Economic Anthropology After 1989: Rationality, Risk and the Example of Islamic Finance
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Transcript of Economic Anthropology After 1989: Rationality, Risk and the Example of Islamic Finance
Kustin 1
Economic Anthropology after 1989: Rationality, Risk and the
Example of Islamic Finance
Bridget Kustin, Anthropology, Johns Hopkins University
Abstract
Scholars working from the 1950s to the 1970s—what Hart (2007) terms the “golden age” of
economic anthropology—could presume a relative stability around their primary systems and
objects of study: from exchange in formal and informal economies, to Marxist questions of
capitalism and production, to consumption and value. Earlier, economist Knight’s (1921)
distinction between risk (measurable uncertainty) and uncertainty (unmeasurable uncertainty) had
laid the groundwork for economics as the science of risk and return, anchored by the utility
maximization of “rational economic man.” Within this framework, what political scientist
Connolly (2011) describes as true emergence, creativity, and randomness became subject to
capture and neutralization into the scientific, stable category of “risk” through stochastic models.
After 1989, the rise of post-Cold War globalization, neoliberalism, and structural adjustment
policies enabled the technologies and processes of “financialization” initiated in the 1970s to
rapidly mature, heralding massive spatial and temporal reorganizations of financial and economic
activity, including exponentially increasing risk and novel strategies for risk management (Martin
2002, MacKenzie 2006, Amato and Fantacci 2011, Appadurai 2013).
Post-1989 revolutions in the writing of ethnography (Clifford and Marcus 1986, Gupta and
Ferguson 1997, Riles 2006) opened up new hermeneutic horizons for understanding the
dialectical constitution of the writing subject and the object of study. The reorientation of
fieldwork and ethnography as intersubjective knowledge production collapsed presumed
distinctions in time and space between “data gathering” versus “writing and analysis.” However,
economics has persisted in evading challenges to its presumed rationality. The uneasy
relationship between the burgeoning field of behavioral economics and contemporary economic
anthropology underscores the post-1989 challenge to economic anthropology: how might the
radical technical shifts in global economic/financial activity and the theoretical shifts in
Kustin 2
anthropology/ethnography allow for new avenues of inquiry into the nature, limits, and emerging
possibilities of capitalism?
I explore how the prohibition of excessive uncertainty (“gharar”) and speculation/gambling
(“maisir”) in contemporary Islamic finance are sites through which the calculative rationality of
economics—and thus capitalism—can be refracted and understood anew. Islamic finance rejects
the notion of wholly rational calculations of uncertainty and risk. Islamic eschatological
orientations toward the present and future are mobilized in the structure of new products and
services (I focus on the nascent, still-evolving Islamic bond market) in ways that make particular
assumptions about the temporality and knowability of uncertainty and risk.
Conceptualizing the Islamic future as an ‘open,’ ‘imaginative horizon’ is inherently as odds with
how economic rationality renders the future contained, measurable, and subject to capture
through mathematical models. The notion that the future is truly unknowable, and thus truly
creative, is a testament to the existence and divinity of God in Islam, whose planning cannot be
foretold, anticipated, or otherwise mapped. In other words, Islamic finance does not necessarily
introduce religion to s “secular” conception of finance. Rather, I argue that it introduces
conceptualizations about uncertainty and risk that render the future (understood economically and
anthropologically) as an open space of possibility, and a worthy object of study for post 1989
economic anthropology.