Helvie-Mason 1

Confucian values, cultural learning, communism, and the impact

of marketization and development on Education in China: A

reflective learning portfolio

by

Lora Helvie-Mason

July 9, 2006

EASP 2006

Dr. Nihal Perera and Dr. Jeffrey Carter

Helvie-Mason 2

Table of Contents

I. Logistics of the Journey

a. Introduction to the field study and reflective portfolio

b. Preparation for the field study

c. Field study activities

d. Logging reactions and observations during the field study

II. Reflection examination: Themes within the field study

a. History

b. Life and space

c. City Centers

d. Development

e. Stereotyping

f. Gender

g. Infrapolitics

h. People and the home-stay experience

i. Personal narrative

III. Conclusions

a. Impact on future studies

b. Personal reverberations

IV. References

V. Appendices

a. Calendar of events during the field study

b. A brief history of Chinese education1

c. Photographic Index

1 Created by Lora Helvie-Mason, June 15 2006

Helvie-Mason 3

Logistics of the journey Introduction

This portfolio is designed to be an in-depth compilation of the observations, thoughts,

comments, and concerns experienced while traveling in China during the EASP field study

(May 2006). These elements are examined in tandem with literature and current events

relating to the field of education and embody the personal and academic journey. However, as

with anything in life, this journey was experienced through my own filter�my perspective,

culture, background, beliefs, expectations, and norms all influenced my responses to China

and its people during this travel. For that reason, this is but one story of many stories that

could be told relating to this fascinating land.

As a scholar of higher education, this portfolio is designed to further explore the

observations and discussions that transpired in relation to education during the field study

elements of this program. While geared toward education, this portfolio also encompasses the

eight overarching themes discussed within our field study, including: History, city centers, the

home-stay experience, developmental discourser, stereotyping, gender, and people and the

home stay experience. These themes are interwoven with the rubrics of education, culture and

development throughout this portfolio.

Lastly, it is important to note the intense impact this field study has had on my

personal perspective relating to education, globalization, democratization, and culture. This

journey has truly been a journey of evolution for me: a personal adventure that had

ramifications into my professional and academic worldviews and that will, I am certain,

continue to reverberate and shape my world in the upcoming years. For this reason, the

portfolio depicts my personal perceptions, observations, and experiences throughout the

Helvie-Mason 4

journey in tandem with my more academic-based endeavors. It, therefore, carries a narrative

tone in present-tense format with personal examples, references and responses.

This introductory section is designed to establish the logistics of the China field study.

This journey of self-discovery began with intense planning on the part of the program

directors. This planning involved students in meetings, lectures, activities, and discussions

before the actual travel component began. Next, this section briefly highlights the activities

undertaken during the travel through a daily agenda of events. Lastly, this section details the

manner in which my personal reactions and observations were made during this journey. This

last element is a critical component to understanding this portfolio and enlightens the reader

to my approach to learning prior to, during, and after the field study.

Preparation for the field study

In order to better understand what was viewed during the field study, a one-semester

informal course was offered during spring semester 2006. This course involved readings

related to the topics of development, China, the East, globalization, and westernization. It also

incorporated presentations on geography and climate, history, marketing and stereotyping,

cultural norms, language, and general information. Further, videos on orientalism and

development (the Three Gorges Dam) were viewed and discussed by the group. These

endeavors facilitated our group dynamics while offering a foundational knowledge relating to

many facets of China that would be invaluable while processing all we were viewing during

the actual field study.

Personal preparation included working with language compact discs to try and

acquaint myself with the basics of Mandarin Chinese, reading guide books about China,

researching higher education in China, and examining materials recommended by professors.

Helvie-Mason 5

I also began a reflective journal to log my reactions to class discussions, information, and

concepts. This journal began as a forum for responses only, with my class notes being kept in

a separate binder, however, as I got to Shanghai I realized the value of having notes and

reactions in one location while traveling and modified the journal to function as a

multipurpose tool of recording notes and items, recording observations and questions, and to

critically consider what I was hearing and seeing throughout China.

Field study calendar of activities

Though the calendar of events seemed to change quite rapidly and without much

notice, particularly in Beijing and Deyang, detailed notes were kept while we traveled

regarding our group activities to include in this portfolio. To see the calendar of events and

informational links created after returning from China, see Appendix A.

Logging reactions and observations during the field study

As noted, a journal utilized during the travels allowed me to process the information I

was receiving in tandem with my personal observations, emotions, responses, and questions. I

heavily utilized this journal throughout my China experience. My first entry was made the day

I was selected for the journey and was maintained daily throughout the travel aspect of the

course. I continued to use the journal to reflect on China after I returned to the US. This

journal is honestly the true final project for this course, though impossible to submit as it is

raw and unorganized by theme. It houses the immediate, unprocessed reactions to what was

viewed each day and writing in it propelled critical thinking, questioning, and analysis

throughout the twenty-two day venture.

Educationally, the journaling process served as a reflective tool in my observations

throughout the China journey. Through this journal, one can see the development from a

Helvie-Mason 6

tourist and student to a true field observer and researcher. Samples and excerpts (denoted by

their presence in italicized text and single-spaced format) will be lifted from this journal and

included throughout this portfolio to aid in providing a comprehensive picture of the personal

and educational journey that has already become a profound component of my academic

career. The journal entries included in this paper have been extrapolated from my personal

journal of reflection during the field study. Excerpts were taken to expressly depict the

educational journey of the field study�to detail the progression of thought throughout the

travels�as well as to describe the narrative journey undertaken by this scholar. Such excerpts

serve this reflective portfolio well to detail the struggle of the observer between the tourist

mind frame and the observer/scholar mind frame while detailing the complexity of

international travel and intercultural exchange. Journal excerpt information is listed

throughout this portfolio in footnotes to show when and where the comments were created.

Maintaining this journal aided in the overall process of the field study in that it

facilitated reflection, critical analysis, and memory of information and events. In a way, it

served as a point of rumination, where there was no �right� or �wrong� response. The

freedom to express a range of thoughts and emotion within this context made the reflective

journal a truly powerful educational component of this field study design. It enriched the

overall field study. The journal also served to inform the development, content, and direction

of this final portfolio.

With the logistics and process of the field study preparation detailed, the following

section of the portfolio examines the key themes of study throughout the EASP 2006 journey.

Helvie-Mason 7

Reflective examination: themes within the field study What does it mean to be a college student in China? What role does higher education play in the development and marketization movements in China? As we land in our Guest House here at Shanghai Normal University, I cannot help but feel that the role of education in China is different from in the US, and hope to explore this impression more fully to be better able to articulate WHY I feel this way and further, what impact this impression may have on my overall educational observations.2 Shanghai seems pretty advanced to me, the university we are staying at has every amenity I would imagine a university to have�but there�s something missing and I can�t quite put my finger on it�a sense of youth? A feeling of rebellion so common at US institutions? A complete youth culture? Hopefully as the journey progresses I�ll be better able to articulate this feeling and will be interested in comparing this initial response at SHNU to other institutions in Wuhan at the end of the travels3. Our field study class has been held in odd places�the middle of Nanjing Lu and squeezed onto the noisy second story of the Guest House at SHNU. It has been absolutely captivating to

watch the students on this journey (myself included) respond to this �classroom� component of the field study. How will they adapt once we are holding class on the bus or train�things I wouldn�t be surprised to see as we continue to travel? As an educator, I have become instantly fascinated with the student culture being formed on this journey�how the students are responding to the professors, the guides, china in general, and one another, but moreover, how they are responding to being on a field study. The field study aspect of this course appears to have passed many of them by and there is an instant, tangible

feeling of resentment during the two class periods we have had so far. I�ll be interested to see if this feeling continues and, if so, how it manifests itself in the students� work.4 The concept of our personal educational journeys being shaped and housed by our

cultural background, time, and place in life, society, became the driving force behind my

2 May 8, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai 3 May 10, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai 4 May 12, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai

Helvie-Mason 8

observations after ten days in China and were first seen in these initial thoughts in my

responses in my journal. I realized through my reflective journal entries that my observations

about my peers� learning in this fluid, non-critical journaling format had become centered on

this concept of �cultural learning��more than learning about a culture different from one�s

own. Instead, cultural learning truly evolved in my journal as a way of seeing student learning

styles through their own cultural comforts relating to education and in relation to the culture

in which they are learning. In my journal, I was describing the transformative nature of this

educational concept where I noted,

Today I think I realized the true education of this journey is far-reaching. I�ve learned a lot about myself�more than I honestly thought I would and have found in myself a curiosity, a respect, and a renewed passion for my scholarship which has been waning after my constant pursuit of higher education became routine and devoid of such vibrancy that has bombarded me on this trip so far. One of the most surprising things I�ve learned about myself and my learning style has been my increased ability � borne of necessity, certainly- to relax about the things I cannot control, to let the journey happen and to know the schedule, once so vital to my life, may change. I may not know where I am going or what will be my destination, but I must be prepared to be critically engaged, to trust my own interpretation of the reading and have confidence in my ability to articulate my thoughts without time to collect/plan them in advance. Learning this has a direct and invaluable impact on my education and broadens my mind to new personal paths as well as educational paths and to value and appreciate each moment as I transform. The next question is how this informs my concept of transformative education and higher education culture. What does it mean to be engaged in reflective learning? How is one�s educational journey shaped by that level and depth of student engagement? Is experiential learning the best option for all students and what happens when the time/opportunity for reflection is lessened or absent? What would the experience look like then? Is it beneficial to shake students out of their comfort zone and if so, how does a teacher do this to provide the most benefit to the student? What does it mean that higher education values such experiences? Does the culture of higher education (a system of values) have standing norms of beliefs relating to these issues and, if so, what is the history of this belief structure comparatively between the US and China? These questions are washing over me in a rapid succession of thoughts that are continually being examined and reevaluated as we travel further into china and have more immersive experiences. I think these will lead to my final project on higher education as a culture and the field study in particular as a cultural experience that is completely immersive for the students though this immersion is only considering the learning element, into a

Helvie-Mason 9

discussion of the immersion into our host culture, though it could certainly be examined from that perspective as well.

Could I relate this to expatriotism and consider field study as a cross-cultural (educationally speaking) experience where students must adapt to thrive and grow and may experience cultural shock from a learning/scholar/learner perspective that may involve a time of adaptation in order to truly gain the most they can from the experience? This would be important for the educator to be aware of/consider/take into account while planning the journey [of a field study program], the events, lessons and even the return � to lessen learning culture shock and increase the plausibility of success while on that field study. It is interesting to think about how this would be done and consider the ramifications on the hosting institutions, home institutions, the instructors, and even the administrators who are controlling the overall journey.5

Though still in the form of a journal entry, reflective, narrative

and unstructured, these thoughts captured during the Beijing leg of the

journey detailed the purpose and intent of the learning journal I

maintained throughout the travel, but also showed the foundational

educational constructs that were becoming visible through the field

study: cultural learning, learning culture shock, programmatic design, and student responses

to field study programs as a true theme woven throughout my journey in China. As I answer

the thematic questions posed to the group about their observations, this educational sub-theme

of cultural learning will continue to be developed throughout the portfolio.

Therefore, this portfolio is a comprehensive approach to answering the assignment�s

general themes while furthering an exploration of the learning issues above. My personal

thoughts, experiences, journal reflections, and questions are woven throughout to detail my

personal narrative and my learning expedition.6

5 May 19, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing. 6 This overall portfolio holistically addresses the ninth assigned question: Story assignment: This is an opportunity for you to tell your story of EASP 2006 and reflect on your experience. The experience includes: What you learned about various places and people in China; What you learned about yourself and your surroundings�cities, culture, built environment, discourses, school, and new questions that you are now addressing

Helvie-Mason 10

History

History matters for the Chinese7, but it is a selective value. The Chinese exalt some

aspects of their history while demolishing other components: removing hutongs for progress

while upholding temples rarely used for worship but heavily trafficked for tourism�

destroying entire communities and archeologically rich locations to build the Three Gorges

Dam while having entire museums dedicated to extremely localized archeological finds

(Sanxingdui Museum in Guanghua City). This selectivity of value systems is not a criticism

of Chinese culture as all cultures around the world respond to their individual identity in a

similar manner; however the Chinese appear to be masters of this selectivity when it comes to

historical value systems. Viewing Chinese history throughout the field trip was a complex

intertwining of propaganda and parade with genuine glimpses into tradition.

At times, Chinese history appeared to be nothing more than a form of propaganda

designed to make tourists (and indeed Chinese citizens themselves) appreciate the power and

prestige of China. During other points of the field study, the concept of history appeared

deeply valued through family traditions, customs, and a respect for the past that was seen

during the later legs of the journey (Deyang and Wuhan in particular). It was through this dual

approach of propaganda and pride that I saw history written into Chinese culture, urban, and

built environments. City centers showed the tradition of respect for elders, respect for �green�

spaces, and the value of space for the people�s use. Yet, such spaces were simultaneously very

responsive to commercialization, marketing, money, and constant construction and change.

The same was true for the university settings, which were a personal emphasis for my

7 In response to the question: Does history matter for the Chinese? How is Chinese history written into urban and built environments? Identify historic places/monuments that a group like the Taliban would destroy in China, if the indent to destroy the identity of that country. List three, locate them in a historical timeline, and make an argument. (3-5 pages)

Helvie-Mason 11

scholarship (See Appendix B for a brief history of Chinese education to fully examine the

issue of history and education in China). The urban campus and suburban campus of Shanghai

Normal University showed the stark dichotomy between history and progress that seemed to

tug at China as it so rapidly strives for growth. The students at the older, urban campus

wanted to study at the suburban campus while those suburban students commented proudly on

their campus, the new facilities, and lamented their required tenure at the urban campus.

With such a dualistic, divided vantage of progress and history, understanding how a

group such as the Taliban would destroy the identity of China leads to three distinct options:

The Three Gorges Dam, Jin Mao Tower, and the Leshan Buddha. These choices are obviously

located across a wide geographical expanse of China, but more importantly, they offer the

deepest impact for historical destruction on the dualistic value structure (progress and history)

in place within China.

First, the Three Gorges Dam would

be an obvious choice for destruction. It has a

powerful purpose in its ability to provide

electricity to China, but more importantly it

has become a powerful symbol of

communism and �progress� for China.

Progress is denoted as the purposeful movement in a globally competitive environment with

the goal of success, leadership and recognition. With the completion of the Dam taking place

during our field study and after seeing it in person, I felt the Chinese sense of pride in the

project, despite negative global press relating to the displacement of residents, loss of history

through destruction of archeological locations, and the massive environmental turmoil. The

Helvie-Mason 12

Three Gorges Dam is a direct iconic image of the Chinese government and its attack would

severely wound the pride, power, prestige, and progress of the country.

The second historic component of China that would be a powerful target of a group

such as the Taliban is the Jin Mao Tower in Shanghai.

The intent behind such an attack would first be the level

of damage to the tower and surrounding economy-

enhancing elements. Shanghai�s rapid construction serves

as a symbol of the success of communism and the

presence of a dualistic market while valuing

commercialism and financial gain. By striking at such a

location in one of the largest cities in the world, a strong

message against such endeavors would be heard across China and indeed around the world.

During the field study we saw the conflict between progress and historical items in

Shanghai�s development as a city. The old aspects of the city were continually thwarted in the

name of progress and growth. By striking at the Jin Mao tower, a tower that houses much

pride and symbolic reverberations for such development, a group like the Taliban would find

swift anger and sadness. As Duncan (1989) remarked, the overall culture of a place is shaped

by the �crossroads� of ideology, political power, and place. My journal explored Duncan�s

concept of politics and place as I considered the sights in Shanghai,

It was interesting how the history of a location had such a lasting impact on the

present residents� perceptions of that place, its function, and its position in society.

What a strong role history, stories, and the transference (communication) of information about a place can have lasting ramifications in how a geographic location is viewed by insiders and outsiders (which likely differs). Also powerful was the role and impact of rituals

Helvie-Mason 13

and the creation of symbols (for power?) in a culture. These thoughts were driven home after reading Agnew and Duncan (1989) for today, I wonder at the lasting ramifications of how insiders and outsiders view a location and how that shapes the values held in the culture over time. It is powerful to consider this potential role/impact of rituals as well as the creation of symbols (for power?)�such as the Jin Mao Tower, which can be interpreted differently as a symbol when it is seen through different lenses: seen historically, geographically, or politically and further differ when considered by insiders or outsiders of that culture as the rapid development here in Shanghai continues to march on creating new symbols while recasting the old symbols. This reading, in tandem with the many buildings and places we have seen so far in Shanghai�and it is only the fourth day!�made me further wonder what �face� of Shanghai we are getting through the outsider tourist student Western (and variety of other) lenses that we are looking through. Are we being presented one image as tourists? Another as students? Will we see the �true� Shanghai? Can there be one �truth� of any geographic location? If so, could any one see it since we all create and experience our own realities? 8 While Duncan�s examples were discussed during class, the impact of these profound words

increased as we were observing the newness and commercialism of the city. Understanding

the cultural tie between such symbols, value, and place makes an attack on the Jin Mao Tower

devastating for the people of Shanghai.

Thirdly, I would attack the Leshan Buddha. This giant Buddha�s history in Chinese

mythology cemented this iconic image on this list of places to be attacked. The Leshan

Buddha was known as a protective source for those navigating the rough water of Leshan,

where three rivers converge violently. The construction of the Buddha led to massive amounts

of dirt, rock, and sediments to be dumped into the rivers, where the currents were forever

altered and the sailors became less threatened (safer) as the giant Buddha looked over them.

This story is representative of the traditions of mythology and stories in Chinese culture while

also being representative of the value placed on Buddhism. The Leshan Buddha would be an

excellent choice to strike at the religious and spiritual heart of Chinese people. Moreover, the

symbol of the Buddha (the protection of people) is directly analogous to the communist party

8 May 12, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai

Helvie-Mason 14

and their role in society. The destruction of the Buddha would be a massive historical blow to

the pride and purpose of China�s tourism, of its history, and of one of its religious values.

Attacking the Leshan Buddha would also be very efficient outcry against the larger dual

market economy as well as the �development� of the

region as a whole.

There are multiple tiers of impact to consider

when formulating a response to such a prompt,

including social, emotional, political, economic, and

historical tiers. As Duncan (1989) claimed, such tiers

carry strong symbolic and cultural impact.

Extrapolating from the pull of this symbolic and

cultural impact to declare three specific locations for

an attack on the Chinese value system involved the consideration of history, religion, politics,

and pride that led to the suggestion of the Three Gorges Dam, the Jin Mao Tower, and the

Leshan Buddha as points of impact. The attack of any one of these three noted landmarks in

Chinese growth, development and history would provide maximum damage to as many of

these tiers as possible.

As an educator I am interested in how we come to learn about concepts such as history

while on such a field study. How did our group learn about history in China? The answer to

this question came through several realizations in my learning journal that transpired while

observing history and its presentation to �the other� in Beijing:

Helvie-Mason 15

Learning about the deep history of Beijing has been so rewarding. But it was awkward asking for their information about Tiananmen Square. I haven�t felt awkward asking anything of a guide until today�s visit to Tiananmen Square where I truly realized that the history we are seeing as tourists are events that have been written by the victor and that history is indeed highly subjective�discourses are created and valued by those who interact with these spaces daily and the Chinese have continually used discourse to re-shape their views of Tiananmen Square. When Westerners like me and Mike ask Ray and Mr. Ni about this with our Western lens firmly affixed to our perceptions, it is a form of culture shock to hear responses so variable from what we have been taught before arriving in China. For the first time, I realized that we were being given the �approved version� of history when we are walking through the historical places here in Beijing and that despite the approachability, helpfulness, friendliness, and openness of our guides on this trip, they are still bound to their culture when discussing their history and currently, that culture is communist and constrictive by my western eyes. 9

This entry urged a consideration of discourse theory in the discussion of historical

value systems with the Chinese. Further, it critically examined how our group learned about

the places we were seeing and is a compelling argument for the transformative nature of such

learning endeavors where the students are thoroughly thrust into circumstances that require

critical thought and deep examination of values, concepts, and even historical events.

Discourse theory is grounded in post-structuralism which was waved like a banner

within the field study throughout China (though especially in Beijing). Torfing (2003, p. 4)

described discourse theory as a �tool for analyzing the more or less sedimented rules and

meanings that condition the political construction of social, political and cultural meanings

and identities.� Discourse has played a large role in the construction and perception of history

and politics in Chinese culture. This was seen through conversations with the Chinese held in 9 Thoughts adapted from statements made in May 16, 17 and 18, 2006 journal entries.

Helvie-Mason 16

Beijing, relating to Tiananmen Square, Chairman Mao, and the discussion of revolution

within the communist society. Within discourse theory is the belief that �Hegemonic

articulation is intrinsically linked to the construction of social antagonism, which involves the

exclusion of a threatening Otherness (�othering�) that stabilizes the discursive system while,

at the same time, preventing its ultimate closure� (Torfing, 2003, p. 5). Considering this with

the Tiananmen Square example, one can see how the government�s version of events after the

movement held in the Square has been perpetuated and reinforced within Chinese culture.

Further, Torfing�s remarks lead to insight into how threatened some people within China may

feel by the Western version of the events in 1989�such remarks begin to shake the bedrock

upon which one�s reality is built and by doing so, threatens the value and culture on which the

society thrives. Though restricted by brevity, this example of discourse theory within the

construction and perpetuation of Chinese history detailed the manner in which post-structural

realities may indeed vary. Further, it displayed that when cultures come together, as with this

field study (the American culture and the Chinese culture), discomfort, miscommunication,

and misunderstandings may arise.

It is within these cross-cultural communicative contexts that many students in the field

study began to truly feel they were the outsider, the �other� and, for perhaps the first time in

their lives, the minority. Such times of discomfort are ripe for powerful learning endeavors

and for true moments of transformation for the student learner.

Transformative learning is founded on Habermas� concept of emancipatory

knowledge, which is knowledge gained through critical self-reflection. Cranton (1994, pp. 10-

12) claimed emancipatory learning was,

Helvie-Mason 17

A process of freeing ourselves from forces that limit our options and our control over

our lives, forces that have been taken for granted or seen as beyond our control. This

kind of learning is constructed in nature and can be transformative. At times this

learning occurs independently of the educator; at other times it is fostered deliberately.

Unlike the other two types of learning, emancipatory learning is often a difficult and

painful process. (From Grill, 2002, para. 5)

Such transformative aspects of learning on this personal level can be incredibly

uncomfortable and emotional for students, particularly when in the midst of a travel excursion

that has already begun reshaping their worldviews and pushing at the values they consider

�normal� �typical� or �common sense�. Educationally speaking, instances such as this one

can play out with ease for some students while proving highly difficult for other students to

comprehend, consider, or appreciate. The students who struggled with embracing critical self-

reflection may have been mired in consumer-oriented learning (Cranton, 1994) where the

student looks directly toward the educator as the medium to meet their educational goals and

is hesitant or unable to view education personally and involve critical self-examination.

As I noted, this field study led me to consider the idea of cultural learning and with a

situation such as this learning scenario where history from the East meets versions from the

West with a clash, it is imperative to understand the student learner may struggle to

comprehend this on a personal and educational level and when in the midst of a new learning

environment that may clash with their �home learning culture.� This idea of student learning

through home cultural learning will continue to be addressed throughout examples mentioned

in the remaining themes. Educationally, this concept points to severe implications for cross-

Helvie-Mason 18

cultural learning in the global environment and speaks to students� comfort and willingness to

cross learning cultures and learning boundaries.

Ultimately, I contend the Chinese view of history is selective, changeable, shapeable,

and usable for political, economic, and social endeavors deemed beneficial for the greater

good. Further, this perception presented a unique learning situation for students during the

field study that challenged them to consider the concept of history, time, truth, and the past as

they viewed many cultural icons during their travels.

Life and Space What does it mean to live in a progress-driven country with roots grounded deeply in

the traditions of the past? China is in the midst of blending the old with the new and

examining the living spaces of its citizens showed that unique environment.

My journal entries emphasized some of my observations and questions relating to this

blending of old with new: concepts of power, development, tradition, history, and progress as

we were bombarded with these elements throughout our learning experience--from the

moment we arrived in Shanghai. These were ever-present aspects of our observations as we

traveled throughout China. Such overarching observations present important layers within

Chinese culture that urge consideration when addressing the question of where people live,

socialize, and interact in society.10 It is also important to note the multifarious layers of impact

these concepts have on educational spaces and development within China.

As the Chinese continue to emphasize development, the living spaces within the

country continue to evolve in a futile attempt to both keep pace with the future and maintain

10 In response to the question: Where do people live in the city? Compare and contrast hutongs, longtongs, and the home you stayed in Deyang, focus on both the spatial and social organizations, and how various cultural practices are carried out in this context (3-5 pages)

Helvie-Mason 19

traditional ties of the past that are the foundation of the culture and the people. A strong

example of the changes in living spaces as reflections of cultural values was noted in three

distinct living environments: longtongs, hutongs, and the home stay residence.

Beyond residential quarters, the social overtones of these areas carry whispers of the

cultural values held by residents and further provide evidence of how this value is manifested

in interactions with areas near the longtong, hutong, and the home stay residence.

Longtongs

Least visible to our travel group, longtongs were described as an important element in

understanding the use of space and community in China. The term longtong is an old

Mandarin Chinese term11 which means �store� and are now considered quite old fashioned.

Typically, longtongs were two-story buildings common in the small areas near and within

cities which specialized in their local community. In Shanghai, Zhejiang Street served as a

representative model of a longtong. This model of living is closed off from the street, with

stores and activities more inward-focused than the hutongs, which are open and out toward

the streets and throngs of people. The longtong has emphasized small businesses that cater to

the local community, with markets, shops, and boutiques that are geared toward those living

in the immediate area. This model of living in China was harder to see and describe with its

face purposefully away from the tourist and its energies focused inward.

Hutongs

The traditional hutongs seen during this travel excursion were experienced within the

Beijing visit. The hutong, or street, itself was a representation of the past with curving,

seemingly haphazard streets which held bike, rickshaw, and walking traffic only. A car could

11 According to Yongsheng Sun, Mandarin Chinese instructor, personal communication June 19, 2006.

Helvie-Mason 20

not pass down such narrow ways. Perhaps it is for this reason that hutongs are rapidly fading.

The businesses in this area are made up of small, community based entrepreneurship where

that business serves only a few people without an emphasis on productivity or efficiency.

Several such places were seen in two ways in Beijing: the traditional hutong the group saw

during the rickshaw rides and through the wandering walk Rikki, Mike and I took after eating

in the open air food stand. Seeing such a

unique living structure made me

comment in my journal:

Last night�s stroll with Mike and Rikki through the side streets will remain a powerful look into a Beijing-er�s life near monumental structures like Tiananmen Square and the Forbidden City. Such tourist areas seem to �spin� the desired message of the dominant group (here, today that would be the Communist Party). I wish I knew more of

the language so I could have chatted with these more local community members, asked them questions, and discussed more about their world. The funny thing about being a traveler is that you live in two different worlds; the tourist world/mindset who observes the culture around us as �the other� as in traditional anthropology and simultaneously we exist in the world of hoe�where we take on our experiences from �away� and bring them back to our everyday world where we are then impacting others� views of the culture we just visited�albeit through our own personal filter, but regardless, these two worlds will be combined when we discus or even think about this type of immersive experience and by holding such a mental position impacts our perceptions of the overall, total journey. It is interesting to think about the ripple effects of such a journey and moreover to contemplate how hose ripples will continue to grow and affect aspects of my life in the upcoming years.12

The hutongs obviously presented a strong impression, whether they were the most

traditional or this sense of community on side-streets seen nearer the Beijing city center. In

both types of hutong-based living places, businesses were designed to service the local

community with very small shops. The hair/barber shops we passed had only one or two 12 May 17, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing.

Helvie-Mason 21

chairs and a single sink while the restaurants had only one or two tables and a tiny cooking

area in the building. These areas seemed to

emphasize the local community while holding fast

to tradition. As our tour guide showed us in the

Beijing hutong area, homes were more

traditionally set up and relied on more traditional

beliefs about family member roles and social

status. The hutong home where we dined as a group was described in that detail showing the

families physically occupied the house based on their �traditional� role: the boy would have

one side (east) of the home while the girl would have another (west) with the parent to the

north. Family status was immediately and openly visible through door ornamentation. The

hutong represented a place where people lived, worked, and valued community. A sense of

community could be felt in the hutong; it seemed like a place one would know their neighbors

and serve them in their business (so they must have good relations with them in their every

day life). Culturally, this led to a nearly palpable feeling of �local people� when examining

the hutong. This seemed to be �their� community and I nearly felt intrusive in the

environment, as if this wasn�t a part of China four the tourist.

Such living and working arrangements show the value system of the citizens of that

region. From status to family responsibility and economic goals, the hutongs held a unique

face of China�one that has turned commercial to survive by offering rickshaw tours, sales of

trinkets, and the possibility of a tour guide to allow the outsider a glimpse into the traditional

hutong. How does this commercialization, marketization in this area shape the picture we saw

Helvie-Mason 22

as tourists? That was the very idea I struggled with while in Beijing and one that I continue to

work to define in the days since the travel aspect of the journey has concluded.

Home Stay Residence

In Deyang we were honored with the ability to stay with a family. My family�s home

showed true insight into yet another layer of life and society in China. It was a much more

upper to middle-class environment. My host family lived in a gated town house area that was

incredibly clean and well-maintained. It had a garage, an entry way, a �TV� room (though no

one ever went in or watched TV to my observations), the kitchen, Susie�s �floor� which

contained her room, the spare room, the study room, the laundry room, and two western

restrooms, the parents office area was on the next floor, with their bed room and closet. This

townhouse was large and truly represented a social status within the community as others

complimented my host parents on their home and living area. Despite the size of my host

family�s house it did not feel �homey� but rather more like a place where necessary tasks were

carried out, a pit stop in life. Both parents were engineers and Susie was normally a resident at

her school, which may have impacted this feeling. Unlike the hutong and longtong, this

community wasn�t as palpable�the home was away from the any true sense of community or

small businesses selling candies, sodas, ice creams or offering hair cuts as were most common

in the other regions. Within the gated community there were other children, though they were

rarely outdoors playing and it seemed much more an area where family�s were detached from

one another, private, less open to the market-style blending, and anticipated going outside of

the community to get one�s groceries, to have dinner out, to shop, and the like. So, in that

vein, the home stay location represented a forum for family�s to have privacy and to disappear

from the world they worked and played in.

Helvie-Mason 23

This space seemed to perpetuate the idea of the continual growth of a middle class

society in China that seeks material items, private (personal) space, and individualism. Such a

class movement is odd within the communist culture and works counter-intuitively regarding

the belief of socialism. However, of the three living spaces, the home stay region appeared the

most middle class based.

In summary, the use of space and living arrangements within three distinct Chinese

locations: the hutong, the longtong, and the home stay offered very different looks into values

held within those communities. While there were similarities in these areas, there were also

direct differences that can be seen on a values level and a seemingly progressive move toward

materialism within the home stay environment when compared to the hutong and longtong

environments. In all three areas, status played an important role. In the hutongs status was

denoted by the door decorations and ornamentation, in the longtongs status was more visible

through the general area and one�s surroundings, while in the home stay region it was seen

through the possessions (a car, townhouse, private drive, and computer). This issue of status

bled into how those inhabiting these regions interacted with one another. Those in the

disappearing hutongs we saw appealed to the tourists for economic revenue. Those in the

longtongs relied on one another and a more closed system. While those in the home stay area

appeared detached from the collective sense of community more than the other two regions.

Educationally speaking, these regions provided a hands-on look at the changing face

of the residential Chinese landscape through the lens of the local residents and offered an

opportunity for the students on this field study to engage with three diverse living areas and to

struggle to define those values held by each region�making the learning opportunity one that

dove into the heart of our understanding of Chinese culture, development, and progress.

Helvie-Mason 24

However, this examination of people and space was not the only opportunity the

students had to live what they were learning about. Students in Shanghai, Beijing, and Deyang

had an opportunity to examine the social interactions beyond the residential quarters by

experiencing the city centers.

City Centers

The center of a city is defined by the people who use that space and, much like the

residential areas above, the values and cultures of those people may be reflected in the usage

of that space.13 This section examines the overarching purpose of city centers by considering

who uses them and exploring the primary similarities and differences between the cities of

Shanghai, Beijing and Deyang. It is interesting to consider who has access to these �centers�

as well as who utilizes these spaces and for what reasons. Who held the power in these

regions? Who controlled them? To what end? These questions are all valid when considering

the use of city space and each city produced slightly different observations.

On my own, I went and wandered around People�s Square and looked into community as a construct in this area�how is community sensed? And paid particular attention to schools and their placement and location in my wandering between the subway, bus stop, and SHNU. I really felt like an outsider in this area away from the group and away from the university, but this feeling wasn�t negative: it was more a traveler�s perspective and I embraced this feeling to explore how I felt in relation to the area (uncomfortable, okay, confident, green, safe, etc). This proved a wonderful learning opportunity where I could explore, examine and reflect without groups and guides around, which I found beneficial to my thinking.14 Considering the use of space in this way was a new endeavor for me, from the field of

education (and not architecture or geography), but one which I ultimately embraced in my

journal writings and in my discussions with my peers.

13This section is in response to the question: What are the central functions and purposes of city centers in China? Compare and contrast the organization and use of the city centers in China. Describe and explain three main differences and three main similarities between the three cities you selected. (3-5 pages) 14 May 14, 2006 personal journal entry

Helvie-Mason 25

Shanghai My observations from Shanghai were some of the

first critical thoughts I had concerning the use of

space in China.

Once the site of horse racing, according to my guidebook, the People�s Square seems transformed. It was well-maintained and lined by shopping centers, the museum, theater and urban planning exhibition hall, it would appear geared toward tourist (especially when considering the street vendors) but it also was snug up against the municipal government building, which I assume was used for residents/locals.15

The People�s Square [Renmin Square] in Shanghai served as the city center (it had

easy access by subway, but walking around there to cross streets was rather difficult with

gates across the road, but walking access from museum easy enough). It seemed access was

open to all members of society because the subway and bus system both led to easy and

inexpensive access to this region. Further, vendors wandered the square selling their various

goods, from kites to jewelry. Workers appeared to lounge around the square entrances on low-

lying concrete walls and spoke informally on cell phones while eating. Older citizens were not

directly observed in this city center during my dual periods of observation. Nor was there an

over-abundance of tourists in comparison to locals. The Square, situated near a museum and

shopping area, appeared open, accessible, and utilized. However, it carried a nearly

indescribable feeling being a façade for those visiting. In my journal I noted,

Most of Shanghai feels like a mask held up to various audiences, as if those in Shanghai are attempting to impress someone or to show off something.16 It seemed most of Shanghai felt this way to me, a face put forward to impress westerners

through imitation of western city structures. Despite this general impression, the Square 15 May 10, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai 16 May 14, 2006 personal journal entry.

Helvie-Mason 26

remained a clean, safe, peaceful area for the public to truly make use of for recreation and

relaxation.

Beijing

Beijing�s design and layout was founded on historical, traditional concepts relating to

space, energy, and protection. As Ingersoll (1995, para. 8) noted,

The space of Beijing was conceived in terms of a directional ceremony that ultimately

pointed to heaven�It is organized in wards for the different peoples gathered in the

city, and leads up to a walled inner city in the north for all of the supporting staff and

administrators of the empire, inside of which is the Forbidden City, or the Purple city,

an area that covers a district of about a mile by a mile and a half. It serves as the

emperor's residence, with his court, his concubines, the court eunuchs and special

gardens, and as the name suggests is forbidden to most people. It is an architectural

demonstration of the order of the political world. The rituals carried out are meant to

appease heaven and demonstrate that the order of the world is functioning and

everyone is in their place. An artificial mountain was piled up with the earth used to

make the moat to terminate the axis. This was to satisfy the geomancy rules of

fengshui to interrupt the grand axis. And throughout the palace you will find spirit

walls and mirrors and bells on the eaves, all of which are part of the fengshui tradition

of thwarting the ill disposed axis. The positive energy is gained by contained spaces

like those of a courtyard.

Ingersoll�s poignant comments about the astounding historical element in the design and

layout of Beijing describe a city with spiritual, political and historical scaffolding. In Beijing

the city center was also called �people�s square� and was a more patriotic mirror of Shanghai.

Helvie-Mason 27

It seemed more patriotic due to the many Chinese flags flying all around Beijing. Those

making use of the space in Beijing included all those noted for Shanghai, but with an added

addition of the older generations, who were a very noticeable aspect of many open-air

recreational spaces in Beijing. The older generation practiced tai chi, played cards and board

games, and enjoyed music while people-watching. Their presence was strongly felt

throughout the city spaces.

Deyang

The river walk area of Deyang was the center

of this smaller city and held many activities from

walking to dancing, music, food, and quiet areas to

contemplate the statues that peppered the walkway.

This city center, in contrast to the �masks� of Beijing

and Shanghai, appeared completely genuine as I

walked the sidewalks with my host family. Everywhere one looked there were other families,

older citizens, groups of youth, and vendors meandering around with the same slow-paced

stroll. This area was obviously an area of pride for the host families, as they made it a point to

share it with us students and to point out the many uses of the walkway and the scenery. It

seemed that many people spent their evenings strolling around after dinner and this showed

the slower pace of Deyang, while simultaneously serving as a testament to the access and

openness of this particular city center. It truly was utilized by the local community as an area

of recreation and relaxation, which made it seem to be more owned by the locals than the

government or tourists (as in Beijing and Shanghai).

Helvie-Mason 28

In examining the similarities and differences of these three areas, all centers seemed

very �green� compared with the US, all were well-tended, and beautiful. Uses ranged to

relaxing, exercising, strolling, and by all ages for dancing, walking with children, and the

basic use of space for general recreation. Some sales people around all areas. While Beijing

and Deyang had more diverse ranges of citizens making use of the space, all three spaces

appeared to appeal to a variety of people. Included in all these areas were the constant

vendors, workers, tourists, students, and families.

Some differences may include the ways in which these areas were constructed, laid

out, vendors present more in some than others, and in access�could walk from �home� area

in Deyang, but more a journey to get there in Beijing and Shanghai, much more glitzy in those

areas than in Deyang. All spaces appeared used by local residents as well as travelers.

One interesting difference was the emotions each city center pulled out of this

observer. Shanghai seemed commercial with its many workers and vendors; Beijing appeared

historically and governmentally focused with flags flying, while Deyang seemed family-

focused. Emotionally, I was most drawn to Deyang�it felt more home-like in that people

were really informally wandering about. While Beijing and Shanghai felt like places to

observe and leave. Considering these different evocations of emotion is interesting as an

observation: What does it mean that the centers of these locations produced different

emotional responses in the observer? Would others agree or disagree? What does it mean that

access to these squares is incredibly open, that people freely make use of them, and that they

maintain a powerful use of green space/nature throughout their design? Such questions drove

the reflection in my journal as we traveled, discussed and responded to these areas.

Helvie-Mason 29

Asking such questions is a direct pull from the presence of a reflective learning journal

wherein the student is able to mull over an idea, to examine it from various angles after

discussions, conversations, observations, and readings thereby truly embracing the

multifaceted learning that is available within a field study environment. Further, this design

within the field study provided students with powerful opportunities for transformative,

emancipatory learning, though s noted some students may have been unwilling to break away

from their own learning culture to encounter new learning forums. One has to be prepared to

analyze and reflect on a personal level, embracing personal relationships to the learning while

in a new location that may often produce uncertainty in a learner who has rarely drawn on

personal reflection and critical thought before. This feeling may become exacerbated when in

an entirely foreign environment (where �foreign� includes the learning environment,

classroom environment, and physical living space during the travel).

Considering this educational process of �cultural learning� and development of the

students on this field study provided yet another way to examine the ever-present concept of

development, as a personal component, in China.

Development

When arriving in China, I sought answers to the role of education in development. I

was interested in the empowering nature of education in China in this country�s time of

economic change. Rapidly, it became apparent that development, as a concept, is quite

nebulous.17 Throughout the study abroad journey, I struggled personally to determine what

17 This section answers the prompt: How do you characterize development in China? Discuss theories from the class readings and build your analytical context and tools. Then make your points in regard to three principle development projects or processes that you came across. Demonstrate how theory informs observations and how observations inform analytical frameworks. (5 pages)

Helvie-Mason 30

development was in light of westernization, globalization, gender issues, poverty, social strata

and continued economic reform discussions.

Does development mean that you become like Europe or the United States who thrived off of industrialization?...How do countries develop? To want end and for whom?...What is the social, personal side of development?18 My journal entries relating to development were often more questions than answers, half-

explored thoughts leading to further questions and concerns about what it means to be a

developing nation, a developed nation, or undergoing

development. I often struggled with this concept

educationally as well as through our general class

discussions,

What is the bigger picture of history, politics, and the needs of society as China continues to grow and develop at such a rapid rate (where so much history is seemingly ignored, destroyed, and built over at an astonishing rate). How would this tie back into higher education? Is there the same push for growth and advancement in higher education? If so, what are the implications on students, teachers, and the community? Does the idea of place theory [Trancik, 1986] show parallels in the educational reforms that have begun to truly shape China over the past decade.19 The one truth I can bring forward from my contemplations about development in China is the

fact that such rapid rates of development directly related to the view of progress and the

emphasis the Chinese government has continued to place on �progress� and �advancement� in

all levels of society�from complete redesigning cities earmarked for growth (Mianzhu) to

the Three Gorges Dam and the recent overhaul of the higher education system: China values

reflect a growing emphasis on changing to be more globally competitive.

18 May 12, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai 19 May 13, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai

Helvie-Mason 31

Questioning in this reflective manner allowed me to function through an analytical

framework which served to emphasize higher education development as it impacts so many

elements of society. This analytical framework focused on the following key elements in the

pursuit and achievement of higher education in China: opportunities, choices, personal

freedoms, the role of reform, the student perspective, symbols in and of higher education in

China, and faculty life.

These elements, when analyzed through the reflective journal, direct observation,

informal interaction and dialogue, and direct contact with institutions (and members) of

higher education across China led to a more complete understanding of the term

�development� as it relates to higher education. These elements allow a framework form

which to analyze higher educational development in China and further, add to the broader

understanding of development discussions in general.

Systems theory provides a compelling theoretical lens from which to view the concept

of development as spelled out through this analytical framework. General Systems Theory

(GTS) has been utilized in understanding systems of education (Hong, Al-Khatib, Magagna,

McLoughlin, & Coe, n.d.) in recent years and can be particularly useful when referencing

systems undergoing reform or change as in most of China at this current time. As Laszlo

(1991) noted, �What we are now living through is the transition from nationally based

industrial societies to an interconnected and information-based global economic and social

system� (para. 1) and it seems China has gotten this message. As China continues to

progressively move toward a more globalized economy, the higher education system has

become a forum for change. Such changes were seen within the larger analytical framework

and will warrant a brief explanation in relation to systems theory.

Helvie-Mason 32

By examining development in higher education through this particular framework, one

can begin to see the true stakeholders� positions systematically as higher education continues

to change in China. Education functions as a major part of the larger system that is China. By

shaping that component of the infrastructure, China is attempting to increase their global

status educationally, as well as economically and politically (Mok, 2005, p. 77). As education

changes, the global status of china changes more toward the image that the Chinese

government seeks�the graduates that are now part of the global initiatives China has adopted

are huge influences on this image and truly will impact the other aspects of the system.

Visiting scholars from China carry with them the values of China to many parts of the world

while serving as living symbols of China. Further, the open-market system has made higher

education in China competitive with internal and external institutions and with careers in

higher education. By examining this particular analytical framework, one can better

understand the system theory of Chinese higher education development:

These five elements examined within the analytical framework detail what efforts China has

currently undertaken in order to modify the overall system and develop the realm of higher

education to be globally competitive while maintaining the values important to the

Opport-unities and Choices

Personal Freedom

Reform Faculty Students

Chinese higher education development

Helvie-Mason 33

government. The faculty and student blocks are listed with a slightly larger size and color than

the other three elements as their input into this analytical framework offers distinctive

vantages on the other three areas and represents the human element within the higher

education system in China. Their vantages will be noted within the three areas of

opportunities and choices, reform, and personal freedoms. It is important to note that this

analytical framework is one that is highly shaped by my personal Western perception of what

education should be, what it ought to be in society, and what ends it is designed to produce

(productive, critical citizens) which warranted recognition as a caveat of this exploration

before examining these points in detail.

What opportunities and choices existed in higher education as we saw it in China? For

students interested in pursuing higher education, there was a thorough systems mentality

which emphasized the parts being good for the whole (collectivism). The students were often

inundated with the value that they were but one small part of a larger China, which they

accepted in limited options, more controlled choices, and restricted (from a Western vantage)

opportunity. They played into this larger system in several ways that served as emphases on

the system of higher education�employment, economics, and politics were a large

consideration as students pursued higher education and ultimately their careers. However,

opportunities within higher education were often directed for the students�guided by the

administrators, instructors, and government through examinations and their scores. This was

evident in how the overall higher education structure was designed, reformed, and run�but

was most poignantly obvious in the discussions with the students, as I noted in my journal,

My conversations with the pupils here in China have been the most powerful insight into Chinese education. I feel I�ve seen a more complete image of education and its role in society in our time in Chengdu and Wuhan more than our times in Shanghai or Beijing simply based

Helvie-Mason 34

on student interactions. I�ve gotten so many emails � I can�t wait to get back to functioning computers to continue communicating with these kids. From seeing the first grade class at the Deyang Foreign Languages School to talking with master�s students at Wuhan Institutive of Physical Education and Hubei University to our home stays with fifteen-year-old students in high school, I feel I�m better able to understand the China I have spent so much time trying to know about.20 The students� vantage was a deeply helpful perspective to have in understanding opportunities

and choices in higher education. Students spoke

of being limited in their choices for major fields

of study, for careers, in their overall

opportunities, and even in which courses they

were taking at younger ages. Student

opportunities for higher education varied by

region, birth order, and sex (Morris, Eddy

Spaulding, Murphy, & Malberg, 1997). In Wuhan we were told it was common to send the

male child to college first, to insure there was enough money for his education, before

considering sending a female child, even if she was older. Many students had to work

incredibly hard for opportunities to go abroad, which was seen as a great honor. Further,

graduate study was an opportunity many spoke of seeking without little hope of attaining due

to the increasing competitiveness the students felt in higher degrees. Nearly every student

spoke of wanting to visit the United States as a visiting scholar or international student �if I

study hard enough�. Opportunities, therefore, seemed to exist�but only appeared applicable

to an elite and distinctive portion of the students. In spite of this perception, exchanging

students on an international scale was an increased topic in each institution we visited. For

example, at Deyang Foreign Languages School I commented, 20 May 28, 2006 personal journal entry, Yichang

Helvie-Mason 35

The principle, Mr. Ho, has commented on exchange students� role in educational growth and development in the region�moral and ethical emphasis on students to have a �sincere affection� toward other people and the world. This seemed to be an emphasis on individualism, which made me wonder about the success of pushing this value in a communist, primarily collective society? International exchange programs were touted to �experience world wide education� and to get the best of education and �understand the best education� and �work for world education� and be �participants�. I wondered how students balanced this push to be active participants in the world while simultaneously experiencing the historical separatism that defined China for so much of its recent history.21

The faculty, on the other hand, seemed to seek out opportunities and make choices

based on what institutions needed (not what the individual needed), though this generalized

statement is based off of the handful of faculty members I talked with and so must be taken

carefully as one researcher�s observation. Often, they become employed at universities where

they attained their advanced degrees thought this is one element attempted complete change

within Chinese higher education reform. Further, they are often required to live on campus in

faculty living structures, which look like apartments, and have very little input into the

direction of the curriculum, teaching loads as most of this is mandated by the government

(Hanling, 2005; Jie, 2000; Lin, 2005; Wenbin & Yong, 2005).

Here again, the interweaving elements of systems theory pull together to shape the

landscape of Chinese education in terms of development in that it is important to note the

economic issues currently shaping China�changes that increasingly bleed into the higher

education sector under the heading of �reforms� and inform discussions relating to

development in China (for a brief overview of historical reforms in Chinese education, see

Appendix B).

These are issues that Duan recognized when claiming, �Tremendous economic

development in China has stimulated reforms in higher education that have resulted in some

21 May 23, 2006 personal journal entry, Deyang

Helvie-Mason 36

remarkable changes� (2003, para. 1). The economic shift in China, from a state-run to a

market-driven economy, has led to increased competition for institutions of higher education.

This has led to campus expansions, programmatic shifts, and complete overhauls in the

progress and direction of some institutions. Such reforms that go along with what Mok (2005,

p. 70) called the new decline of government involvement in university direction and planning.

This will greatly impact the curriculum, course offerings and schedules, and teaching loads

which were often done without input from faculty�making a key area of faculty concern in

China one of voice and empowerment in this era of change.

As noted, in China, most scholars who sought their terminal degrees could anticipate

employment by the degree-granting institution. Further, they could count on remaining their

entire career at that institution throughout their academic career (Lin-Liu, 2004b). This model

was a foundation of higher education hiring and promotion since the Cultural Revolution. Yet

in the past several years, many institutions have shifted to a more competitive, tenure-based

system of hiring and promotion that includes more emphasis on merit than on affiliation,

which bans the hiring of students who attended that university, and which incorporates a

renewed interest in research (Lin-Liu, 2004a; Meirong, 2005).

Further, that imperative role of continual, multidirectional reform in the higher

education informs the overall system in China�particular through the economic impact that

is continuing to reverberate throughout mainland China in the wake of marketization (Zhao &

Guo, 2002; Zeyu & Younghua, 2003). However, in this system it is also clear that political

reverberations may be felt. As scholars are taught one �right way� of thinking or feeling

regarding issues of policy and even topical, educational issues there is a sort of enculturation

of political mindsets that allows the system itself to function in a group-think mentality

Helvie-Mason 37

without high levels of criticism rocking the system from the inside (despite the fact such

criticism may come from the larger global system). The educational component of the system

impacts the political component, which in return re-impacts the educational system through

policy and reform in an on-going cycle of influence and impact.

Development, when examining the vantages of faculty members and students on the

concepts of opportunities and choices as well as on the continual presence of sweeping and

large-scale educational reform, continue to impact the last element of this analytical

framework, personal freedom.

Sen (1999) noted, �Adequate conception of development must go much beyond the

accumulation of wealth and the growth of gross national product and other income related

variables without ignoring the importance of economic growth, we must look beyond it� (p.

14). Within the systems theory approach, Sen�s comments are powerful: recognizing the

contribution of wealth to choice, opportunity, growth, and development while simultaneously

pushing beyond this basic concept of development to seek what other elements may inform

the term development. Within China�s education, that concept is personal freedom. How can

we begin to examine the concept of development without looking to see the people behind the

system, behind the institutions? With a profoundly Western vantage, my personal belief is that

education should be empowering, freeing, and involve a highly critical component�however

the ability to question, to choose, to analyze with a critical lens, and to promote alternate ideas

or beliefs is indeed a personal freedom and, according to Sen, may be a component to

understanding development itself.

China is opening in terms of a market system, it has evolved into the dual market that

exists today and will continue, in that function, to be a key player in the global interactions as

Helvie-Mason 38

a functioning portion of the larger global system. Systems theory necessitates the impact of

one part on another, which leads to the issue of development and globalization and the

question of the impact of globalization on this issue of personal freedoms. By working to

compete with the western world, China�s education system has become much more

competitive and open and is slated to emphasize global education and international exchanges

(Zeyu & Youngua, 2003) in the upcoming years. Could it be, therefore, that the opening of

China has led to an increase in personal

freedoms for students and faculty in higher

education within China? Systems theory shows

the impact of one part of the global system may

influence the next and indeed, the Chinese

education systems appears to be highly

influenced toward reforms recently � reforms that may ultimately result in increased freedoms

and ultimately aid in the development of China in terms of such freedoms and non-economic

measures of development. Perhaps then such conversations as the one on student exams in

Wuhan Institute of Physical Education that shocked the American students as it was

discovered just how few professional and educational choices students have in China will

become a thing of the past. This realization on student options prompted this journal entry,

The college chooses you and then the college tells you your major. Students are told to do that subject�your options and power [in China] depend on overall performance at a high level. The more proficient you are in any and all areas, the more you �buy� yourself choices, power, and your own direction.22

In order to understand the role of education to development, systems theory was

examined in respect to an analytical framework that emphasized the vantages of both students 22 May 26, 2006 personal journal entry, Wuhan

Helvie-Mason 39

and faculty members. This is but one of many ways to examine the concept of development

(and indeed of education) in China. By noting the impact of China�s education system on

other parts of the system, including politics, economics, and global endeavors one can begin

to understand the Chinese view of �progress� and �development� as it unfolds in this era of

educational reforms.

Development is freedom, it is options and the ability to make choices and decisions related to one�s education. Economic development--multi-tiered, just look at the Three Gorges Dam project, but often forgets the concept of sustainability. ..Are there connections between development, city growth, population increase, and the progressive movement of the rural population to urban areas? Is education being developed? Is the strong economic push for education helping general development? Pushing development through education may lead to a social shift in education�s perceived value in society.23 Despite open consideration of what development means educationally, politically, and

economically, my own journal entries showed the continual struggle to break away from the

Western, democratic ideals that had become so ingrained in my value system relating to the

issue of development and the role of education. By examining the issue of higher education

through this analytical framework, it pushed me to consider issues apart from my own

personal perspective, though those personal lenses are always a part of the observer. The

analytical framework allowed topics to be examined as they challenged the notions of

democracy, communism, personal choice, and the role of education in society.

Though brevity drove the truncated discussion of systems theory, its web of

connectedness when examining global and national impacts on education (and indeed

education�s global and national impact) offered a brief glimpse into the world of educational

development in China as the country continues to define and redefine its role in the global

landscape.

23 May 27, 2006 personal journal entry, Yichang

Helvie-Mason 40

Stereotyping

Lippmann (1922) described a stereotype as a picture in our head. Niemann (2003, p.

102) examined the psychology behind stereotypes and remarked �Stereotypes involve the

unintentional or spontaneous activation of a well-learned set of associations or responses.

They do not require conscious effort and appear to be initiated by the mere presence of a

member of a different ethnic group (Devine, 1989).� Understanding the role of such thinking

on a field study is imperative in critically examining the learning process, cultural

interactions, and personal observations throughout such a journey.

Dr. Messineo began discussing the media representation of Asians in US niche marketing. Her talk really drove to the heart of stereotyping as she urged us, �Think of everything you �know� as a mediated or non-mediated experience�if most is mediated, you have to ask about the source, the reliability so you can trust your sources� which was really powerful in understanding how images play off of the larger stereotypical beliefs of a society, particularly with what Dr. Messineo called the �model minority� mentality concerning Asians. Once I really began to look into this concept, I realized how powerfully the media does shape my perception of the Chinese culture and its members. I will be sure to analyze my own subconscious intake of this material and will work to analyze how these images and values are portrayed in the media I consume. On the reverse side, I�m eager to see the perceptions held by the Chinese we meet of Americans�if it is anything like my other trips overseas, Americans are seen as rich, conceited, and only interested in sex and drinking�Dr. Messineo gave me a lot to consider and I look forward to engaging with these concepts once in China.24 Most of the preconceived ideas I held about Asian cultures and about China in general

were based on old movies and political news slanted through Western lenses, so the field

study itself led to my experiences where I realized just how uninformed my previous notions

had been.

Previous beliefs about what China25 and its people would be like were much in line

with Dr. Messineo�s discussion of typical, Asian stereotypes�and were dashed the moment

24 February 8, 2006 personal journal entry, Ball State University, Muncie, Indiana. 25 Written in response to the question: How does stereotyping play out in the Chinese context? In our first meetings, we watched Edward Said�s Orientalism, Dr. Messineo talked about stereotyping in regard to niche

Helvie-Mason 41

we touched down in Shanghai. The people were not meek portrayals of a �model minority�

but were people. Pushy, aggressive, struggling to get their place in line, but simultaneously

caring for their children, holding the hands of loved ones, and talking animatedly on their cell

phones. People, at this moment, were simply people. Their values, traditions, history, and

language were different from mine perhaps, but in the end the first realization on landing in

Shanghai was a powerful guidepost for the remainder of my trip and the ability to respect and

feel respected.

However, this realization�s power could not overcome the �otherness� or the

�whiteness� I felt that first week in Shanghai. Holding class on Nanjing Lu was an amazing

illustration of the �otherness� that so many students hadn�t felt until put into the position

where we were the ones on the outside of the majority status. For many this was a

disgruntling experience. Though I had felt something similar in a previous time overseas, this

class was profound. In my journal, I noted:

I was not used to being stared at, pointed at, or followed though this also happened to me while in Honduras at least there I could speak the language and know what was being said! We sat down for a brief class session in the middle of Nanjing Lu (a crazy idea as it was nearly impossible to focus) where we discussed Yuyuan�s ability to put forward the face people (tourists) wanted to see�both the Chinese and us American students are working from preconceived ideas of one another and stereotypes. I realize that shifting from the insider view to the outsider view and back again has been difficult for me�in part due to language and in part to the rushed nature of our trip with so little time for true observation and reflection. The closest I felt to the insider view was at Xu Hui Campus with the students who were so open and willing to invite us into their world, but where we had so very little time with them to go deeper than superficial conversations. I�m sure as the trip progresses we will continually find it easier to situate our minds around this insider/outsider perspective, but in all honesty these first days has shown how much of a struggle this may be.26

marketing, and you read the �whiteness� paper. Now that you have traveled in China for three weeks, how would you relate your experience in Asia to these theses? How did these discourses play out (and did not) in China? (5 pages) 26 May 10, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai

Helvie-Mason 42

I struggled with this insider/outsider and tourist/observer mindset throughout the trip and

found this played out in how I faced my preconceived notions throughout our travels, as well

as how I approached the topic of whiteness and orientalism,

How are we perceived when we travel ad when we walk around the part of town that is touristy versus the part that isn�t? How we are viewed may become important as we continue to realize how many people are looking�Yesterday in Nanjing Lu we were the �other� as we held class. We were stared at, taken pictures of and followed. In China, 92% of the population is Han and they are the �us� in this country and the remaining 8% are of 45 minority groups.

How does this relate to the three ways to perceive whiteness [Frankenberg, 1997]: national? Racial? Ethnic? Truly Whiteness is a process not a thing! 27 The whiteness discourse is interesting to my qualitative researcher�s mind where I can ponder the impact of the whiteness on the researcher and the observer, both, in situations such as this field study where cross-observation is occurring and where identity and understanding are constantly being renegotiated.28

Observations and lines of thought about how one forms their identity, how that

identity may alter and change as the majority/minority status changes, as the insider/outsider

status changes, and as the personal feelings of

the individual is altered in relation to the

society they live is was compelling and

occupied a large portion of my journal

contributing to the topic of stereotyping and

learning. Clifford (1988) remarked upon the

power of breaking away from ethnocentrism to examine the heart of the experiences while in

new locations, and prompted this contemplation,

There must be an inherent discord socially with these elements of travel (between the insider and outsider). No matter where we travel we carry expectations of what we will encounter there BEFORE ever seeing that environment. Maybe those expectations aren�t always cliché, but they�re always present�by defining the �other� as the opposite of us, the �self�, then we 27 May 11, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai 28 May 11, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai

Helvie-Mason 43

perpetuate the cycle of self-definition, cultural creation, and identity�We are lumped together as Americans�despite the range of political views from highly conservative to extremely liberal, the range of religions from Buddhism to atheism and Christianity, and the range of experiences and socioeconomic backgrounds.. We want to be seen as individuals, but we continually talk about the Chinese people in generalities and as a collective.29

Clifford�s (1988) reading pushed at students to consider whiteness while considering

their roles as travelers and observers in the Chinese culture. It served a more subversive role,

along with Said�s video on Orientalism and Dr. Messineo�s lecture, as a prompt to push the

students out of their comfort zones and into considering themselves and their learning

processes in new ways.

So often our education is seen as bounded by the walls of a classroom and in that

capacity is limited in pushing the students beyond their cultural comfort zones to see what

happens when roles are reversed or when they are challenged in their views. This field study

offered a great opportunity to see how scholars would approach a learning situation where

they were often uninformed of what was coming up, where they were going, what would be

expected of them, and who would be there. This allowed the students to work outside of their

�learning cultural model� to which they�ve become accustomed.

As I journeyed on this trip I realized students indeed have inherent and embedded

learning culture models: they have one particular way in which they have learned, one way

that is comfortable and well-known to them, one way that they feel is the �right� way. Within

their home learning culture, they know all of the small cues to behavior, expectation, and

norms. However, operating outside of that cultural learning model produces a wider vantage

and pushes at students to learn beyond their own culture�the downfall is the fact that they

may often balk at such a cultural push, at the discomfort of not knowing, at being uncertain,

29 May 11, 2006 personal journal entry, Shanghai with June 7, 2006 personal journal entry, Fairmount, IN.

Helvie-Mason 44

without confidence that their everyday behavior will produce the success they knew in their

home learning culture. By becoming �the other� some students were able to awaken to the

possibility of lines of thought that had previously been off of their radar as it had lain outside

their visibility, outside of their learning culture and was therefore unknown to them. They

truly embarked on emancipatory and transformative learning. However, other students were

frozen by being in the role of �the other� and unable to move beyond the uncertainty or the

newness of their roles as the outsider and were further unable to challenge themselves to learn

in this mental landscape of a new learning culture.

How would an instructor know if a student will awaken or freeze in a new learning

culture? Perhaps there is no direct way to understand this or to predict it. However, the

discussions on orientalism, whiteness, and �the other� held in advance of this field study may

have provided cogent opportunities in which to push at students by putting them in �mock�

cultural exchanges.30 I contend, though, that such mock situations will not offer a clear insight

into the potential responses of student�it takes complete immersion into a new learning

culture. This may be an entirely new environment, as China was to these students, but it may

also be a different section of the student�s hometown, a rural area near their institution, or just

involve completely different types of people than the student is used to interacting with.

Regardless, it appears the student needs a shock or jolt to get over their home learning culture

and open their mind to a new way of learning, a new style of learning, and a new way of

viewing themselves in relation to their learning experience. Some students may immediately

leap at the opportunity or challenge of a new learning culture while others may fight it. Both

students may ultimately cross over their own cultural learning boundaries as the journey 30 As described by Dr. Eva Zygmunt-Fillwalk in our group lecture and activity on valuing culture, April 20, 2006

Helvie-Mason 45

progressed, but not all students will�some will remain frozen by the newness and

strangeness of a new learning culture and deadlocked in their own comforts.

In a way, therefore, the topic of stereotypes is deeply enmeshed in how I learn and was

a self-reflexive topic for me�one that included a constant negotiation of who I am in relation

to my educational endeavors and how I thought about and interacted with the world around

me. In hindsight, I realize that before arriving in China, I viewed the Chinese as a group of

people who were oppressed, who were held down by their government, who were sad, and

who were industrious, intelligent and innovative. While these were stereotypical, they were

the feelings and expectations sitting in the back of my mind, buried underneath the cloak of

political correctness that denied any preconceived notions about people I had never met and

claimed no generalized statements about groups of people. After reflection and after the

experiences in Nanjing Lu, Yuyuan, Hangzhou, and West Lake, I realized truly that holding

stereotypes is natural, but one has to be willing to recognize them, analyze them, discuss them

and discard them. When one is not open to understanding a person or when one clings to the

stereotypical beliefs�hindering the ability to accept anything other than what they have

already decided they will see, stereotypes block the learning process on field studies.

Educationally speaking stereotypes can provide strong points of discussion that

prompt a student to empathize and move beyond their own learning culture while

simultaneous providing opportunities for self-reflection and exploration. Yet, not all students

are willing or able to look beyond their own learning culture, their own culture, and may be

unable to explore the topics of stereotypes beyond a limited scope of. It is my belief, though,

that pushing at students to reflectively explore, define, and understand their stereotypes as our

Helvie-Mason 46

group before, during, and even after (in our journals) our journey has provided room for

growth beyond one�s home learning culture.

Gender

The relationship of gender to society and educational endeavors in China presents a

topic ripe with value conflicts and full of historical divisions as was as Western perceptions

that vary drastically from Chinese perceptions on the topic of gender. 31 I was intrigued to

pursue the concept of gender in China from two

distinct levels: social and academic. This dual

examination will allow insight into the social

construct of gender while examining how

gender played out in educational institutions.

We hung out with our host-siblings today as they went to the mall to shop and wander around town. It was Susie, Jim, ZhuZhu, Pizza, Galen, Stevie, Jessica, Kate, Malynne and I and we had such fun. It was nice to see the world from the students� vantage point and I found the gender interactions intriguing. The girls bossed around Jim, Jim and Galen were best friends and Galen commented that it was okay to be a �tom boy��but the girls still stayed within �female� roles and the boys with masculine roles when at the school, banquet, and after school activities from what the Ball State students have said.32

When considering social and academic venues, it is imperative to note the added belief

that gender issues in China have a political sphere (both socially within the government as

well as academically through administration at schools and universities).

Socially there were many places that women were present that I found exciting: the

upper governmental offices in Mianzhu, the China National Erzhong Group factory, and in

31 Written in response to the question: What did you learn about gender relations in China? Address this issue at two different levels, for example, household and public. Use your experience with your host family and other hosts. (3 pages) 32 May 22, 2006 personal journal entry, Deyang

Helvie-Mason 47

upper institutional administration in many of the universities. However, when speaking with

the girls and women personally, their opportunities in education and in the social realm were

two distinctly different gender spheres. Many women appeared to feel socially equal to men:

they felt they could advance at an equal rate and be put into positions at an equal level to their

male counterparts33 but maintained that their home duties were still driven by their sex. In

short, that they were to be a dutiful wife based on Chinese customs and culture regardless of

their work, status, or desires. They believed this was not a conflict with employment,

education, or status level but rather their social role as a female and/or parent was to take care

of the male and the child domestically. While there were exceptions to this belief, it was

interesting to see it play out in my host family,

Intriguing to consider the use of space from a gender perspective, as suggested in the reading [Blunt & Rose, 1994]�At home, my host dad has not used the kitchen except when telling Susie to get me a beverage or to get a slice of watermelon. He sits at the breakfast table and my host mom serves him�refilling his cup in the morning and handing him his food. She has a higher position in the corporate world than he, but is behaving like a servant at home?! The issue of gender in china is puzzling�In Mianzhu City officials were female and at the top but did they hold any power�one cannot talk about equality and rights without considering who holds the power and what is done with that power. Consider issues of birth control, �family planning� and human rights when discussing the term equality for women�How does education enter into the gender dialogue? What roles, gender related, have women played in this aspect of China?34 At Hubei, my partner-student informed me that his older sister had to wait for him to get

through college before she would be allowed to attend and that this �second best� vantage for

girls who had brothers was incredibly common throughout China and the Hunan area where

he was from. He was clearly proud of his sister, but did not see anything wrong with the

33 Comments based on conversations with two high school students, four college students, and two women in their mid-twenties while in Deyang and Wuhan. 34 May 24, 2006 personal journal entry, Deyang/Wuhan

Helvie-Mason 48

system though he noted it places a burden on the males in such situations to be highly

successful.

It as through this conversation that I began to see how truly subversive and ingrained

the inequities were between the sexes�the elevated level of the males in the domestic strata

of society was so much a part of the culture and tradition that it was accepted without

questioning (or rather without overt questioning on an organized, vocal scale) by the men and

women within China. While women may succeed as much as men, they are denied an equal

access to education based on the tradition and culture of the people, not the higher education

system itself. In this manner, one can state that gender inequalities continue to exist within the

social realm of Chinese society. Further, the educational system itself actually serves as an

equalizer where women and men (boys and girls) alike work to prove themselves based on

merit.

These observations are borne out of my distinct experiences with the students and my

host family while on the field study and as Tufte would describe, borne of my personal

cultural framework (1990). Coming to know gender in China was inherently seen through my

one lens as a Western feminist, as a teacher of women�s studies at the university level, and as

an activist for women�s rights. Declaring this perspective is important in understanding the

reality I saw (which is not the only reality) when it comes to gender relationships and status in

China today. My reflective writing demonstrated the constant struggle to recognize my

personal bias and framework while examining the issue of gender in China,

The first female dean at Hubei University�traditionally male-centered, but after 1949 the sexes were �declared� equal through the eyes of the communist party and the government, in its goals and designs, has worked to make that equality a reality. This is strong progressive thinking, but the structures haven�t changed [the traditional structures] Female students say they need to do better on exams so their school can become their [path to] freedom�they

Helvie-Mason 49

compete with boys for money and opportunity, so the stress for females may become overwhelming [when considering the education provides one of the only avenues for equality in the social realm of Chinese culture]35 Can the government truly mandate gender equality when disparity is so embedded in

traditional thinking? Apparently it can begin to make strong progress in the academic,

political, and business realms. The societal, domestic arena is proving to involve a slower

shift toward equality�but my host family showed signs of embracing new mindsets amidst

their own confusion about roles and �place� socially:

My host mother detests cooking. She goes to the corner pastry shop for breakfast for Susie and I and has only cooked one traditional Chinese breakfast and no lunches or dinners. She is a major administrator in her factory and is an engineer (like my host father), but she seems to show signs of resistance to the domestic lifestyle. She�s rarely at home and I have never seen her clean anything more than the dishes in the sink. This is directly contrasting to the experiences my classmates remarked on today, but I could not comment to the contrary on their points as my host mom still seems subservient in her attitude, in her serving my host father, and in her overall demeanor.36

As Rose (1993) noted, different spaces and

places have different levels of impact on concepts

of gender. Throughout this line of discussion

regarding gender relationships in China, there is the

undercurrent of feminism that takes place away from the traditional masculine forums and

without using the traditional masculine places. Rose remarked, �Teresa de Lauretis depends

on spatial images too when she describes the resistance to hegemonic identities of the subject

of feminism; she says that this resistance assumes a position �elsewhere�, beyond the limits of

masculinist discourse� (1993, p. 139).

35 May 26, 2006 personal journal entry, Wuhan 36 Comments derived from notations made within May 24, 2006 personal journal entry, Deyang

Helvie-Mason 50

Resistance, seen through my host mother, in an attempt to renegotiate her role, her

responsibilities, and her physical space in the house was a minor push against the system�a

subversive stance against the typical wifely behaviors (no cooking, dining out, working long

hours, etc). A push that may be a movement that many women in the trenches of such long-

standing traditional beliefs find is the only way to begin to move toward the changes they

wish to see in society. Much like the women in the US in the quest for suffrage, the Chinese

women today have to work within the masculine systems in order to begin dismantling them.

This relates directly to the concept of infrapolitics and shows yet another dimension to

Chinese culture both in the social and academic realms.

Gender, therefore, in China is a complicated issue under the same rubric of

development that so many other facets of China continue to face in the last decade of intense

change and shifts in value systems. As China continues to grow and build off of industrial

notions of development, her people have undertaken steps toward tentative changes that are

slowly subverting the long-standing traditional value of the male�s place in society. The point,

though, is that such development takes time and as of yet, equality is still an elusive goal. One

that no nation, not even the US or England (models of Westernized thought), can claim has

been fully achieved. For that reason, one can say that the issue of gender examined here in the

two spheres of society and academia has shown two distinctly different pictures of

development, progression, regression, and the constant negotiation of identity, place and

space for the citizens of China.

Infrapolitics

Gender provides but one example where subtle movements in societies have often

brought about change. Scott (1990) remarked on the hidden transcripts of other realms of

Helvie-Mason 51

societal and political movements that fall beneath the typical radar of activity though such

endeavors may be highly visible if one knows what signs to look for. He noted, �Infrapolitics

provide much of the cultural and structural underpinnings of the more visible political action

on which our attention has generally been focused� (p. 312).37

Much of the Western conceptualization of Chinese politics, freedoms, and liberties are

constructed around the imagery and information from Tiananmen Square and other historic,

highly publicized political issues that the West viewed. Hershkovitz (1993) remarked on the

true politics associated with a physical place such as Tiananmen Square, which called to

question what it means to be empowered, to be free, and how our societal and cultural

frameworks (here, Western influenced as well) make such terms highly value-laden.

However, these heavy concepts were part of the learning experience on the field study, a part

of the field study that pulled at students to truly consider what freedom was, what it meant,

and how one�s own personal perspective has been shaped by many external factors which all

lead to how one viewed the Chinese politics, resistance, and power. This particularly came to

a head while in the highly political and historical city of Beijing. Here students began to see

some of the political freedoms they took for granted, such as speaking one�s opinion on an

�event� like Tiananmen Square massacre, were often not present for Chinese citizens. Even

thinking of how one speaks of such things could lead to profound realizations about

perspective: in the West it is the Tiananmen Square massacre, but while in Beijing and China

it was referred to as the Tiananmen Square incident. Being older, I could remember the media

37 Written in response to the question: How does infrapolitics play out in China? The conservatives in the West characterize China as a rigid totalitarian society with no freedom. This may be true to a certain degree, but you saw how and when they are highly competitive and how and when they negotiate for their place, rights, and say. Document infrapolitics, what they value, and how and what they negotiate for at both larger national and local levels. (5 pages)

Helvie-Mason 52

and press coverage of this �incident� and journaled extensively about Beijing and my

responses to the political subterfuge therein.

Beijing and I are really vibing�I get it here. I�m beginning to consider this the �real� China despite my efforts to continue thinking openly about this. Perhaps because I watched coverage of Tiananmen Square as an eleven-year old and this is what my mental picture of China has been (Beijing) as I�ve grown and displacing this perception may be more difficult than I had initially thought.38

However, as our journey around Beijing continued, it seemed I was struggling to

understand the �face� put on the historical sites

that we saw while in Beijing and this came

through clearly in my confused journal entries

that were more questions that comments,

Whose vision of Beijing are we seeing? To what end does this perpetuation of this particular vision strive and is it successful? If so, how do we know? If not, why not?39 Monumental structures such as Tiananmen Square, the Forbidden City, and the beautiful Beihai and Jungshan Pars are so amazing�but designed to �spin� the desired message of the dominant group (here, today, that is the communist party)?40 The only story that is �allowed� now is that there was a conflict�no winners or losers�and it has been stamped out�Difficult to really understand how the People�s Republic of China has tried to portray this space41

At first I found this feeling that the government demanded a certain story, a certain

perspective highly disconcerting from my Western worldview of freedom of speech, of press,

and the like. However, I slowly began to see the true nature of infrapolitics were present in

Chinese culture�in the students. I asked myself, �Were the students I saw empowered? How

38 May 15, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing 39 May 16, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing 40 May 17, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing 41 May 16, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing

Helvie-Mason 53

do I know? What led to these beliefs?�42 Asking such questions truly showed me the growth

of student empowerment as an infrapolitical endeavor. Much like the US Civil Rights

Movement, the Tiananmen Square political movement was a product of university students.

This movement ultimately had national and global ramifications and brought awareness to the

issue of human rights in China in the 1980s and 1990s. The power of students� roles is not

forgotten. Students today in China may be unable to Google® the terms they want to, to blog

openly their ideas, or to travel wherever they wish, but they are acting counter to dominant

ideology in ways. Many have spoken to the field study students of wanting more, of working

to insure they have distinctly different options from their parents, of traveling, of pushing the

boundaries given to them at the university level. While in the West we think of such

movements under the larger, positive banner of democracy. In communist China, such actions

truly are small movements of infrapolitical revolution.

This realization showed just how difficult it is to shift one�s perspective from the

outsider to insider, particularly for Westerners who have had democratic ideals ingrained in

them. Further, it compels one to reconsider what it means to be �empowered� and how one

undergoes revolution, rebellion and change when so directly under the eye of the dominant

powerful culture. In China, for these students, such movements have become technologically

based with text messaging and the internet at the forefront of dialogues about change and

resistance.

Further, in China there is a movement for capitalism that has become increasingly

successful right below the communist party�s nose: the emergent middle class, the

townhouses, the cars, the materialism that has become a large part of Chinese culture in recent

42 June 3, 2006 personal journal entry, Muncie, Indiana

Helvie-Mason 54

years has become a force unto itself in the face of a government that influences its people, but

whose grasp on dictating their values may be slipping as they embrace the dual market

economy that has given them increased access into the global forum. Such economic and

social movements bleed into politics through the value systems of the citizens, who may begin

wanting different outcomes than their government and who, through their increased

technology access of recent months, may just be moving toward that. The Chinese are

becoming formidable in the marketplace, demanding access and a place at the table. Their

negotiations for their own say, direction, and goals on a global scale have opened the world�s

eyes to the persistence of China in attaining these market-driven goals.

Educationally speaking, the concept of such political webs and of infrapolitics have

become a powerful concept as Chinese higher education undergoes massive change and

reform because with that reform is always resistance, though it is not necessarily accessible or

visible to the �outsider�. The government dictation about curriculum, competition, and

increased global presence is a shocking change for many of the older (and even younger)

faculty members and administrators who struggle silently to hold on to the culture of higher

education that they know (Mok, 2005). By talking to the administrators and faculty in each

area we visited, I had begun to wonder about their personal feelings about such large-scale

changes in their world of higher education. After discussing infrapolitics in class, I began to

consider the impact of such marginal dissent (dissent that I was hearing as a foreigner and

outsider, which means it was likely much more prevalent to the insiders),

Negotiation with higher education where government wants advancement in research but only along their lines of thought and by their agreed upon path�straying beyond that boundary may make you dangerous or a threat. Negotiation of boundaries during resistance often pulled into the realm of higher education. What struggles happen in the margins? What is this

Helvie-Mason 55

impact? Who knows about the movement and for what end? There is a culture of resistance at the university/against president initiatives, departmental elements, and the overall structure.43 While this educational example is less politically driven than the market one or civil

movements one, the outcome of �infrapolitics� usage

here is the same: a pushing toward a goal in a less visible,

more covert and discreet manner while under the direct

observation of the dominant ideology. The

administrators, professors, and students were (and are)

unable to defy the directional shift in higher education openly, for by doing so they threaten

their institution, their students, their futures, and even their freedom. But if the government

continues to ignore the voices of concern, those who do speak out in small, measured ways

against the current changes, true conflict may arise. As Chua (2003) remarked, when those

who are oppressed or who are minority status seek democracy, they are typically seeking an

escape from majority tyranny�from being the outsider to being the insider.

Relating back to higher education socialization is so clear, for so much of political elements could be directly paralleled in hierarchical endeavors (and in the inherent nature of the higher education organization as a whole) as political based particularly this process of tenure, promotion and the constant negotiation of space.44

Understanding the subtleties of infrapolitics from a tourist, observer, outsider

perspective is a difficult, perhaps impossible, task. However, our field study group was able to

respect the role of infrapolitics throughout our study and its integration into the curriculum of

our experience allowed opportunity for crucial self-reflection and critique relating to

worldviews, perspectives, and the dismantling of our own personal concepts of power,

empowerment, freedom, human rights, marketization, and democracy. For me, the added 43 May 17, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing 44 May 17, 2006 personal journal entry, Beijing

Helvie-Mason 56

exploration of the culture of higher education in relation to the issue of infrapolitics made the

discussions while in China that much more enlightening and despite the confusion often

expressed in my journals, the reflection that led to the critical thought behind the confusion

was a priceless component of the field study experience�a component that would be hard to

duplicate in the traditional classroom setting, but a component that many of the students had

to be prepared to embrace to learn from the complexity, uncertainty, and multifarious nature

of what we were seeing, hearing, reading, studying, and observing in relation to the bigger

picture politically and globally. This may provide another forum where the learning culture a

student is comfortable with can hinder their ability to think outside the traditional

educational/conceptual boundaries and to consider multiple components of an issue on a

larger scale. If the student�s learning culture was stunted, or stuck in their own home learning

culture model, he or she would be unable to appreciate and grow from the kind of open, self-

directed, critical thinking that was involved in exploring infrapolitics in Chinese culture. Here,

therefore, the concept of reflective learning may become a powerful tool in the field study

curriculum, where reflective, purposeful journaling to consider one�s place and perceptions

works to aid the student�s ability to function in this new learning culture. Other reflective

pedagogical tools may be helpful for the students to work with considering how many

struggle with the new learning culture while on a field study such as role playing, discussions,

and projects designed to push the student to be critical, reflective, and to aid the student in the

ability to insert themselves into the political climate of the land they are studying.

People and the home stay experience

Throughout the field study experience, the most resounding learning experiences took

place through direct contact with the Chinese people who guided us and generously gave of

Helvie-Mason 57

their time to work with us.45 However, this section shows the ways in which learning about

people transpired on this journey. It unfolded in two distinct rubrics: learning about �the

other� and �the self�. The other, in this context, is the Chinese students we interacted with and

by extension Chinese people through interaction with our guides, university faculty,

governmental officials, and host families and friends. The lessons learned about the �self�

took place through personal lessons of insight and reflection that brought forth personal

learning about my own personality, habits, and behaviors as a learner on this journey.

The most profound learning came from the students that we visited with: from

Shanghai Normal University to Deyang Foreign Languages School to Hubei University and

on to the Wuhan Institute of Physical Education, the students operated in a dualistic manner:

putting one face toward authority (and those in power) and reserving another face for

themselves and very close, trusted friends. Outwardly the students were model students as we

saw in the Deyang Foreign Languages School classrooms�obedient, prompt, and

scholastically determined. But inwardly there seemed a sense of despair over their quasi-

mandated careers, educations, opportunities, and choices. The students that I spoke with all

expressed respect for their education, but once they trusted me to talk openly there was a

general sense of disgruntlement about the system and process of higher education.

For example, Susie46 lamented that the Chinese educational system worried too much

about grades only and not enough on understanding and true comprehension. Her concern was

echoed again by Feng and even by Leo and Tracy and so seen at multiple levels within the

higher education system.

45 This section written in response to the question: What did you learn about people and daily practices at a personal level? Describe and explain your home-stay experience. Bring in examples from other experiences as well. (5 pages) 46 My host sister, aged 15

Helvie-Mason 58

I learned that the students felt massive levels of pressure to be successful and

wondered if this could be influenced by the one-child policy because the single child becomes

the all-encompassing hope for the entire family, the extended family, etc. They are given as

much support and independence as possible, or at least Susie was. She had her own cell

phone, electronic games and toys, computer, study room, two bed rooms, and two bathrooms

(all the more amazing when considering she lived at the school throughout the week). During

my home stay I marveled at how much independence Susie had, while simultaneously being

concerned about how much criticism she faced from teachers, family, and friends of the

family.

Susie�s parents were critical of her English tonight and told her to study harder. She confided that she �hated Chinese education� where so much emphasis rests in the grades/scores. It is a lot of pressure for the only children!47

One would think such constant pressure by

friends and family an anomaly, but when dining

with Jessica�s host family, her host-sister and a cousin were both constantly pushed to practice

English, to talk more, to study harder, and to think about their lessons. This constant, over-

riding emphasis on education as the sole means of success in Chinese culture was disturbing

and so I was not surprised to see the students feel animosity toward their studies, though they

still put a heavy value on them. The Hubei students were equally critical of the higher

education system while simultaneously valuing the opportunities within higher education,

The students commented they dislike the hard schedule and constant effort [in the same breath they commented] �but it�s good for character� and is a personal challenge to find time to fully read and digest the meaningful books/information. Very busy and a lot of pressure,

47 May 23, 2006 personal journal entry, Deyang

Helvie-Mason 59

stress. Pull all-nighters and study groups, very competitive to perform the best they can. Each student has two tutors to help with instructors.48

Such stress, competition, and drive was a surprise when I first arrived in China, but by

the time we were in Wuhan it seemed all the students we had talked to felt this massive

amount of pressure and juggled several tutors and strict standards for themselves in their

studies.

Learning about the students and their daily life was an incredibly rewarding endeavor

throughout the field study. While some elements of observations like competition, strict

studying, and pressure were constants throughout the journey, other observations were

contradictory. Interestingly, one such contradiction existed with the college-aged students:

while the students we observed in the home stay appeared highly independent and

autonomous, some of the college students were the exact opposite�having strict curfew,

staunch rules, and what appeared to be limited choices. Other college students would have fit

seamlessly into any American institution, such as the persistent Hubei students who walked

with us along the Yangtze River and opened up throughout our day together on issues of

philosophy, religion, education, and expectations.

Such conversations and my interaction with these students, led to lessons about

them�but also to lessons about �the self�. I learned about myself, my learning and

communication styles, and my interpersonal interactions. For example, I noted,

At first the students [at Hubei] were like Velcro�but as I came to see their eagerness and curiosity (and politeness as hosts) I realized the closeness was a manifestation of a clear and powerful desire to learn as much as they could with their short time with us. I can respect this and moreover, can truly understand that curiosity and persistence. Once I get an idea in my head, I feel like I need to get it out and I pester people with it until they�re ready to throw me off a bridge. This ties into some element I�ve learned about myself: say it, do it, seek it, just do whatever it is and then shut � up about it. Going on and on about an issue won�t make me 48 May 25, 2006 personal journal entry, Wuhan

Helvie-Mason 60

feel anything but validated by being recognized. Whose validation is it that I seek? Why? Wouldn�t I rather thrive in my own confidence and beliefs and let others gel with theirs instead of constantly seeking affirmation from those around me. This, I think is an important lesson to learn as I embark upon the dissertation exams and job interviews that are so rapidly approaching, not to mention the fellowship at Washington State in a couple of weeks. I hope to have rediscovered my voice a little bit while uncovering this lesson. I think it is so important to carry that feeling with me for a while yet�that crappy feeling of not letting something go when I should�to best appreciate the opportunities before me to learn and to grow from different experiences. Isn�t that what this whole crazy endeavor was for in the first place? Why sign up for a field study if you�re not ready to learn about yourself as you progress? That knowledge is so important and pertinent to my goals, but I sometimes forget how emotionally difficult that growth can be.

These lessons about the self were rewarding and somewhat surprising at this late

phase of my education. I learned that I am willing to be reflective, that I am eager to learn,

that I want to engage with the �natives� and break away from my peers when out in the �field�

that was China. I met so many people and had incredibly fulfilling conversations which have

already led to relationships through email where our dialogues have been continued. Building

these relationships has been both academically and personally rewarding. Learning about

myself while in China led to critical reflection about who I want to be as an educator and as a

lifelong learner and has instilled a continuing respect for multiculturalism, diversity, and a

globalized forum for discussions on higher education.

What was learned about people in general? This is a loaded question, to be sure�one

that simultaneously involves generalities and exceptions to the observations compiled during

the field study. They can be aggressive in groups, pushy, demanding, insistent, and

controlling when it comes to parenting or being �good� hosts (insuring we ate properly, had

everything we needed, were informed, comfortable, etc.). But, they were vulnerable and

uncertain, curious, dedicated, humorous, and empathetic. They respected their government

and rules, but were willing to be critical in personal (private, trusted) dialogues about

Helvie-Mason 61

philosophy, policy, government, and laws. I learned the culture of higher education is similar:

one of cautious respect for the rules and tones set forward by the government, but one in

which critical dialogues are emerging. Further, I learned that my own learning is never

complete�that journeys such as this push at the student to leaner in new ways, to be willing

to discover, through reflection, adventure and experiential endeavors, the culture in which

they study while simultaneously turning a critical eye toward one�s own culture and one�s

self.

Personal narrative

The element of the personal narrative of this portfolio has been woven throughout this

project, through journal excerpts, personal thoughts and reflections, examples and

observations from the field study.49 All of these components combine to show my story, my

journal, and the lasting impact this study has had on my world. By examining what I

observed, learned, and studied about people, places, and events in China, one can see how I

came to learn about myself as an educator, as a scholar, as a peer-learner, as a tourist, an

observer, a researcher, a traveler, a guest, a delegate, and an ambassador. These roles were all

part of my journey through the field study and the various locations, activities, events, and

endeavors that have left such a far-reaching impact on me as I continue to find the sights,

people, and ideas examined in China push their way to the surface of my consciousness,

pushing at my worldview and continually challenging me.

It is challenging to articulate the many questions that I am left with at the completion

of this field study, though I find this part of the portfolio requirements intrinsically rewarding.

49 This section is a summary of the portfolio�s response to the question: Story assignment: This is an opportunity for you to tell your story of EASP 2006 and reflect on your experience. The experience includes: What you learned about various places and people in China; What you learned about yourself and your surroundings�cities, culture, built environment, discourses, school, and new questions that you are now addressing

Helvie-Mason 62

I find I am constantly asking new questions in new ways about my own culture, my own field

of study, my own preconceived ideas, and the world I live in since arriving home. As one can

easily see, throughout the travel my journal itself was full of questions and new critical

thoughts. While these questions have largely been addressed in the portfolio, within journal

excerpts, general themes can examine the presence of such questions and critical thoughts.

Student learning and the field study experience

• Can being in the �field� encourage students to become actively engaged in/with a

learning environment?

• Can students in a field study program embrace a new culture (and be respectful of

cultural differences)? How can instructors/program designers facilitate this? What can

instructors do with students who do not seem responsive to the field, the culture, or the

travel program itself? What is the impact of such students on the larger group dynamics?

• How could student reflection be integrated into the field study model? Could it be

pedagogically incorporated to provide fuller critical analysis throughout the journey? If

so, what impact might this have on student learning?

• What motivated students to attend this particular field study and how did they feel about

the curriculum and design as the journey progressed? How did this compare to the

motivations and expectations of the faculty leaders?

• What role does the idea of the learning culture play in transformative or emancipatory

learning?

• Can we ever truly know the �other� we study? This may seem anthropological in nature,

but scholastically speaking, can we ever come to know another, understand another,

with our own cultural framework and personal filters in place?

Helvie-Mason 63

Culture, class, gender and the changes in China

• Will the middle-class expansion in China impact the educational system, particularly

higher education, in the upcoming years? If so, how and what will be the lasting

ramifications?

• Who is the underclass within China today? Who is oppressed? (And how do we know?)

What role does the government currently play in the lives of such citizens? Further, how

are citizens who do not fit the �model� behavior handled within the government and

larger social setting? (The poor, the unemployed, the disabled, the counter-culture

citizens�)

• Has the hybridization of the Chinese culture had an impact on traditional values (such as

gender roles)? Will there be a more clarified role of infrapolitics as the cultural values of

the past continue to face the emergent values of change and development?

• Understanding that democracy is not synonymous to freedom, but how would the

Chinese students in college today see �freedom� as it is known through the US concept

of democracy. What would result from a dismantling of the Communist Party in favor of

democracy for this culture? How would this be seen by the global community�who

would benefit, who would suffer, and what would the ramifications of such a drastic

change be?

• Can the government truly mandate gender equality when disparity is so embedded in

traditional thinking?

• What does development of Shanghai (and the Yichang area near the Three Gorges Dam)

say about the value system of Chinese as they enter the global marketplace? Are there

spaces and places in China that are �off limits� to development projects such as this?

Helvie-Mason 64

Where would they be (if such places exist)? Why would they be protected from such

development? By whom?

Higher education in China

• How does the entrance into the World Trade Organization impact higher education in

China? What further impact does such economic and political maneuvers have on

education?

• Does the higher education system stifle student and teacher creativity?

• How do Confucian values co-exist with Communism within the educational system of

China? What are the ramifications of these differing values and beliefs on the

development of higher education? How are these values and traditions seen in present

day Chinese education? Will these values impact the initiatives espoused for global

interaction, student exchanges, and international competition?

• What is the linkage between development and higher education and how will this link

look in the future?

• Faculty members live on campus in apartments in many universities. What does this

constant physical tie to the learning community mean for faculty socialization,

mobility, loyalty, and ability to question/disagree with administration? What

motivates faculty to live there instead of somewhere off campus? Who decides and to

what end? If this relationship between career and living space were present in the

United States how would socialization be different? Who would be most likely to take

advantage of it? What further services might be included and why? And is

money/finances a factor in such decisions? Further, what does this do to the �culture

of higher education�?

Helvie-Mason 65

Very plainly, these questions (and the dozens of others swimming constantly in my

mind and written throughout my journal) have impacted the way I look at and interact with

the world around me. The questions raised throughout the field study in my journal and

through my conversations with my hosts and peers has a direct impact on my research agenda

for my future career in academia and continues to have powerful ramifications on my

scholarly life. Moreover, as repeatedly noted throughout this portfolio, my personal life has

been highly enriched through this travel experience. I have become comfortable with multiple

types of learning, autonomy in the educational setting, uncertainty and adventure in education,

peer learning, and have learned to push at the blinders that we so often wear to our own

personal biases in how we learn, how we view learning, and the manner in which we interact

with our education.

My journey has been detailed within the pages of this portfolio. In it one can see the

increased awareness and the massive impact China has on the world (and that the world has

on China). I have a deep respect for the people within China who struggle to embrace such

large-scale, massive changes to their economy and education in this time of increased

technology and communication. Further, I continue to be amazed at the existence of such

deep history and tradition with such new and innovative shifts in Chinese daily life (through

economic changes, government initiatives, and educational changes) and will be fervently

watching the East to continue to examine how the value systems embedded in this rich culture

respond to such deep alterations.

Personally, I can honestly say I will never be the same. I have learned to respect

individuals for their differences, to embrace meeting new people, to be critically engaged in

the world around me, to embrace opportunities for communication, and to push at stereotypes,

Helvie-Mason 66

generalizations, and our ethnocentric lenses as I interact with the world around me. Growing

as a learner was an unexpected benefit to this grand travel and my introverted learning style

has become completely shifted to welcome the perspectives of my peers. As I noted in

Deyang,

We were in a mad dash to the airport and are now on a plane to Wuhan. Everyone is sleeping, but I�m wide awake with so many thoughts tracing through my head. But before going over them, I want to emphasize how great my peers have been. Today was a special surprise where Mike and his host brother actually had hunted down the underground punk rock heavy metal music I had been searching for and Mike bought me a CD of various Chinese artists that was absolutely amazing! Beyond that, he had his host brother translate all of the song titles and artists. He wrote �to my big sister� on them and gave it to me this morning. I was so speechless and overwhelmed; I hope he realizes how much I�ve appreciated him on this trip and just how much that gesture means to me. Aside from the music being really great, the fact that I, the shy quiet girl, got to bond with someone so well on this trip is a testament to the non-academic benefits of field study programs like this one. Even better, Mike is so smart and such a deep thinker that he has encouraged more purposeful critical reflection on my part and so has touched my academic world.

It is wonderful to consider the many levels of benefits that this short field study will ultimately provide those members who are willing to embrace them and to make the most of this experience without complaining, criticizing or judging based on their own learning cultures or preconceived expectations.50 I held on to these beliefs and upon arrival in the US noted, I think the peer learning element of the field study was the biggest surprise to me. I�m a motivated and self-directed learner who had come to depend on such independence too heavily, perhaps, and so am overjoyed to find such amazing, curious, and intelligent scholars among our group, though it must be said not all of the flourished within the field study environment as would have been ideal~~ some couldn�t get beyond the environment and further couldn�t draw from it as I learned to for energy and inspiration. Even with that being said, the scholars in this adventure have been amazing, particularly Mathias, Mike, Rikki, Chris and Malynne who have strong comments and [the] ability to keep others constantly thinking.51

The personal narrative component of the portfolio truly wove together the individual

learning elements with the content of the journey taken. It allowed a cohesive view of the

50 May 24, 2006 personal journal entry, traveling from Deyang to Wuhan. 51 June 3, 2006 personal journal entry, Muncie, Indiana

Helvie-Mason 67

field study�which is a hybridization of academic and personal experiences, to come together

to create a powerful environment ripe for transformative learning.

By examining cultural learning, self-reflection, and our personal relationship to

education, we were able to grow from the field study experience, to become culturally adept

learners willing to cross our home learning culture boundaries to deeply and critically

consider China and the people who live there.

My participation in the field study at this stage in my career and life has been more

rewarding personally and educationally than I ever anticipated when I submitted my

application and hoped for a chance to see a country that I have always had a fascination with.

Fulfilling this dream with such an astounding, deep, and meaningful field study has led to new

opportunities within my own academic research.

By using a holistic approach to integrate the personal reflections and academic lessons

during the journey with direct, personal observations throughout our travels, I was able to

draw conclusions about the overall experience in the creation and design of this portfolio. In

this approach, one can see not only the knowledge acquisition that transpired throughout this

field study, but can also see the cultural growth, the mental expansion, and the personal

development that will continue to have lasting ramifications throughout my career and indeed

my life. Each theme was addressed throughout this portfolio through the reflective lens of my

personal observations, experiences, and journaled reactions and questions as well as through a

critical lens examining the educational components of a field study and learning endeavors of

students within such an educational program. Lastly, this portfolio served as a form of closure

for the overall journey. It has been cathartic, personal closure in compiling and processing all

of my memories and emotions, but served as an academic beginning wherein the educational

Helvie-Mason 68

system of China, the students in China, and the concept of field studies within student

education (and subsequent learning concerns therein) have become an important part of my

research agenda as I prepare for a career in the increasingly globalized, international field of

higher education.

Helvie-Mason 69

References

Blunt, A., & Rose, G. (1994). Writing women and space: Colonial and postcolonial

geographies. New York: Guilford press.

Chua, A. (2003). World on fire: How exporting free market democracy breeds ethnic hatred

and global instability. New York: Doubleday.

Clifford, J. (1988). The predicament of culture: Twentieth-century ethnography, literature,

and art. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Cranton, C. (1994). Understanding and promoting transformative learning. San Francisco,

CA: Jossey-Bass.

Duan, X. (2003). Chinese higher education enters a new era [Electronic version]. Academe,

89(6), 22-28.

Duncan, J. S. (1989). The power of place in Kandy, 1780-1980. In J. A. Agnew & J. S.

Duncan (Eds.), The power of place: Bringing together geographical and sociological

imaginations. Boston: Unwin Human.

Frankenberg, R. (Ed.). (1997). Displacing whiteness: Essays in social and cultural criticism.

Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Fuzeng, Y. (n.d.). China�s system of education. Retrieved February 16, 2006 from

International education Web site

http://www.internationaleducationmedia.com/China/index.htm

Gaskell, J., Eichler, M., Pan, J., Xu, J., & Zhang, X. (2004). The participation of women

faculty in Chinese universities: Paradoxes of globalization. Gender and Education,

16(4), 511-529.

Grill, J. (2002). Adult education. Retrieved June 5, 2006 from Florida State University Web

Helvie-Mason 70

site http://www.fsu.edu/~adult-ed/jenny/learning.htm

Hanling, L. (2005). The current situation of teachers in institutions of higher education

with regard to their work and how they perceive their careers. Chinese Education and

Society, 38(5), 9-17.

Hershkovitz, L. (1993). Tiananmen Square and the politics of place. Political Geography, 12,

395-420.

Hong, N., Al-Khatib, W., Magagna, B., McLoughlin, A., & Coe, B. (n.d.). Systems theory.

Retrieved June 8, 2006 from Penn State College of Education Web site

http://www.ed.psu.edu/insys/ESD/systems/theory/SYSTHEO2.htm

Ingersoll, R. (1995). Cities and history: Beijing City. Retrieved June 3, 2006 from Rice

University Web site http://www.owlnet.rice.edu/~arch343/lecture8.html

Jie, L. (2000). The rise in women�s status and higher education in China. Chinese

Education and Society, 33(2), 27-37.

Laszlo, E. (1991). New thinking for a new era [Electronic version]. Retrieved June 2, 2006

from http://www.worldandischool.com/public/1991/March/school-resource19786.asp

Lin, Y. (2005). The grim situation in china with regard to building a teacher base and

rejuvenating the higher education system. Chinese Education and Society, 28(5), 31-

37.

Lin-Liu, J. (2004a, November 26). In China, big revolution on a small campus. Chronicle of

Higher Education, 51(14), A35-A37.

Lin-Liu, J. (2004b, January 23). Top Chinese university to introduce tenure. Chronicle of

Higher Education, 50(20), A39-A40.

Lippmann, W. (1922). Public opinion. New York: Harcourt, Brace.

Helvie-Mason 71

Meirong, C. (2005). Research on China�s system of evaluating teachers in institutions of

higher education for professional titles and appointments. Chinese Education and

Society, 38(5), 61-67.

Mok, K. H. (2005). Globalization and educational restructuring: University merging and

changing governance in China. Higher Education, 50(1), 57-88.

Morris, A. J., Eddy, J. P., Spaulding, D. J., Murphy, S. D., & Malmberg, E. D. (1997).

Cultural forces that drive Chinese education in the People�s Republic of China

[Electronic version]. Journal of Instructional Psychology, 24(4), 219-222.

Morris, A. J., Eddy, J. P., Spaulding, D. J., Murphy, S. D., & Malmberg, E. D. (1997).

Examining the impact of the Chinese educational system. Education, 118(2), 210-213.

Niemann, Y. F. (2003). The psychology of tokenism: Psychosocial realities of faculty of

color. In G. Bernal, J. E. Trimble, A. K. Burlew & F. T. L. Leong (Eds.), Handbook of

racial and ethnic minority psychology (100-118). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

Publications.

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. (2000). Current issues in Chinese

higher education. Paris, France: OECD.

A preliminary look at systems of evaluating teachers in institutions of higher education

and at evaluation methods. (2005). Chinese Education and Society, 38(5), 48-60.

Riegel, J, (2002). Confucius, the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Edward N. Zalta (ed.).

Retrieved June 9, 2006 from Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Web site

http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2002/entries/confucius/

Rose, G. (1993). Feminism and geography: The limits of geographical knowledge.

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Helvie-Mason 72

Ross, H., & Lou, J. (2005). �Glocalizing� Chinese higher education: Groping for stones to

cross the river. Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, 12(1), 227-250.

Scott, J. C. (1990). The domination and the arts of resistance: Hidden transcripts. New

Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Sen, A. (1999). Development as freedom. New York: Knopf.

Shumin, J., & Guanghui, Z. (2005). A statistical comparison of young male and female

teachers in institutions of higher education. Chinese Education and Society, 38(5),

100-107.

Surowski, D. B. (2000). History of the educational system of China. Retrieved April 5, 2006

from Kansas State University Web site

http://www.math.ksu.edu/~dbski/publication/history.html

Trancik, R. (1986). Finding lost space: Theories of urban design. New York: John Wiley &

Sons.

Torfing, J. (2003). Discourse theory: Its empirical application and methodological self-

reflection. Retrieved June 4, 2006 from

http://www.diskurs.dk/arrangementer/DISCconf.pdf

Tufte, E. (1990). Narrative of space and time: Envisioning information. Cheshire, CT:

Graphics Press.

Wenbin, Z., & Yong, L. (2005). A survey of the ideology of college and university

teaching faculty. Chinese Education and Society, 38(5), 80-87.

Xiaohao, D. (2004). The challenges faced by Chinese higher education as it expands in

scale. Chinese Education and Society, 37(1), 36-53.

Zeyu, L., & Youngua, T. (2003). Five issues that face China�s higher education as China

Helvie-Mason 73

joins the WTO. Chinese Education and Society, 36(5), 80-90.

Zhao, J., & Guo, J. (2002). The restructuring of China�s higher education: An experience

for market economy and knowledge economy. Educational Philosophy and Theory,

34(2), 207-221.

Zheng, L., & Hui, S. (2005). Survey of professional ethics of teachers in institutions of

higher education: Case study of an institution in Central China. Chinese Education and

Society, 38(5), 88-99.

Helvie-Mason 74

Appendix A Calendar of events and activities during field study

MAY 2006

Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday 7th Depart Indianapolis for Shanghai

8th Arrive in Shanghai. Evening free at Guest House of Shanghai Normal University

9th Tour of SHNU campus; Tour of Fenxian Campus; Welcome Banquet at SHNU

10th Shanghai Museum; City Planning Building; Yuyuan market & gardens; Nanjing Lu; Bund Cruise

11th Jin Mao Tower; PuDong District; Longhua Buddhist Temple; Acrobat show

12th Zhujiajiao Water village; Lunch in Zhujiajiao without English; Local Market near SHNU (fruit)

13th Hangzhou (lake); Free night in Shanghai

14th Free day in Shanghai (watch luggage and went to People�s Square; Train to Beijing

15th Temple of Heaven; Prince Gong�s Mansion; Traditional Hutong

16th Tiananmen Square; Forbidden City; Beihai Park; Jingshan Park

17th Great Wall; Ming Tombs

18th Summer Palace; Yuanmingyuan; Beijing Mall

19th Free day in Beijing�return to hutong with Mike to shop; Transit (flight) to Deyang, Chengdu; Meet and stay with host families

20th Leshan Buddha

21st Mianzhu City � including meeting with mayor, alcohol factory and traditional farm area; New Year painting museum; Guanghan City; Sanxingdui Museum

22nd Chengdu Panda Breeding and Research Center; Sichuan Emei Film Studio in Chengdu; China National Erzhong Group Factory; Confucian Temple; Welcome Banquet with host siblings in Jinghu Hotel

23rd Deyang Foreign Languages School; (soccer game); Dinner with host family at restaurant and coffee with their friends by river

24th Travel to Wuhan; campus tour of Wuhan Institute of Physical Education; --martial arts class; Shopping center; Chris� 21st Birthday Bash

25th Hubei University�all day with student pairs (welcome ceremony, butterfly exhibition, calligraphies, paintings, library, lunch, Hubei Museum (chimes), East Lake from bus, boat ride/ Yanjiang Rd with students)

26th Wuhan Institute of Physical Education visit to English class for English teaching activities; Yellow Crane Tower and sightseeing in Wuhan City; WIPE performance and dance at school

27th Travel via bus to Yichang City; Three Gorges Dam; Stay in Yichang City hotel

28th Travel from Yichang City to Shanghai; Pizza Hut with group; Last night in Shanghai (blue frog)

29th Free morning for shopping; Leave for the United States

* Calendar created by Lora Helvie-Mason, May 31, 2006

Helvie-Mason 75

Appendix B A brief history of Chinese education

The relationship of formal education and China has a detailed and lengthy history

dating back to the 16th Century B.C. (Surowski, 2000). From Confucian values to

Communism, education has long been a pawn in the political powers� values and goals

throughout Chinese history. With such a long-standing relationship with formal education,

one gleans an insight into the depth of the value of education within Chinese culture, though

the esteem of this value varied throughout history. Confucian teachings played a significant

role in the development of the educational system and curriculum in China. According to

Riegel (2002), Confucius, a philosopher and educator, valued a strong study ethic balanced

with elements of reflection and grounded in the belief that students should work deftly to

imitate their learned teachers. Confucius believed in teaching students from all walks of life,

regardless of their socio-economic standing. He emphasized morality, speech, government,

and the arts (Riegel, 2002). Confucian thought was prevalent in Chinese culture and

ultimately embedded in multiple facets of Chinese life. Therefore, the impact of Confucius on

educational thought in China is nearly immeasurable because his teachings on education were

so ingrained within political, social, and familial beliefs.

Despite the Confucian belief in educating all, most did not have access to education

and China remained rampant with high levels of illiteracy. It was standard in China to take a

civil service exam in order to become an official or government attendant. This exam was the

sole focus of private educational institutions developed to prepare students for the

opportunities and social advancement passing the exam represented. As China became open

to Westernization after the Opium War (1840-1842) and the resultant presence of Great

Helvie-Mason 76

Britain, the Western model of education began dotting the Chinese landscape, primarily

through schools developed by Christian missionaries (Surowski, 2000). The Chinese adopted

a system based on Western education, completely eliminating the civil service examination in

1905. At this time, the Qing Dynasty pushed for academic reform by modernizing the system

of education into primary, secondary, and tertiary levels of education. This endeavor,

interrupted by the overthrow of the dynastic period in China, led to an increased acceptance of

American models of higher education (Surowski, 2000) amid heated debates regarding the

value of this model amid continual political shifts. It was during this tumultuous political time

frame that experimental universities, such as the Hunan Self-Study University, and push for

education for all despite economic status, were attempted. Such concepts were secondary to

the political turmoil that encased China during this time (1905-1949) and ultimately were

abandoned as political needs took center stage.

In 1949, the Liberation led to a full-scale renovation of education in China with a shift

from Western and American models of education to a new emphasis on the Soviet Model of

education. As the Communist Party led China, illiteracy remained high and most children

were unlikely to attend school. Development emphasized higher education, according to

Surowski (2000) and Duan (2003), and faculty became devalued--their power and voices were

muted in the 1961 attempt to produce the wide changes the government pushed at higher

education. Such changes, introduced with rapid, drastic succession, gave little opportunity for

success. Mao Zedong�s two track system of education became an edifying force, where

vocational and work-study schooling and university/college preparation options became the

dual paths in Chinese education. This track was not met with high levels of approval within

educators� minds as most felt it would produce an elite few with higher education access. The

Helvie-Mason 77

Cultural Revolution, a period of great political disarray for China, declared education had

been controlled by �bourgeois intellectuals� and that Mao�s direct teachings should be the

guiding principles within the curriculum. During this dangerous time, campuses were

controlled by the Red Guards. The Red Guards began as a group under Mao to regain power

from his competing enemies; however they soon splintered into many separate groups and

were responsible for wide-spread chaos in China. Surowski (2000) noted,

In all, the period of the Cultural Revolution was a very disruptive one for Chinese

society in general and its education in particular. The educational infrastructure was

decimated as a result of the revolutional struggles, and students suffered because of

vastly watered-down or non-existent curricula. Perhaps the only gain (again at the

expense of quality) was the delivery of elementary education to an unprecedented

percentage of school-aged children, largely because agricultural collectivization

allowed for the creation of large numbers of �commune schools,� overseen directly by

the collective rather than by higher-level agencies. (para. 18)

This time period was a dark one in Chinese history, particularly for educators and scholars. As

Lin-Liu (2004b) noted, during the ten-year Cultural Revolution, �intellectuals and those

regarded as anti-Communists were jailed, tortured, and killed� (para. 1). However, since the

Cultural Revolution, educators are slowing seeming to regain their status of high esteem.

Current students attend six years of primary school, three years of junior school, three years of

senior school before attempting an exam to enter college and subsequently their careers. In the

years after the Cultural Revolution, schools have been highly regularized, academic standards

have been in place at all levels, and seem to have struck a balance within the debate between

vocational/worker education versus the academic/research tracks.

Helvie-Mason 78

Appendix C

Photographic Index

Page Content Photographer Date Taken Location 1 Three Gorges Dam Lora Helvie-Mason 5-27-06 Yichang 1 Confucian Saying Jeffrey Carter 5-23-06 Deyang 7 Class Meeting (a) Stephen Talbert 5-16-06 Beijing 7 Class Meeting (b) Stephen Talbert 5-15-06 Beijing 7 Class Meeting (c) Stephen Talbert 5-17-06 Beijing 7 Class Meeting (d) Jeffrey Carter 5-26-06 Wuhan 9 Longhua Buddhist Temple Lora Helvie-Mason 5-11-06 Shanghai 11 The Three Gorges Lora Helvie-Mason 5-27-06 Yichang 12 Jin Mao Tower Chris Harris 5-11-06 Shanghai 14 Leshan Buddha Lora Helvie-Mason 5-20-06 Chengdu 15 Tiananmen Square Lora Helvie-Mason 5-16-06 Beijing 20 Hutong Jessica Clement 5-15-06 Beijing 21 Hutong Lora Helvie-Mason 5-19-06 Beijing 25 People�s Square Tera Herring 5-10-06 Shanghai 27 Deyang River Walk Jessica Clement 5-21-06 Deyang 30 Musician in Hutong Lora Helvie-Mason 5-19-06 Beijing 34 Deyang Foreign Languages School Jaclyn Clark 5-23-06 Deyang 38 Deyang Foreign Languages School Jaclyn Clark 5-23-06 Deyang 42 Line at Leshan Buddha Jeffrey Carter 5-20-06 Chengdu 46 Host Students Jessica Clement 5-22-06 Deyang 49 Lora�s Host Family Tu Wenyang 5-23-06 Deyang 52 Tiananmen Square Lora Helvie-Mason 5-16-06 Beijing 55 Guards Lora Helvie-Mason 5-17-06 Beijing 58 Lora and Host sister Chris Harris 5-22-06 Deyang