasing attention from science and policy in the
last decades leading to remarkable development of methods to assess and spatially map ecosystem
services (Seppelt et al. 2011, Burkhard et al. 2013). However, knowledge gaps and methodological
challenges persist, which hamper the implementation of the ecosystem service concept into
practice. In the following sections I address some of these gaps and challenges and relate them to
the findings of the four papers: the aspect of spatial scale in ecosystem service mapping, methods
for selecting and prioritizing among ecosystem services, and lastly stakeholder participation in
ecosystem service assessments.
27
Mapping ecosystem services at relevant scales
The literature review in paper I was based on 47 studies from 39 papers, which mapped in total
300 ecosystem service entries. The analysis found that the 47 mapping studies were fairly well
distributed across the world, and took place at six different continents and in 22 different countries
(figure 1 in paper I). As highlighted also by other authors (Lavorel et al. 2011, Egoh et al. 2012,
Martínez-Harms and Balvanera 2012), paper I showed that local scale ecosystem service mapping
were scarce. Most common, in 35 of the 47 studies, was mapping at intermediate scales
(municipality or provincial), and only two studies mapped ecosystem services at local scale
(village/farm) (figure 3 in paper I). The fact that most studies on multiple ecosystem service
generation are performed at larger scales has been raised as a concern with regards to land use
policy being informed by predominantly large-scale assessments (Fischer et al. 2008). However,
while studies at a local scale were most lacking, most of the mapping studies in the review (66%)
used the grain size of 1 hectare or smaller, meaning that these studies can potentially still provide
meaningful insights into land use planning. On the other hand, ecosystem services are most
commonly quantified and mapped using land use proxies, which can lead to errors when it does
not account for spatial variability in different landscape variables (e.g. soils, slope, vegetation)
(Eigenbrod et al. 2010). Further, as much as 17% of the studies in the literature review lacked
information on the resolution. In order to capture the fine-scale spatial dynamics to adequately
inform local management decisions and landscape planning for multiple ecosystem services,
methods for fine-scale mapping, such as presented by papers III and IV, need to be developed.
Selecting ecosystem services
While the process of selecting services for an ecosystem service assessment is highly important
(Seppelt et al. 2011), there is no standardised way of doing this. Ecosystem service studies list
various criteria for selecting services, such as literature reviews (Anderson et al. 2009), data
availability (Raudsepp-Hearne et al. 2010, Queiroz et al. 2015), case-specific needs, issues, and
trends (Fisher et al. 2011), local and national policy goals (Wendland et al. 2010, Fisher et al.
2011), representation of ecosystem service categories (Posthumus et al. 2010, Raudsepp-Hearne
et al. 2010, Queiroz et al. 2015), and integrated knowledge of stakeholders (Reyers et al. 2009,
O'Farrell et al. 2010, Willaarts et al. 2012). The selection approach and criteria that influence the
service selection will thus affect the outcome and application of the assessment. Paper II tested
different ways of selecting ecosystem services for an assessment and showed that using
participatory scenario planning gave very similar lists of prioritised services as consulting experts
with experience in working in the study area. Paper II also reviewed literature as a method to
select services, and this resulted in a list of services that was noticeably different from the other
methods using experts and stakeholder participation to select services, especially in terms of fewer
cultural services (figure 5 in paper II). This result was echoed by unpublished data from paper I,
which further showed that in 10 out of 39 papers, stakeholders were involved in the process of
selecting ecosystem services, and in these papers, a more diverse set of cultural services were
prioritised. Recreation and tourism, cultural heritage, aesthetic value and nature inspiration had
almost equal priority in these 10 studies as opposed to the rest of the papers, which had 72% of
the cultural services covering only recreation and tourism.
28
Ecosystem service categories
Paper I and other literature reviews (Egoh et al 2012, Martínez-Harms and Balvanera 2012) found
that regulating ecosystem services were the services most commonly mapped compared to other
categories. Several ecosystem service authors highlight the importance of including cultural
ecosystem services in ecosystem service assessments (Daniel et al. 2012, van Berkel and Verburg
2014, Plieninger et al. 2015), and some stress that cultural ecosystem services are overlooked
(Schaich et al. 2010, Plieninger et al. 2013b). Paper I showed that 47% of the 300 mapped
ecosystem service entries were regulating services, 24% provisioning, 19% cultural and 10%
supporting. Unpublished data from the literature review in paper I, showed that a majority of the
papers (69%) included at least one cultural service. Although cultural services were not
underrepresented compared to provisioning and supporting services, there was a clear bias towards
tourism and recreation within the mapped cultural services (figure 4 in paper I). Also, only 9 of
the 39 papers included two or more cultural services. This probably reflects the shortage of
applicable methods to quantify many of the cultural services that are of obvious importance for
human well-being (Seppelt et al. 2011, Plieninger et al. 2013b). Lack of available spatially explicit
data may be one of the major reasons for not including a wider range of cultural services, given
that many of the mapping studies mention availability of data as a requirement when selecting
services to map (e.g. Raudsepp-Hearne et al. 2010, Rogers et al. 2010, Queiroz et al. 2015). Ways
of including a more balanced set of ecosystem services, accounting also for the less tangible and
possibly irreplaceable values, are hence needed. Even though cultural ecosystem services are
increasingly included in ecosystem service research, the incorporation of cultural ecosystem
services into policy and practice, both at local, regional and national levels, is less developed
(Axelsson et al. 2013, Sitas et al. 2014).
Stakeholder participation
These results illustrate the importance of involving stakeholders in the process of selecting and
prioritizing among services, which can lead to a more diverse set of services (paper II) and
broaden the choices of cultural services (paper I). The ecosystem service concept has been proven
challenging to implement into practice (Sitas et al. 2014). Land use policy and landscape planning
targeting ecosystem services that have been prioritised through participatory methods with a wide
range of beneficiaries can thus potentially be received better by the broader public (Seppelt et al.
2011). The integration of various stakeholders’ knowledge and participatory methods in this thesis
were aimed at both widening and specializing the understanding of the people, ecosystems and
ecosystem services in the study areas. Participatory mapping was useful in order to engage with
the farmers to obtain local knowledge associated with the farmers’ land holdings, management
practices, crop varieties, and local species and ecosystems (Plieninger et al. 2013b, Sinare et al.
2016, paper III). The regional stakeholders, such as practitioners and officials from local
organizations, shared their perspectives of recent history, state and trends in the area, having a
broad knowledge of local and regional policy and the implementation thereof. Scientific experts
from across the world, both with or without direct experience from the study area, helped to place
the local and regional knowledge into a scientific context, anchored both to the local circumstances
and to global scientific relevance (papers II and III). Although being a resource demanding
method, participatory scenario planning (paper II) proved to be particularly useful for the project
by enabling dynamic discussions with both local and regional stakeholders of the area, and
improving the understanding of the diversity of perspectives by the people who face future
29
challenges and opportunities in a changing world (Peterson 2007, Enfors et al. 2008). The process
helped establishing trust and contacts with the local stakeholders and provided a platform for
sharing ideas and expectations, which is crucial when carrying out research with stakeholders, here
farmers, and at farmer’s lands (Nicholas and Hinckley 2011). The result from paper II further
inspired the planning of the subsequent participatory mapping exercise and assisted in prioritizing
among ecosystem services (paper III). The use of participatory methods in this thesis increased
the understanding of values and perspectives of ecosystem services, which biophysical data would
not have captured, especially regarding the demand dimension of ecosystem services which is
connected to people’s personal perceptions and reflections (Costanza et al. 2007, Hernández-
Morcillo et al. 2013, papers III and IV). Papers III and IV further revealed important dynamics
of the social-ecological nature of ecosystem services, and showed the diversity of ways in which
ecosystem services can be produced, used, valued and perceived, even within a relatively narrow
selection of beneficiaries.
Reflections on the empirical approach and ways forward
In this thesis I used multiple methods from different disciplines and I also developed new
integrated analytic approaches. I combined local and scientific knowledge through stakeholder
participation and expert assessment. The development and implementation of transdisciplinary
approaches, both within research and policy, however come with challenges (Lang et al. 2012,
Angelstam et al. 2013, Brandt et al. 2013). Amongst these challenges are: integrating methods
from different disciplines (Bryman 2006), and integrating different knowledge systems (Chalmers
and Fabricius 2007, Tengö et al. 2014). Here follows a reflection on the approaches used in this
thesis, and how the methods can be advanced to address new research questions that have emerged
from this thesis.
During the scenario planning approach (paper II) the aim was to integrate the perceptions of the
local stakeholders with regional stakeholders and scientific experts, to develop scenarios on future
regional development. This proved to be challenging as some of the viewpoints were conflicting,
both between and within groups of stakeholders. Through iteration and by validating the
plausibility and relevance of the storylines with all stakeholder groups, I was positive that the
perceptions of the stakeholder groups were sufficiently balanced. Future studies integrating
knowledge from a wide range of stakeholders and knowledge systems could benefit from a
thorough analysis of the analogous and conflicting perceptions and opinions that arise. This could
help emphasizing where and how the knowledge systems can add value to one another (Martín-
López et al. 2014, Tengö et al. 2014, Gaspare et al. 2015).
Papers III and IV combined biophysical and social data to quantify the supply and demand of
ecosystem services. The papers gained knowledge through in-depth interviews with farmers
related to their values and perceptions of services as well as management practices and strategies
to deal with various constraints. While the interviews contributed significantly to the
understanding of ecosystem services, in particular related to the demand of services, a potential
development of this approach could be a more systematic socio-cultural value survey among a
larger number of stakeholders (Martín-López et al. 2014), and ranking exercises (López-Marrero
30
and Hermansen-Báez 2011). This could increase the understanding on the perceived relative
importance of ecosystem services within different stakeholder groups.
The cross-case comparison between the case studies in South Africa (paper III) and Sweden
(paper IV) revealed intriguing patterns suggesting that ecosystem service bundles generated in
large-scale agricultural systems are more similar than the bundles generated in small-scale systems
(figure 6). However, there are limitations to what conclusions can be drawn from these relatively
small data sets, and because different methods were used to quantify the services in the two studies.
One way to improve possibilities for cross-comparison is to develop a more robust spatial analysis
approach, with solid and well-described datasets including both social and biophysical, site-
specific data at relevant scales. Some questions that arise from figure 6 are: How would the
ecosystem services bundles appear if other/more services were included? How would the bundles
be shaped if other/more indicators were used? To address these questions, a more thorough
multiple-indicator approach is needed, including a wider range of ecosystem services. Paper IV
emphasised that the choice of indicators can have significant effect on the results, which could be
explored further by depicting ‘sub-petals’ for each indicator. Another question relevant to explore
further is: What are the social-ecological factors behind the shapes of the bundles? In this thesis I
discuss that the similar bundles between the large-scale farmers in Sweden and South Africa can
be related to specialised and mechanised agriculture where anthropogenic inputs reduce the
importance of the natural biophysical conditions, and that the small-scale farms are likely to have
a wider range of context-dependent drivers leading to more variable ecosystem service bundles.
However, by adopting an approach similar to Meacham et al. (2016), the social-ecological drivers
behind ecosystem service bundling can be further analysed and understood. Moreover, the analysis
could be strengthened by including a spectra of farm sizes and farming intensities, such as
presented by Rist et al (2014), ranging from natural to anthropogenic inputs to production systems.
While papers III and IV provide important contributions to further understanding of the complex
relationships between the supply of and demand for ecosystem services, the flower diagrams in
figure 6 however only include the supply aspect. In order to identify insufficient supply in relation
to demand, a future analysis building on the results from this thesis could thus further be layered
with the demand for the services. This could help guiding management towards reducing these
gaps and increasing multifunctionality.
On a personal note
How can the gaps we see between the supply of and the demand for ecosystem services in areas
like the small-scale farming villages in the Drakensberg be reduced? How can Alan Paton’s feared
degradation of grasslands unable to keep and guard humanity, as described in the introduction of
this thesis, be avoided? What is needed to make the high producing agriculture in the world
productive also in the long-term? My hope is that this thesis will inspire others to further explore
the diverse field of ecosystem services and the stimulating topic of agricultural landscapes. There
is so much more to learn about farming and farmers! Only by joint efforts we can gain the
knowledge we need to improve the sustainability of agricultural landscapes and secure a long-term
provision of the multiple ecosystem services on which we depend.
31
Conclusions
In this thesis I use and develop local scale, transdisciplinary and participatory methods that will
deepen the understanding of how multiple ecosystem services in different agricultural landscapes
are generated. The results indicate that all agricultural systems present multifunctionality to a
varying degree. The large-scale systems display similar ecosystem service bundles, while the
small-scale systems differ. This diversity is driven by the substantially different social-economic
contexts of these systems. The small-scale system with high levels of poverty underperforms in
terms of many ecosystem services compared to all the other systems. This illustrates that we need
to tackle poverty in order to ensure better performing landscapes.
The thesis also provides new insights into the complex relationships between supply and demand,
and highlights the need to understand both the biophysical and social dimensions of ecosystem
services to sustainably manage agricultural landscapes for multifunctionality. For example, the
results show clear differences between South African small-scale and large-scale agriculture in
terms of the capacity to maintain the supply and meet their demand, for almost all services (from
provisioning to regulating and cultural). The small-scale farmers struggle to meet their demand for
services while large-scale farmers generally produce from their lands in accordance with their
demands.
The thesis looks at the role that stakeholder inclusion has in understanding ecosystem services. It
shows that a diverse set of beneficiaries and users, is likely to diversify the prioritised ecosystem
services included in an assessment, as well as to capture broader perspectives of how the services
are analysed. For example, when stakeholders were involved in the process of selecting ecosystem
services, more attention was given to cultural services, especially other cultural services than
recreation and tourism. The thesis also illustrates that participatory approaches such as scenario
planning and mapping exercises can facilitate bringing some of these perspectives into scientific
knowledge.
The thesis also reflects on the transdisciplinary methods needed to perform ecosystem services
analyses and it shows that multiple indicators are needed to increase the understanding of the
social-ecological nature of ecosystem services. The results highlight that the choice of indicators
can significantly alter the outcomes of ecosystem service quantification illustrating that indicators
must be carefully selected. There is a need to combine qualitative and quantitative data at different
scales (such as farm- and landscape-level) to better understand the fine-scale dynamics of
ecosystem services bundles. This will lead to better management of multiple interacting ecosystem
services and planning for increased multifunctionality.
32
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Sammanfattning
Mänskligheten står inför utmaningen att på ett hållbart sätt producera mat till en växande
befolkning utan att ytterligare skada världens ekosystem. Förändringen av livsmiljöer och
ekosystem till jordbruksmark har möjliggjort civilisationens utveckling, men har också lett till
markförstörelse och förlorad biologisk mångfald, vilket i sin tur idag hotar grunden till de många
ekosystemtjänster vi männniskor är beroende av. Ekosystemtjänster är det som gynnar samhället
genom vårt förvaltande, användande och uppskattande av ekosystemen. Ekosystemtjänsterna
bidrar till och förbättrar vårt välbefinnande och våra livsvillkor på olika sätt, till exempel genom
livsmedel, dricksvatten och material till hus, möbler och kläder, eller genom vatten- och luftrening,
näringstillförsel och pollinering, samt möjligheter till rekreation, naturupplevelser, hälsa och
inspiration.
För att kunna förvalta våra jordbrukslandskap mot en förbättrad och mer hållbar markanvändning,
där ekosystemtjänster står i fokus, behövs en bättre förståelse för hur olika ekosystemtjänster
relaterar till varandra, hur de kan samspela eller motverka varandra under olika typer av förvaltning
och skötsel av ett landskap. Ett exempel är när delar av odlingsmarken avsätts till naturmark, vilket
kan bidra till ökad biologisk mångfald, begränsat näringsläckage samt nya livsmiljöer för arter
som behövs vid pollinering och naturlig skadedjurbekämpning, medan det medför begränsad yta
för odling. Vi behöver också mer kunskap om på vilka rumsliga skalor olika tjänster tillhandahålls,
används och interagerar. För detta krävs att tvärvetenskapliga metoder och verktyg utvecklas
vidare, för att kunna reda ut de komplexa förhållandena mellan tillgång och efterfrågan av olika
ekosystemtjänster. En viktig komponent i arbetet med hållbar utveckling är att bättre integrera
kunskapen som besitts av olika slags aktörer utanför den akademiska världen. Det är därför
betydelsefullt att använda sig av deltagandemetoder i den här typen av forskning.
Den här avhandlingen utforskar jordbrukslandskap som komplexa social-ekologiska system, det
vill säga system där sociala och ekologiska drivkrafter samspelar och påverkar varandra och därför
inte kan hanteras som antingen sociala eller ekologiska system. För att studera uppkomsten av
ekosystemtjänster från olika typer av jordbrukslandskap och undersöka dessa tjänsters social-
ekologiska dynamik används i avhandlingen flera olika metoder. Mer specifikt diskuterar
avhandlingen betydelsen av rumslig skala i studier av ekosystemtjänster, utforskar landskaps-
förändringar, integrerar den akademiska kunskapen med kunskap från andra aktörer i samhället,
samt utvecklar verktyg för att bättre förstå de dynamiska förhållandena mellan tillgång och
efterfrågan av flera samspelande ekosystemtjänster.
Artikel I presenterar en systematisk översikt av studier där ekosystemtjänster kvanitfierats och hur
dessa studier förhåller sig till rumslig skala. Artikeln fann att tjänster vanligtvis kvantifierades på
intermediära skalor (på kommun- och provinsnivå), och sällan på lokal skala (gårds-/bynivå). Det
behövs därför mer platsspecifik kvantifiering av ekosystemtjänster på lokal skala för att förstå
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finskaliga dynamiker hos ekosystemtjänster, vilket är nödvändigt för en hållbar landskaps-
förvaltning.
För att utforska framtidens möjligheter och utmaningar i ett jordbruksdominerat område i Övre
Thukela-regionen i Sydafrika, utvecklade artikel II alternativa framtidsscenarier. Detta gjordes
genom en deltagandeprocess för scenarieutveckling, där jordbrukare, representanter från lokala
organisationer och myndigheter, samt forskare deltog. Ett av syftena med studien var att jämföra
olika metoder för att välja ut och prioritera mellan relevanta ekosystemtjänster för fördjupade
analyser. Det visade sig att processen där scenarier utvecklades gav ett liknande urval av tjänster
som den metod som tillfrågade en grupp experter verksamma inom studieområdet. Samtidigt
bidrog scenarieprocessen till att skapa kontakter och ett ömsesidigt förtroende mellan
forskargruppen och de olika aktörerna, samt tillförde ovärderlig kunskap om studieområdets
social-ekologiska dynamik.
Artikel I och II visar att deltagandetekniker kan medföra prioritering av ett bredare urval av
ekosystemtjänster och att fler icke-materiella ekosystemtjänster, så som kulturarv och spirituella
värden, ges större betydelse. Detta kan bidra till en landskapsförvaltning som tar hänsyn till en
större mångfald av aktörer.
Artikel III och IV kombinerade information om de sociala och ekologiska aspekterna av
ekosystemtjänster för att studera tillgång och efterfrågan av tjänster på gårds- och landskapsnivå.
Artikel III använde sig av djupintervjuer, deltagande kvantifieringstekniker samt expertutlåtande
i Övre Thukela-regionen i Sydafrika. I artikel IV användes djupintervjuer och tidigare publicerade
biofysiska/ekologiska undersökningar i Uppsala Län i Sverige. I båda studieområderna jämfördes
småskaliga och storskaliga jordbruksområden, där stor vikt lades vid jordbrukarnas kunskaper,
erfarenheter och perspektiv. Båda studierna visar tydliga skillnader mellan de småskaliga och
storskaliga jordbruken, både gällande tillgång och efterfrågan av ekosystem-tjänster. Artikel III
visar även att den förmåga jordbrukarna har att påverka uppkomsten av tjänster i sina
jordbrukslandskap skiljer sig avsevärt. De storskaliga bönderna förvaltar sina jordbruks-landskap
på sådant sätt att det svarar mot deras efterfrågan av tjänster. Däremot är jordbruksproduktionen
så pass låg, och fattigdomen så pass utbredd, bland de småskaliga bönderna, att deras efterfrågan
av ekosystemtjänster kraftig överstiger det utbud av tjänster som tillhandahålls inom deras
områden. Artikel IV befäster vidare vikten av att använda flera indikatorer och kombinera social
och biofysisk/ekologisk information för att kvantifiera och undersöka ekosystemtjänsternas
komplexa och social-ekologiska natur.
Genom att använda resultaten från artikel III och IV, möjliggjordes en jämförelse också mellan de
två studieområdena, med avseende på de sammankopplade ”knippen” av ekosystemtjänster som
tillhandahålls inom de småskaliga och storskaliga jordbruksområdena i Sydafrika och Sverige.
Analysen visar att de ekosystemtjänstknippen som generas i de storskaliga jordbrukssystemen är
relativt lika. De båda storskaliga systemen visar på höga nivåer av bland annat produktion av
grödor, kontroll mot näringsläckage, vattentillgång och rekreationsmöjligheter men lägre kultur-
historiska värden. De båda småskaliga jordbruken har betydligt lägre produktion av grödor, högre
kulturhistoriska värden, men i övrigt genererade de olika ekosystemtjänstknippen. Dessa
skillnader och likheter mellan och inom studieområderna beror på den mängd olika sociala och
ekologiska drivkrafter som påverkar hur jordbruksmarkerna fungerar i kombination med hur de
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olika grupperna av jordbrukare förvaltar sina landskap. För att förstå komplexiteten i de
kombinerade drivkrafterna i respektive område behövs mer tvärvetenskaplig forskning.
Den här avhandlingen bidrar med en fördjupad kunskap om den komplexa social-ekologiska
dynamiken som påverkar uppkomsten av ekosystemtjänster på gårds- och landskapsnivå, och
belyser betydelsen av att integrera kunskaper och perspektiv från olika grupper av aktörer. Genom
att kombinera olika metoder samt utveckla nya verktyg för att studera ekosystemtjänster bidrar
reslutaten i den här avhandlingen till en utveckling mot ett mer hållbart globalt jordbruk.
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Isifingqo
ISintu sibhekene nezinqginamba eziningi zokuzikhiqizela ukudla okwanele ukondla inani labantu
elikhuphuka minyaka yonke, bebe beqikelelela ukungaqhubeki behlukumeza futhi bebulala
imvelo. Ukuguqulwa kwezinto zemvelo zenziwe imkhiqizo yezolimo kunikeze isintu amathuba
empucuzeko kanti futhi kuholele ekumoshekeni nasekugugulekeni komhlaba kanye nokufa
kwezilwanyazane ezibalulekile kwimvelo, lokhu kusongela ukukhiqizeka kwezinzuzo eziningi
zemvelo esincike kuzo. Izinzuzo zemvelo yizo esizithola ngokusebenzisa, ukunakekela kanye
nokuhlonipha imvelo. Lezizinzuzo zibamba elikhulu iqhaza ezimpilweni zethu, ikakhulukazi
ekudleni, amanzi okuphuza, ukuhlanza umoya kanye namanzi, okokubasa, okokwakha izindlu,
imisoco enhlabathini, izindawo zokungcebeleka kanye nokunye okuningi.
Ukuze sikwazi ukunakekela umhlaba wethu ngendlela ephephile futhi sikhiqize kuwo isikhathi
eside ngokugxila kwizinzuzo zemvelo, sidinga ukuqonda kabanzi ngendlela lezizinzuzo ezisabela
ngazo kwimpatho ehlukahlukene. Isibonelo salokhu kungaba ukushiya iziqaba ezinde phakathi
kwamasimu lapho izimila zemvelo zizozikhulela khona, lokhu kungandisa ukuphila ndawonye
kwezilwanyazane ezehlukene, kwehlise ukuguguleka komsoco wenhlabathi, kwandise
nezilwanyazane ezingabangani bemvelo, yize kuzonciphisa nendawo yokulima. Lokhu
kubandakanya nesidingo sokuqhamuka nezinsiza kusebenza ezikwazi ukuqinisekisa ubudlelwano
phakathi kwazo zonke izinzuzo zemvelo. Ngokwesibonelo ukubheka ukuthi yiziphi izinzuzo
ezikhona kanti futhi yiziphi esizidingayo. Enye yezingxenye ezibalulekile kucwaningo olubheka
impilonde wukuqokelela nolwazi lwabanye abantu abangayona ingxenye yezemfundo,
ngaleyondlela kubalulekile ukusebenzisa izindlela ezibandakanya wonke umuntu.
Lomqulu womphumela wocwaningo uqukethe izihloko ezijulile ezithinta ubudlelwane obukhona
phakathi kwemvelo kanye nokuphila, okuchaza izindlela eziningi ngokubaluleka kokuqiniswa
kobudlelwane phakathi kwemvelo nokuphila. Lomqulu uyinhlanganisela yezindlela
ezingasetshenziswa ukuhlolisisa ubume bezindawo ngenhloso yokuzigcina zisesimweni
esamukelekile ngokwemigomo yezemvelo, luphinde luhlanganise umhlahlandlela wezinsiza-
kwenza zokucwaninga ukwenzeka kwezinto ngokucoshela ulwazi lwabathintekayo.
Isigaba sokuqala socwaningo sigxile ekufundeni imibhalo ngezinzuzo zemvelo ukuze kwakheke
isithombe esibanzi, okutholakele kulokhukufundwa kwemibhalo ukuthi luncane kakhulu
ucwaningo oselwenziwe oluthinta lobudlelwano ezindaweni zasemakhaya kanye nezindawo
ezibekelwe ukulinywa. Isigaba sesibili sokufundwa kwemibhalo sigxile ekuhlaziyeni amathuba
okungenzeka abekhona kanye nezinselelo ezikhona ngaphansi komkhandlu weSifunda uThukela
iNingizumu Afrika. Lokhu kwenziwe ngokuqamba izigameko nokuyilapho abalimi,
nabacwaningi, nabamele izinhlangano ezizimele, kanye noMasipala bebambe iqhaza kucwaningo.
Umbhalo wesibili uqhathanise izindlela zokuhlonza kanye nokukhetha izihloko ezihamba
phambili kwezokuhlolwa kwezemvelo. Ukusetshenziswa kwezigameko kube nomphumela
wokubalulwa kwezihloko eziseqhulwini ngokuxoxisana nezinzululwazi endaweni yocwaningo.
42
Lendlela yokwenza isize kakhulu ukwakha nokuqinisa ubudlelwane nabalimi bendawo nokusiza
ukuqhubezela phambili izingxoxo nabathintekayo.
Isigaba sesithathu nesesine sihlanganise ukucwaninga uhwebelwano olukhona phakathi
kwezemvelo nenhlalo nokuqoqa ulwazi ezindaweni ezilinywayo. Kusona isigaba sesithathu
kusetshenziswe imibuzo-ngxoxo ejulile, ukudwetshwa kwebalazwe ngokuhlanganyela kanye
nokuxhumana nezinzululwazi ngaphansi komkhandlu wasoThukela. Kwisigaba sesine kugxilwe
ekucwaningeni ngokwenzeka eUppsala County eSweden. Zombili lezigaba zihlanganise abalimi
abasakhula kanye nalabo abahwebayo ngoba ulwazi nezimvo zabo zibalulekile kakhulu,
okutholakele ukuthi kukhona umehluko phakathi kwamaqembu abalimi ngokohwebelwano.
Esigabeni sesithathu kutholakale ukuthi kunokwehlukana ngolwazi lwemihlomulo etholakala
kwezemvelo ngokuhlukana kwamazinga abalimi. Abalimi abahwebayo/abakhulu bona
bayaqaphela indlela abasebenzisa ngayo umhlaba ukuze nabo ubabuyisele inzuzo. Kanti abalimi
abasakhula bona umkhiqizo wabo mncane, lokhu okudlondlobalisa ububha nokugcina sekudala
ingcindezi enkulu kumhlaba.
Ngokusebenzisa imiphumela evela esigabeni sesithathu kanye nesesine amazwe amabili
okucwaningwe kuwo, iNingizumu Afrika kanye neSweden angaqhathaniswa ngokwamaqoqo
ezinzuzo zemvelo akhiqizwe ngabalimi abancane basemakhaya kanye nabakhulu basemaplazini.
Loluqhathaniso lukhombise ukuthi lamaqoqo ezinzuzo zemvelo awehlukile kakhulu kubalimi
abakhulu. Abalimi abakhulu eNingizimu Afrika kanye naseSweden babanomkhiqizo omningi,
ukwehla kokuguguleka komsoco enhlabathini, banamanzi kanye nezokungcebeleka kodwa
bayaxega ngasekuhlonipheni amasiko. Abalimi abancane bona babanemikhiqhizo emincane
kodwa bakhombisa amazinga aphezulu okuhlonipha amasiko kuwo omabili amazwe, ngaphandle
kwalokhu okubalwe ngenhla amaqoqo ezinzuzo zemvelo zabo akhomba ukwahlukana okukhulu.
Lokwefana kanye nomehluko phakathi kwamazwe amabili aqhathaniswayo kuncike kwizindlela
zenhlalo kanye nemvelo okuyikona okunquma ukuthi umhlaba wokulima usetshenziswa kanjani
kubandakanya nokuziphatha kwalesosigaba sabalimi. Ukuze siqonde ngokuphelele ukuthi iziphi
izimbangela zemiphumela yalolucwaningo kundingeka olunye olunzulu olubandakanya izinhlaka
ezahlukene.
Lomqulu unikeza ulwazi olusha ekukhiqizweni kwezinzuzo zemvelo ngokwenhlalo uma
kubukelwa eduze njengaseplazini kanye nasemiphakathini. Lomqulu futhi uphinda ukhombise
ukubaluleka kokuhlanganisa ulwazi lwezinhlaka ezahlukene. Ngokuhlanganisa amasu
ahlukahlukene kanye nokuqhamuka nezindlela zokuqonda kangcono ukukhiqizwa
nokusetshenziswa kwezinzuzo zemvelo. Lomqulu uphonsa esivivaneni solwazi oludingekayo
ekulimeni nokonga imvelo.
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Acknowledgements
‘Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu’ is a Zulu proverb which can be translated as ‘A person is a person
because of people’. This is the essence of Ubuntu, a Southern African ideology which guides you
in terms of how to relate to other people. Ubuntu is a philosophy of social relationships, building
on the belief that we are all profoundly connected. Without Ubuntu I would not have been able to
do this work. The people I want to thank are:
My supervisors Regina Lindborg and Line Gordon. Your great competencies and personalities
complement each other, and the combination of the two of you is synergistic! Thank you for
supporting my move to South Africa and continuing to guide and encourage me, even from 10 000
kilometres away. Thomas Elmqvist, I have you to thank for teaching me to be independent. You
sent me to Africa and gave me almost free reign! Graham Jewitt, thanks to you I have always had
a place to call my office. The support and generosity you have shown me over these years is
exceptional.
The farmers in Potshini, Okhombe, Bergville and Winterton. The periods I have spent in the field
have been tremendously encouraging and rewarding, with all the engaging talks and discussions
with you and your families. You have all enriched me as a person and as a scientist. An extra thank
you to the Dladla and Shezi families for accommodation and hospitality.
Johan Mwalimu Eklöf, you were the first to express your confidence in me, and convinced me to
continue my academic route. You brought me back to Systems Ecology, and without your
encouragement (forceful push) I wouldn’t have dared to jump on to this PhD train.
And what a journey! It turned out to be a long one, and a few workplaces have taken turns at being
my base over the years. Kräftan and Stockholm Resilience Centre: Matilda, it’s been 15 years now
(!) since we got lost in those bunkers during the cradle days of our academic careers. Sara, Erik,
Cibele, Emilie, Elin, Albert, Jerker, Magnus T, Björn, Lisen, Jacob, Stephan, Henrik, Maria T,
Johan E, Nanda, Emma, Oonsie, Hanna S, Hanna W, Vanessa, Maike, and the entire PhD-team
which I didn’t have the chance to get to know closely (but I know you are all awesome!). Cecilia,
Emina, Therese, Tanja, Hanna, Barbara and Siw, you made my life easier while I made your work
extra complicated. Thanks for putting up with me! My previous and current office mates at CWRR
and BEEH: Victor, Eva, Vincent, Michele, Sabine, Roland and Stefanie. Siphiwe, thanks for the
company all these late evenings in the office. And Cath, you left Pmb too soon (I know, too late)
but were still by my side until the end and beyond. CSIR and the Sweat shop: What amazing
hospitality and friendship from you guys, when I needed it the most! Belinda, Benis, Patrick, Nadia
and family, Linda, Ilse, Odi, Thozamile, Ryan and all the rest!
The times I have spent outside of the office, working or just hanging out with so many fabulous
teams and individuals, I have so many people to thank! Julia and Hanna in the early days. Erna,
44
Monique, Brigid, Michal, Sofi, and Kajsa. Rutger, not just a friend but also a much valued GIS
pro. Charmaine for your friendship, your knowledge on soil carbon, and for never getting tired of
explaining those soil variables to me. Farmer Support Group: Maxwell, Zanele, Nonhlanhla and
all the rest; especially Madondo and Malinga, without you my work in the field could not have
gone this smoothly. Your commitment, knowledge and facilitation skills amaze me. Most
memorable for me was the day when we arrived in the village to run a workshop, only to realize
that the community thought the workshop was scheduled for the next day. Without any sign of
distress, the two of you made some phone calls, went away briefly with the van, and within an
hour the hall was filled with participants, the lunch was being cooked in big pots in the yard and
the workshop turned out to be a great success.
I have always wondered which is the hardest: to be a PhD student or to be a parent. There is no
doubt that the combination of the two is not child’s play. Without the team of wonderful baby
sitters who have taken their turns I could not have done this, especially during my times in
Stockholm and Uppsala. Mamma, Malin, Daniel, Stina, Frida, PO, Sara, Klas, Birgitta and Berith,
your support has been priceless, and thanks to Tiko and Khanya who enjoyed being with you all.
To all my lovely and supportive friends, new and old! Bästa bönorna, Sara and Charlotta, I miss
you so! Thanks for upholding our friendship from such a distance. I think our chats are as long as
to the moon and back by now. Frida, it’s my turn now! Toscana is still waiting for you, and so am
I! Anette, I don’t know where to start. Thank you always for the ways you endlessly care for both
my inner and outer me. I have so much to thank you for!
Infinite love and appreciation to my families: Mamezala Petty, Mamkhulu Nana, Mzala Samkeh
and Sisi Thandeka. Your love and support is more than a daughter/sister/cousin in-law could ever
wish for. Thanks to all Malingas (Zindeeeela!) and Ndlovus.
Mamma Tinka! You are the best of mothers! Thank you for always showing interest in my work,
and giving me and my family endless support and enjoyment. The always loving and supporting
Flogsta team: My beloved brother Daniel, Stina Schw, Eja and Hugo. Tina, thanks for being you,
and for inspiring me with your creativity. Thank you to Lars-Åke and Veronica for having us every
summer! Thanks to all Henrikssons and Karlssons.
My children Fana, Afika, Ayathoba, Vuyiswa, Vuyani, Lungi, Bianca, Tiko, Tswa, Bhoyi and
Khanya. You have balanced my life to say the least. You all have lovely personalities with
unbelievable capabilities. Thank you for being you, and for being in my life.
Michael. You have taught me more than a thousand books could have taught me. I am forever
grateful for having you in my life. Not only did you bring children into my life, but you also
brought a huge loving family and never-ending adventures. If it wasn’t for you I would have
finished this thesis several years ago, and I have loved the extended journey. Thank you!
Finally, two stars who deserve an extra round of applause - actually a standing ovation: Mamma
and Mamezala, you are my true heroes!
Thank You – Tack – Ngiyabonga
45
Appendix
Methods for comparing ecosystem services bundles in the two case studies (papers III and IV) In order to be able to compare the generation of ecosystem services between different case studies,
the supply of each service was plotted in the flower diagrams, where each of the flower petals
represents one ecosystem service, and the area of the petal reads as the extent of the service supply,
in relation to the max value (figure 6). The original case studies used different methods, so for this
comparison I made the following adaptations:
1. In paper III, a single indicator was used to quantify each service, in two different land
uses (grazing land and crop land). This comparison analyses the landscapes as a whole,
thus the values for the services in each land use were averaged (regardless of the
proportions of crop land and grazing land), and normalised (figure 6:1).
2. In paper IV multiple indicators were used. Each indicator used for a service were
weighted equally for each service, and the average of the normalised values of the 1-4
indicators was calculated (figure 6:2). The indicators that only expressed demand for
services were removed (table S2 in paper IV).
3. Data and max values for figure 6:1 are found in figure 2 in paper III. Data for figure 6:2
are found in figure 2 in paper IV. The max values for figure 6:2 is the average of the
maximum indicator values.
.