E-government support for people in crisis: An evaluation...

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esearch 30 (2008) 22–38
Library & Information Science R
E-government support for people in crisis: An evaluation of policedepartment website support for domestic violence survivors

using “person-in-situation” information need analysis

Lynn Westbrook

School of Information, University of Texas at Austin, 1 University Station, D7000, Austin, TX 78712-0390, USA

Available online 30 January 2008

Abstract

The crisis of intimate partner violence (IPV) requires a comprehensive array of government services in law enforcement, health, and socialservices. Impacting over 5 million victims in the U.S. annually, the beating, rape, stalking, assault, and other abuse of IPV force survivors to facemultiple points of crisis. Repeatedly, most of these individuals move through separate dynamic situations that require different types ofinformation. Building from the research literature on IPV survivors' experiences, this paper presents an original four-part framework of theEveryday Life Information Seeking (ELIS) information needs of IPV survivors. Using the person-in-progressive-situation approach of ELIS, thisframework delineates 16 concrete information needs which occur throughout the four points of change: considering leaving an abuser, actuallyleaving an abuser, surviving after leaving, and long-term survival after leaving. Police departments are the local government first-responders mostdirectly responsible for IPV survivors at the point of crisis. Their well-established use of community policing techniques requires police to serve askey information gatekeepers for all crime victims but particularly for IPV survivors. Police departments are examined in light of this originalframework to determine the extent to which their websites address these situational information needs of IPV survivors. Using the original four-part framework as an analytic lens, this examination of 172 police department websites in the nation's 100 largest metropolitan areas reveals majorgaps in provision of essential information. Solving these problems requires more than simply filling the information gaps. The fundamentalapproach to local e-government social service information delivery must be firmly rooted in the information experiences of individuals' situations.Findings are contextualized in terms of information theory most relevant to individuals in crisis; future research needs are delineated.© 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction

The role of information in the individual's response to acrisis, although incompletely mapped, is certainly profound.Crises send millions to their computers to seek and to shareinformation. The international tsunami in December 2004 (Jones& Mitnick, 2006), the national 9/11 terrorist attack in 2001(Blakemore & Longhorn, 2001), the regional Hurricane Katrinain 2005 (Jones & Mitnick, 2006), and the local shootings atVirginia Tech in April 2007 are emblematic of the large-scalecrises that generate individual responses. Both individuals ande-governments at all levels increasingly rely on the Internet atsuch times (Bertot, Jaeger, Langa, & McClure, 2006).

Unlike these shared public crises, however, personal crises takeplace behind closed doors. Here, too, the Internet plays an in-creasingly central role in information-seeking. Some of the more

E-mail address: [email protected].

0740-8188/$ - see front matter © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.lisr.2007.07.004

common medical crises (e.g., a diagnosis of cancer) have beenstudied in terms of medical information experiences (e.g., Kal-yani, 2006). However, socially-rooted, private crises are less wellunderstood. Like their larger-scale counterparts, however, theseacute danger situations often require the full panoply of govern-mental response, continue well past any single trigger point, anddemand sustained, engaged information use by survivors.

2. Problem statement

This two-part paper is the first to examine one particularlyprevalent and brutal personal crisis and the e-government re-sponse. Focusing on survivors of intimate partner violence(IPV), the first section of the paper lays out an original frame-work for the study of information needs of individuals in crisis.This detailed examination provides a person-in-progressive-situation analysis of information needs. The nature of this ana-lysis requires extensive support from the research literature of

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http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lisr.2007.07.004

23L. Westbrook / Library & Information Science Research 30 (2008) 22–38

several disciplines. The second section of the paper examines onetype of e-government response to these information needs—thesupport provided for those crisis survivors by their most imme-diate first-responder, i.e., the local police department. This ex-amination of first-responder information support is both uniqueand overdue. This study (1) proposes an IPV information needsframework and (2) determines the extent to which police depart-ment websites address its elements.

Significant benefits accrue from this two-part study. Intimatepartner violence continues to be a substantive criminal issuewithfar-reaching personal, health, and economic consequences forvictims. It also has a costly impact on society at large. Social andpublic policy efforts increasingly require police departments toprovide information and referrals for victims. Many policedepartments use the Internet to provide information on and makereferrals to appropriate social service agencies. Unfortunately,no person-in-progressive-situation framework of concrete IPVsurvivor information concerns has been proposed. Likewise, noactual analysis of police department digital support has beenconducted. Given issues of cyber-safety, navigation, accessi-bility, and confidentiality, the current IPV information environ-ment is quite complex. However, extensive interdisciplinaryresearch on situations IPV survivors commonly face now makesa person-in-progressive-situation information need frameworkpossible. This two-pronged approach identifies contextualizedinformation needs and potentially dangerous informationservice gaps encountered by a highly vulnerable segment ofthe population.

2.1. Impact and nature of IPV

This problem holds social and economic significance forentire communities as well as intense, personal significance foreach survivor. Although the exact number is notoriously difficultto measure fully (Bonomi, Holt, Martin, & Thompson, 2006a;Kilpatrick, 2004; Waltermaurer, 2005), almost 5.3 million vic-timizations by intimate partners are reported every year amongU.S. women age 18 and older (Centers for Disease Control[CDC], 2003). Althoughwomen who live below the poverty lineand young women are more likely to be abused, this violencecrosses all social, economic, educational, racial, and culturalboundaries (Heise & Garcia-Moreno, 2002; Hicks, 2006;Klevens, 2007; Lipsky, Caetano, Field, & Larkin, 2006; Shim& Hwang, 2005). Severe IPV attacks are four to six times morecommon among Black and Hispanic couples thanWhite couples(Caetano, Field, Ramisetty-Mikler, & McGrath, 2005, p. 1039).Women with a history of domestic violence victimization have60% more health problems than do women with no history ofbeing abused (Campbell et al., 2002). Between lost work daysand lost lifetime earnings through premature deaths, IPV costsmore than $8 billion (Reeves & O'Leary-Kelly, 2007, p. 328).This is in addition to the nearly $4.1 billion in direct medical andmental health costs (CDC, 2003). In households with children,40 to 60% of perpetrators also abuse their children (Goelman,2004).

The gender-neutral term “intimate partner violence” shouldnot obscure the fact that 85% of the victims of this crime are

females attacked by males; about 15% of domestic violence isperpetrated within homosexual couples or by women againstmen (Rennison, 2001; McClennen, 2005). Unfortunately, fe-males who are pregnant and/or caring for children are parti-cularly vulnerable to IPV (Datner,Wiebe, Brensinger, &Nelson,2007). As these statistics indicate, women are far more likely tobe coerced, stalked, injured, hospitalized, sexually assaulted,raped, and murdered than men.

The complexities of the abusive relationship with an intimatepartner make reporting the abuse extremely hard for most sur-vivors (Fugate, Landis, Riordan, Naureckas, & Engel, 2005).Actually leaving the abuser is even more difficult. Estrangementis a significant risk factor in themurder of IPV victims (Campbellet al., 2003b, p. 1089). Paradoxically, many of these crimevictims both fear reprisals from and desire to protect their abusers(Felson, Messner, Hoskin, & Deane, 2002). Some survivorshesitate to call the police due to shame at the abuse, fear ofreprisal, hope that the abuser will change, guilt for “provoking”the abuser, or sympathy for the abuser's situation (e.g., loss ofjob) or condition (e.g., drunk) (Anderson et al., 2003; Zink,Jacobson, Pabst, Regan, & Fisher, 2006). Many of those who areat the greatest risk of death will routinely underestimate theirvulnerability (Campbell, 2004). Calling for police assistancecorrelates with having children in the home, newer relationships,greater severity and frequency of abuse, and the abuser's greateruse of drugs and/or alcohol (Hutchison, 2003, p. 93). However,simply reporting the crime can have a deterrent effect (Berk,Campbell, Klap, & Western, 1992; Felson, Ackerman, & Gal-lagher, 2005). Reporting needs to be encouraged despite thedifficulties in doing so (Hickman, 2003; Wolf, Ly, Hobart, &Kernic, 2003). Aggressive arrest policies actually relate to fewerdeaths among unmarried partners, although they have no appar-ent relationship to spousal homicide (Dugan, Nagin, & Rosen-feld, 2003, p. 191). Convictions reduce the likelihood of repeatedabuse (Ventura & Davis, 2005). Effective separation requirescognitive (e.g., knowledge of police support), affective (e.g.,belief that beatings are criminal), and behavioral (e.g., activelypreparing an escape plan) elements to work in sync (Shurman &Rodriguez, 2006).

2.2. Information support for IPV survivors

The pervasive impact of IPV on communities as a wholemakes a strong community response imperative. Police depart-ments, victims' services agencies, shelters, and others contributesubstantially to the safety net that helps survivors cope with orescape from abusive situations. Carefully coordinated partner-ships between governmental and private agencies (Hochstein &Thurman, 2006; Muftic & Bouffard, 2007; Stover, 2005) andstand-alone agencies mount websites, offer email support, mailout literature, give public talks, provide advocates, and staffhotlines (Slack & Rowley, 2004). Many of these informationdistribution systems are, within the confines of limited budgetsand volunteer-managed technical services, set up to reach peoplein all educational, economic, ethnic, racial, linguistic, and citi-zenship conditions (Edwardsen & Morse, 2006; U.S. Depart-ment of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, 2007).

24 L. Westbrook / Library & Information Science Research 30 (2008) 22–38

These systems are used by three groups: the survivors them-selves, their interpersonal networks, and the agency personnelcharged with IPV care responsibilities. Although numerousstudies confirm that victims prefer using informal informationand support networks (Bowker, 1983; Gillum, Sullivan, &Bybee, 2006; Goodkind, Sullivan, & Bybee, 2004; Harris, 1988;Harris & Dewdney, 1994; Harris et al., 2001; Peckover, 2003),many do use these formal information systems directly. Mem-bers of survivors' preferred informal support network—theirsocial and family connections, medical personnel, and clergy—also use these formal systems in their information-seeking.

Since the late 1960s, local government efforts to mitigate theimpact of IPV have graduallymoved away from the policy of “notinterfering in familymatters” to providing substantive informationfor survivors while aggressively pursuing abusers (White, Gold-kamp, & Campbell, 2005). From the first revisions in policepolicies on this problem, using information to help survivorsnavigate their legal and social support options has been recognizedas valuable (Corcoran & Allen, 2005, pp. 39–41; Weisz, 2005).

Police officers frequently provide at least minimal informa-tion orally, in writing, or both when responding to an IPV call.When that information is provided competently, it is timed sothat the abuser does not see the information or does not view itas a threat, delivered with an appropriate affective attitude ofrespect and support, and followed with sufficient response to thesurvivor's questions. This empowers survivors by combiningaccurate data, personalized support, and responsive commu-nication (Russell & Light, 2006). One of many concerns thatcan lead to perfunctory or rudimentary information distribution(Russell & Light, 2006) is the stress and burnout of front-linepolice work (Lumb & Breazeale, 2002), particularly in modern“community policing” efforts (Thacher, 2001). For example, theunfortunately common necessity of returning to the same homeagain and again can make the repeated delivery of printed and/or verbal information problematic. Some officers grow discour-aged about the potential efficacy of re-delivering the sameinformation in the same format to the same crime victim. Someofficers, therefore, may not follow through as carefully as theyshould on conveying the information (Lumb & Breazeale, 2002;Watkins, 2005). Having information available at all times viathe Internet can be a useful, even critical, supplement. Informa-tion distributed by police is particularly useful in influencingwomen to reuse the legal system by, for example, reporting anoffender's violation of a protective order (Fleury-Steiner, Bybee,Sullivan, Belknap, & Melton, 2006, p. 339).

3. E-government concerns

Government efforts to maximize the use of networked, digitalinformation include innovations designed to automate commonprocesses and dis-intermediate, among other goals (Andersen,2004, p. 5). Currently the customizable, one-stop site for citizensremains an unmet but bright goal (McGinnis, 2003; Tambouris& Wimmer, 2005).

In the United States, e-government at the federal, state, andlocal levels uses the Internet to deliver social service supportefficiently, often within tightly limited budgets (Bertot & Jaeger,

2006; Gil-Garcia & Pardo, 2005). A common expectation is thatinformation technology will increase “the efficiency and effec-tiveness of governmental operations” (Andersen, 2004, p. 41),even making “offline government more efficient and effective”(Atkinson & Leigh, 2003, p. 160). These parameters often con-flict with efforts to design information resources that meet thevaried needs of citizens with different levels of physical, logis-tical, and cognitive access to the Internet (McNeal, Tolbert,Mossberger, & Dotterweich, 2003; Postmus, 2004). The infor-mation provided on local police department websites supportsboth crime victims and those members of their social and pro-fessional support networks who assist them. That mixture ofend-users requires particularly thoughtful design.

Information concerns include the long-term educational re-quirements of survivors as they move through the escape andrecovery process (Fidishun, 2001; Hillier,Mitchell, &Millwood,2005). Additional issues requiring careful consideration includecyber-security and accessibility for users with, for example, thevision and mobility impairments that may result from abuse(Hoffman, Grivel, &Battle, 2005). Legal (Chatillon, 2005, p. 65)and technological (Hopkins, 2005, p. 234) perspectives incom-pletely address the essential privacy and confidentiality concernsof survivors who fear their abusers will locate them.

Increasing use of e-government for the delivery of socialservices impacts personal information-seeking efforts (Becker,2005). Weak standards and inconsistent protocols make naviga-tion more difficult than necessary (Gil-Garcia & Pardo, 2005).A large number of government websites still “require users toknow which agency delivers the service that they are seeking”(Atkinson & Leigh, 2003, p. 167). Digital divide issues con-tinue in terms of both access and mastery (Cullen & Hernon,2006a,b; Theofanos & Mulligan, 2004), as does the develop-ment of mitigating resources, such as community free-nets withinstructional service integration.

4. Theoretical framework

This study is informed by Reijo Savolainen's (1995, 1999,2004) “Everyday Life Information Seeking” (ELIS) model,which posits active information-seeking as a useful behavior forproblem-solving and life mastery. ELIS behaviors vary alongfour dimensions: information needs, affective states, cognitivemastery, and available resources (Savolainen, 2004). Theperson-in-progressive-situation approach of the ELIS modelcontextualizes information needs in terms of their triggers (e.g.,the children miss their home so the mother returns to the abuser)and their affective components (e.g., shame at asking forfinancial assistance), as well as the individual's mastery of andaccess to information resources (e.g., an ability to search theInternet for help while the abuser is not at home). Finally, theELIS model acknowledges the fluid nature of both humanunderstanding and personal context, both of which are critical tounderstanding why IPV survivors stay in abusive relationshipsand what complexities they face in moving towards safety. Asunderstanding of social norms and personal strengths develop,the contexts in which individuals act may well change(McKenzie, 2003b). ELIS anticipates the possibility of change


as individuals move into unfamiliar situations through problem-solving.

In 2002, Dunne proposed developing Allen's (1997)explication of the ELIS-based person-in-situation structure asa means of analyzing and understanding the dynamic and variedinformation needs of IPV survivors who escape from theirabusive situations and live independently. The progression ofsuch a trajectory was not proposed as a universal model or normbut rather as a series of potentially connected situations, each ofwhich requires the ELIS approach to information analysis. Ineach situation, the survivor's information needs, affective states,cognitive mastery, and available resources establish parametersfor information experiences. This study takes Dunne's proposalone step further by developing a concrete application of herperson-in-progressive situation framework.

5. Person-in-progressive-situation framework

There are two steps to applying the ELIS person-in-progressive-situation approach to IPV survivors to develop a framework ofconcrete information needs: (1) identifying situations in whichinformation might play a significant role, and (2) identifyingviable pieces of information in those situations which might beuseful to survivors. This proposed framework is only a first stepin more extensive analyses; it must be further developed andrefined through reiterative research and analysis. Nevertheless, itbuilds directly from the research literature on IPV survivor si-tuations and stands as the first person-in-progressive-situationanalysis of IPV survivor information needs.

Identifying common situations and information-related prob-lems for IPV survivors is currently feasible because in the lastdecade, the research literature on intimate partner violence situa-tions has grown substantially (Parmley, 2004). It now includes in-depth, multi-approach work in several fields, including:

• criminal justice (e.g., Felson et al., 2005; Hochstein &Thurman, 2006; Russell & Light, 2006);

• gender studies (e.g., Dobash, Dobash, Cavanagh, & Medina-Ariza, 2007; Elizabeth, 2003; Goodkind et al., 2004);

• information studies (e.g., Dunne, 2002; Harris & Dewdney,1994; Harris et al., 2001; Westbrook, 2006);

• law (e.g., Dugan et al., 2003; Goelman, 2004; Hickman,2003);

• medicine (e.g., Campbell et al., 2002, 2003b; Lipsky et al.,2006);

• psychology (e.g., Fleury-Steiner et al., 2006; Rajah, Frye, &Haviland, 2006; Wolf et al., 2003);

• public policy (e.g., Dugan, 2003; Fugate et al., 2005;Whitakeret al., 2007);

• social work (e.g., Corcoran & Allen, 2005; Hutchison, 2003;Shim & Hwang, 2005) and

• sociology (e.g., Berk et al., 1992; Klevens, 2007; Weisz,2005).

Four situations appear repeatedly throughout these fieldsbecause they are inherent in many movements towards a saferlife. Support and even intervention can be delivered effectively

to IPV survivors when they enter any of these commonlystudied situations (Kaukinen, 2004; Panchanadeswaran & Mc-Closkey, 2007). The proposed framework is, therefore, built onthese four situations:

(1) considering the choice to leave the abuser, either tempo-rarily or permanently

(2) considering use of the police as resources or protectorsduring and after the escape

(3) building a viable life immediately after escape and(4) constructing the basis of viable, long-term independence

after escape.

These four situations vary endlessly in terms of each indi-vidual's local resources, context, triggers, and domain know-ledge—as well as the cultural norms and worldview throughwhich they are filtered (Ingram, 2007; Luna-Fairbaugh, 2006;Whitaker et al., 2007).

• Local resources, for example, include considerations such asthe sufficiency of social service resources, judges' willing-ness to grant protective orders, and the availability of publictransportation and low-income childcare. (See, for example,Amnesty International USA, 2007, for the impact of localresources on Native American women.)

• The broad context in which each survivor must interact withinformation varies in relationship to the actors involved (e.g.,an emotionally disturbed child, an infant, an abuser who is aspouse, an abuser who is a member of the local police force,supportive family, parents whose own history of IPV pre-cludes any real support) (Klevens et al., 2007), as well as thefundamental life factors of the survivor (e.g., status as anillegal immigrant, college education, solid work history withjob opportunities readily available, strong spiritual [Gillumet al., 2006] and/or social network available, disability con-cerns [Brownridge, 2006]).

• Triggers for the survivor's move into these situations vary involition. Internal volition could develop, for example, froman abuser's move to hurt a child for the first time. Externalvolition could be pushed on a survivor if a neighbor calls inthe police, or if Child Protective Services threatens to removechildren pending separation from the abuser. The variousforms of abuse trigger different volitional responses in dif-ferent survivors. Stalking and severe violence, for example,may actually shut down internal volition by inspiring strongfear (Logan, Shannon, Cole, & Walker, 2006).

• Individual domain knowledge about any of these four situa-tions varies in terms of familiarity at a general level (e.g., justknowing that IPV shelters are available) and at a specificlevel (e.g., knowing that free legal aid is available in onecounty but not in another). Inherent in any consideration ofdomain knowledge is also the degree of meta-awareness heldby individuals about their knowledge. For example, survi-vors who have moved from one city to another in a repeatedeffort to escape an abuser may develop sufficient meta-awareness to recognize that they need to relearn specificdomain knowledge in each new city.


Additional situations certainly exist, such as choosing to stayin a long-term abusive relationship (Zink et al., 2006). However,these four situations form the core of this initial person-in-progressive-situation framework; the process of moving to-wards a safer life frequently involves at least one of them. Theyrecur in the research literature as nexus points at which socialservice and law enforcement intervention can be crucial.

Police are not mandated, funded, or trained to provide activesupport for all aspects of these situations. However, the devel-opment of community policing models and problem-centeredvictim assistance programs has encouraged police departmentsto make referrals where possible and to clarify their own re-sponsibilities (Huisman, Martinez, & Wilson, 2005; Lumb &Breazeale, 2002; Thacher, 2001;White et al., 2005). Communitypolicing, although sometimes problematic for IPV survivors(Hovell, Seid, & Liles, 2006; Rajah et al., 2006), actually re-quires law enforcement policy to address the situations thatcrime victims and general citizens face.

Within the context of these four situations and the confines ofcommunity policing mandates, an interdisciplinary review of thepast decade's research literature on IPV survivor behaviorsought to identify essential, unambiguous, discrete pieces ofinformation that were potentially useful and/or commonlyrecommended to survivors in each of the four situations. Asthe core of this proposed person-in-progressive-situation frame-work, the four situations were populated with these essential“content items” of information. These initial content items werechosen with the community policing context in mind. Theyfocus on concerns of IPV survivors that a police departmentcould reasonably be expected to address via a website. Theliterature review ultimately generated a total of 16 contentelements, which are grouped by situation and explained below.Other content items and other situationsmight be added to furtheriterations of the framework.

5.1. 4-part person-in-progressive-situation framework with 16information content items

5.1.1. Considering the choice to leave the abuser, eithertemporarily or permanently

Survivors commonly use three fundamental pieces of infor-mation as a launching point for active change in the abusiverelationship. That change may be temporary (e.g., leave untilthe abuser completes anger management counseling) or perma-nent (e.g., obtain a divorce and leave the state).

1. The warning signs of an abusive relationship. A list ofwarning signs can be the first external confirmation of asurvivor's perception of abuse. Since abusers often “blame”the abuse on other factors or people (e.g., their own tem-porary state of drunkenness or the survivor's behavior in nothaving dinner ready on time), this simple list of behaviorsthat have been clearly labeled as abuse can empower sur-vivors to reassess their situations or even trigger thoughts ofescape (Campbell et al., 2003a).

2. Safety or escape planning techniques. These techniquesprovide some concrete steps that an individual can take for

physical protection. This protection may be more necessaryif an abuser perceives any change in attitude or behavior thatindicates an impending escape. Safety planning includestactics for maximizing safety during an attack (e.g., try tokeep an outside door/window available rather than hiding ina closet or bathroom). Escape planning includes tactics foractually leaving (e.g., wait until the abuser is out of the houseand take a pre-packed sack of essential documents andclothes that's been hidden outside).

3. Contact information for a safe house. Survivors may want toask shelter staff about such matters as their physical safety atthe house, ability to bring their children, facilities for theirchildren, possible duration of a stay, potential for beingreported to immigration officers or Child Protective Ser-vices, and requirements for utilizing shelter services. Accessto a phone number that reaches a locally-based individual(as opposed to a national hotline) can be empowering bothaffectively and cognitively.

5.1.2. Considering use of the police as resources or protectorsduring and after the escape

Some survivors escape without any interaction with thepolice, while others hesitate to ask for help with specific types ofabuse (e.g., see Roberts, 2005, on stalking). Many make re-peated use of the criminal justice system (Bonomi et al., 2006b).Because police are the first-responders and experts in providingsafety for citizens, they are often viewed as a possible resource.However, they are also mistrusted for many reasons (Andersonet al., 2003; Rajah et al., 2006). The items below provide con-crete evidence of police willingness to address the crime.

4. A referral to the police for help with IPV, either in general orto a specific unit/officer. While quite obvious and simple, aclear indication that the police do address this crime can beuseful as a reinforcement of the survivor's growing beliefthat the abuse is indeed criminal despite what the abusersays.

5. Definition or explanation of what constitutes IPV in thatjurisdiction. While sometimes overly legalistic in their use ofjargon or written as formal policy, basic explanations of IPVprovide survivors with concrete information regarding localpolice mandates.

6. A statement on or explanation of protective orders. Fre-quently mentioned, recommended, or even urged by policeand safe house staff, protective orders (PO) prohibit abusersfrom approaching their victims. Unfortunately, the processfor obtaining a PO can be complex and intimidating; theprotection provided can be minimal when abusers are willingto risk arrest (Gillis et al., 2006). In some cases, a PO actuallycorrelates with increased violence (Kingsnorth, 2006), so thedecision to apply for one is not simple. An opportunity tolearn more about PO may be needed in order to gain suf-ficient knowledge to make a decision.

7. Explanation of the process for notifying the victim of theoffender's release. When abusers are actually arrested oreven imprisoned, the survivors have a respite in which torecuperate, move, and/or make other life changes. However,


the constant fear of the abuser's imminent return can createanxiety that inhibits moves towards safety. Knowing theprocess, if any, for receiving warning of an impending abuserrelease provides a level of control for some survivors. Fromthe community policing perspective, such notification pro-vides active evidence of police regard for the survivor'ssafety—above and beyond arresting the abuser.

5.1.3. Building a viable life immediately after escapeFor those who leave their abusers—whether temporarily or

permanently, whether via a shelter or a family—referrals to fourtypes of support provide access to commonly needed resources(Anderson et al., 2003).

8. Referral to victims' services program. In addition to pro-viding financial and service support for survivorsimmediately post-attack, these services might alsoreinforce survivors' growing conviction that they arecrime victims and are not to blame for the abuse.

9. Referral to any general social service agency, govern-mental or non-governmental, that has subsets of servicesfor IPV survivors. While these resources vary a great dealdue to local government and grassroots response to IPV,they can provide effective support. For example, a freelocal transit system pass for IPV complainants may get asurvivor to work.

10. Referral to emergency shelter other than the safe house.Safe house support is always limited in duration.Knowing that they will not be homeless and that othershelters will be available if needed can provide encour-agement for survivors who are particularly concernedabout housing.

11. Referral to legal aid or assistance. Dealing with divorce,child custody, property, protective orders, civil restrainingorders, residency status, and other aspects of the escapeprocess will often require legal expertise that IPVsurvivors lack and cannot afford to obtain. In somejurisdictions, a lawyer is needed to make sure that PO areproperly supported and cover the children and survivor'sparents or other involved relatives. Immediately afterleaving, these legal issues can become acute (Whitaker etal., 2007).

5.1.4. Constructing the basis of viable, long-term independenceafter escape

Although not needed by all survivors, these items are com-monly required by the “hard-core” survivors, i.e., those whofind it particularly hard to effect a permanent escape. Tacklingtheir on-going needs without the immediate safety net of ashelter demands that they face financial, employment, health,and personal planning needs, sometimes for the first time.Lacking well-established and familiar job, education, health,social support network, and/or other resources that lead themsteadily towards an independent life after the initial escape, thehard-core survivors are the ones who come to the attention ofthe police as they are abused repeatedly by the same perpetratoror a series of abusers.

12. Medical aid. As mentioned earlier, medical issues plagueIPV survivors, some of whom do not obtain long-term,substantive medical care until after they leave the abusiveenvironment. Access to insurance, clinics, and otherforms of medical aid can help survivors ameliorate thephysical consequences of abuse (Dutton et al., 2006;Whitaker et al., 2007). In addition, those most likely to bemurdered by their partners are significantly more likely tobe seen by medical personnel than by police or shelterstaff due to serious injuries (Campbell, 2004).

13. Job services. The financial independence of an appropriatejob is essential for the long-term stability of mostsurvivors. For those who have been deliberately preventedfrom obtaining employment, forced to relocate, or mustnow support a family alone, jobs may be both essential andelusive. Anything from interview clothes to resumeconstruction can be useful.

14. Addiction recovery services. While addictions to alcoholand other drugs are not common among IPV survivors,those who self-medicate as a means of coping withphysical and emotional trauma generally have little accessto the long-term support services required to genuinelyrecover (Miller, 2006). Without these services, they aremore likely to return to the abusers who promote theiraddictions and even, in some cases, provide the drugs.Given the natural tension between viewing the police asan IPV resource and viewing them in terms of their lawenforcement role regarding substance abuse, somesurvivors weigh the latter more heavily.

15. Suicide prevention services. The despair and pain ofdealing with the abuse may continue long after the abuseris gone. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) iscommon among survivors. Even those who avoid it cangrow seriously depressed from the strain of avoiding astalker, trying to build an emotionally viable new life,providing for a traumatized family alone, or sufferingfrom other post-escape problems (Flouri, 2005; Miller,2006).

16. Counseling services. The self-esteem problems, historiesof child abuse, and other factors that contribute to patternsof involvement in abusive relationships may well requireextended counseling (Houry, Kaslow, & Thompson,2005; Miller, 2006; Zlotnick, Johnson, & Kohn, 2006).

These 16 pieces of information can be of use to differentpeople in different situations. Item 12 (medical aid) could beuseful at any moment, and even Item 1 (warning signs) can beuseful for someone who is well on the way to post-escape long-term planning. Each item, however, is carefully associated withthe situation in which information about it is most crucial andneeded. For example, medical aid is offered and even imposedin the first three situations because it is part of the emergencyresponse and shelter care system. However, this information ismost needed in the final situation, where individuals must notonly plan for ways to get it independently but may finally befocused on their own needs enough to recognize a need formedical support. Similarly, warning signs information can be


useful as a reminder at any point, but they are crucial in that firsteffort to contemplate escape because that requires recognizingabuse in the individual's life. The situations and needs are notmutually exclusive, but each information need takes ascendancyin a different situation. The framework delineates those pointsof emphasis.

Proffered as a first step in developing concrete informationneed models for IPV survivors, this person-in-progressive-situation framework addresses four common situations andincludes a total of 16 discrete pieces of information. It drawsfrom the literature of several disciplines and focuses on theinformation that pertains to community policing efforts.

6. Research questions

Building on community policing practices, many police de-partments use their websites to provide information on in-houseand external support services. The person-in-progressive-situationframework delineated above provides an analytic lens with whichto examine police department website support for IPV survivors.As noted earlier, the research literature's findings regarding thispopulation's particular needs for safety and ready informationaccess underpin Questions 2 and 3. The research questions arelisted below.

1. In the police department websites of the 100 largest U.S.metroplexes, which of the 16 information content items of theIPV person-in-progressive-situation framework are included?

2. In the police department websites of the 100 largest U.S.metroplexes, which of the following access support elementspertained to the IPV information content items are provided:linguistic diversity, site map inclusion, site search inclusion,cyber-safety warning, and fine-motor skill requirements?

3. In the police department websites of the 100 largest U.S.metroplexes, what level of navigational complexity, as indi-cated by click path length, was required to reach the IPVinformation content items provided?

7. Website analysis method

7.1. Website selection

The websites of the 172 police departments in the 100 mostpopulous U.S. metroplexes were identified in a two-stage pro-cess. First, the U.S. Census was used to identify the 100 mostpopulous Metropolitan Statistical Areas (M.S.A.) (U.S. Census,2003). Many of these M.S.A. included two to three separatecities, each of which was included in the study for a total of 172cities. These cities were then used as the search terms inGoogle™ to find each city's official website. The policedepartment site linked off of each city's official site served asthe base website for that police department.

7.2. Data collection and analysis

The data were collected in a four-week period between Apriland May of 2006. Broken links were revisited up to twice within

48 hours of the first contact to account for temporary connectivityproblems. All links in all sites were live within that period of time.Eachwebsite was analyzed in terms of the pre-determined factors:16 content items derived from the person-in-progressive-situationframework, 5 access elements, and link-path depth. These 16content items were carefully defined to support rigorouslyconsistent identification within all 172 sites.

In all 16 cases, 4 criteria were crucial to the definitions. First,the information must be designed to stand on a permanent basis;temporary sites such as press releases or news briefs wereexcluded. Second, the focus must be on the public's informationneeds. In-house documents, such as internal procedures ormeeting minutes, were excluded even when part of a deliberateeffort to have departmental work be as transparent as possible forthe public. Items generated for internal purposes and shared wereexcluded. Those designed for direct public use were included.

The third criterion helped establish the nature of a referral, acommon information pattern in police websites and one sup-ported by community policing efforts. This criterion requiredthat the actual information appear directly on the police depart-ment website. Information found only after following links toother parts of the city's site or other non-city agencies wasexcluded. This criterion permitted inclusion of referrals in that areferral provided essential identification of information as use-ful for IPV survivors. Even if that information were actuallylocated via an off-site link, the clarity of the referral qualified itto be counted. For example, a link reading “Sisters of Charity”would not be counted if it lacked any contextualizing statementto indicate that it was useful for IPV survivors; it would notcount even if the link ultimately described a safe house that thesisters run. If, however, the link read “shelter for abused womenrun by Sisters of Charity”, then that phrase, including the link,would be included as a referral on the grounds that the policepage explicitly identified a resource for IPV survivors.

Finally, to be counted for the study, all information had to beplaced in the context of intimate partner violence. The lawenforcement terminology for IPV generally identifies it as asubset of the larger areas of “domestic violence” or “familyviolence”. Individual officers and even entire administrativeunits, however, dealt with spousal abuse, domestic partners,stalking, and dating partners in violent situations. When de-scriptions, headings, explanations, or other text brought theother aspects of domestic violence or sexual assault into a pageas an additional element, then the material was still included onthe grounds that the IPV focus of the page was well established.For example, the growing awareness of teen-dating violence hasmade it an area of IPV concern even though the survivor is notliving with the abuser (Centers for Disease Control and Pre-vention, 2006; Ocampo, Shelley, & Jaycox, 2007). Since sexualassault and rape are certainly weapons in the arsenal of bothabusive intimate partners and strangers, both may overlap withIPV information. When the information was primarily for IPVsurvivors, the addition of newer subsets of IPV (such as datingviolence) or related areas (such as sexual assault) did not affectthe determination to include the information.

Those 16 elements within the context of those criteria couldoccur throughout a departmental website. This study was


designed to examine the content of the police websites, not theirusability. However, the practical limitation set on manuallyreviewing the pages was rooted in the basic user pattern ofexamining about two pages per search (Fallows, 2005, p. 1).Erring on the side of inclusion, a limit was set on page exami-nations of triple that common number. Therefore, from thehomepage of the police department website, every single linkwas followed for at least six levels. At any of the six levels, thosepages that contained any explicit mention of intimate partnerviolence were followed through until the linked pages no longercontained relevant information. At all points along those paths,note was taken of the 16 content items delineated above.

7.3. Access elements and link-path depth

Five access elements were tracked: language, site map, sitesearch, cyber-safety, and fine-motor skill. These elements werechosen for their potential to support or inhibit access for thisparticular population. Note was also taken of navigationalcomplexity, quantified as number of layers from home page toIPV information. The site was credited with having non-Englishcontent if any page within a site was available in a languageother than English, either directly or through a site translator.Site maps and site searches were tracked and are detailed below.Cyber-safety (i.e., any of several possible means of helping asite visitor prevent an abuser from tracking the visit) was soughtin some detail but rarely available in any form. Fine-motor skillwas defined as the ability to mouse over a line of text, a difficulttask for someone with hand/arm injuries or blackened eyes.

8. Limitations

The limitations of the study are inherent in the examination ofgovernment websites. This is not an evaluative study or ausability study. The accrediting body for law enforcement agen-cies (C.A.L.E.A.) has no national standards on this matter, sothere are no recognized criteria for evaluating the sites. As a firststep in understanding the issues involved in local e-governmentservice to IPV survivors, this study uses an original person-in-progressive-situation framework that was developed from theinterdisciplinary research literature on IPV. Therefore, the 16information items of that framework function as content ele-ments. Since the framework is not a standard, however, these 16items are not evaluative criteria.

Thesewebsites may be created by professional webmanagers,civilians working for the departments, general city employees,officers within departments who provide raw content to webmanagers, and a number of other people. With no standard chainof responsibility for the structure or content of the sites, policedepartments may have limited control over the final outcome.

In terms of data gathering, the sites are in constant flux. Thisanalysis is only a snapshot of a moving target. The populationincludes the largest metroplexes where funding and technologymay combine with more advanced law enforcement efforts tolead the way in website utility. It is not a nationally representa-tive sample—it leaves out the smaller communities that mayhave greater website control and the potential for closer com-

munity policing ties or, alternatively, fewer resources for up-to-date training in IPV.

In terms of data analysis, having only one set of eyes on somany thousands of pages could have resulted in some misseddata. However, the systematic and detailed work on eachdepartment's site minimizes that concern. Each site's contentwas tracked carefully and thoroughly through the use of anExcel spreadsheet, screen captures, and notes.

9. Findings

9.1. Content

IPV survivors who are reviewing their support options oftenconsider or are urged to consider the police as one possibleresource (Felson et al., 2002). Those considering that optionsometimes try to learn more about what might happen if theydid risk making such a call. How seriously would their call betaken? What sort of help might they expect to receive? Thosewho examine police websites for such information would, inthese 172 cities, generally find IPV information since 60% ofthe sites had at least one of the 16 content items available. AsTable 1 indicates, fully 40% of the sites had 1 to 4 separate webpages with IPV information. A total of 6% had 5 to 6 pages, 7%had 7 to 10 pages, 4% had 11 to 20 pages, 1% had 21 to 30pages, and 2% had 31 to 52 pages.

The nature and quantity of the information on those pages isa separate matter. A full 40% of the sites had no information atall.

9.1.1. Content for first situation: considering the choice toleave the abuser

IPV survivors who begin to think about responding activelyto their situations need information that helps them understandthe three points mentioned earlier as the foundation of change.As Table 2 indicates, less than one-fourth of these sites providedwarning signs, safe house contact information, or exit/safetyplans.

Practicing “sense-making” at its most fundamental (Dervin,1998), these people use information to define and recognizeboth their situation and their options. First, the abuse must berecognized as wrong, abnormal, undeserved, and/or inexcusa-ble. That recognition can be nurtured with descriptions of theclassic warning signs of abusive relationships (e.g., limitingaccess to family and friends, controlling finances, shoving, andthreats). While not the primary responsibility of police,identifying these warning signs of abuse can have a powerfulinfluence on some individuals who are just beginning toquestion an abusive life, which they see as normal or common.In these police sites, only 19% included that information.

Once abuse is recognized, information on safety or escapeplanning can help survivors who are looking for a way to movetowards a safer life. Since separating from the abuser is a pointof tremendous physical danger (Campbell et al., 2003b), theconcrete and detailed advice in these plans can be life-saving.For example, escape plans include ways to hide money anddocuments so that they can be picked up if a physical attack

Table 1Number of pages per site


necessitates departure in the middle of the night with children.Survivors might, quite legitimately, think of the police as areliable resource for information on a safety plan. Unfortu-nately, only 14% of the sites provided this information.

The most basic item is contact information for a safe house.Having a secure place to go is often an essential element ofmaking the decision to leave an abuser. While all safe houseshave phone numbers, relatively few have websites, and evenfewer have email. Only 23% of the police sites provided a

Table 21st situation, considering leaving the abuser

phone number; 9% gave websites and 1% gave email addresses.Each of these cities had a shelter within reach of its citizens;phone numbers could have been provided on all of the sites.

9.1.2. Content for second situation: considering engaging thepolice

On a police website, information would help demonstrate thedetermination of the department to prosecute the crime andsupport the survivors' efforts to escape. Although policemaywell


assume that their determination is inherently manifest, manysurvivors have trouble trusting that the police will respect them,understand their situation, and actively protect them (Felson et al.,2002). In order to establish and/or bolster their cognitive authority(McKenzie, 2003a; Wilson, 1983) as professionals who are inti-mately conversant with the insular “life in the round” (Chatman,1999) of IPV, police could be explicit about their responsibilitiesand primary resources. Therefore, four pieces of information canbe of substantial use to survivors. As Table 3 indicates, more thanhalf the sites provided at least one of these information items.

First, a referral to the fact that the police address this crime isuseful, preferably with contact information for individuals orunits specializing in the crime. A referral to the police wasmissing on 43% of the sites. One possible reason for this gap isthe police department's unfamiliarity with the information gate-keepers (Metoyer-Duran, 1993) of the IPV survivor's world.Working within a law enforcement context in which domesticviolence is clearly a crime, the police may not recognize theimpact of IPV information gatekeepers who are, quite often, theabusers. These people rarely define their own actions as re-prehensible and often cast the survivor or some outside force(e.g., alcohol) as the cause. By stepping up as informationgatekeepers on so fundamental a point, police could make ameaningful difference for some survivors.

In addition to knowing that the police address the crime, IPVsurvivors may need to know how the crime is defined in theirjurisdiction. Some survivors are unaware that death threats,choking, stalking, killing pets, destroying phones (the means tocall for help), property destruction, and spousal rape are illegaldespite what their abusers and social network members may tellthem (Carlson & Worden, 2005). Among certain immigrantpopulations, this definition can be particularly crucial becausesome countries impose virtually no limits on men's behavior(Bhuyan, Mell, Senturia, Sullivan, & Shiu-Thornton, 2005;

Table 32nd situation, considering engaging the police

Crandall, Senturia, Sullivan, & Shiu-Thornton, 2005; Sullivan,Senturia, Negash, Shiu-Tornton, & Giday, 2005). Of the 172sites, only 24% defined the crime to some extent. In some casesthe definition was taken directly from the appropriate statute,but others were jargon-free explanations or lists of illegal be-haviors. Domain knowledge (Marchionini, 1995, p. 66) of anessentially legal matter is beyond the cognitive experience ofmany survivors. Police can help them bridge that informationgap better than anyone else. The fine shades of that essentialfirst determination of an action's legality are not only their areaof expertise but also their professional responsibility.

The third item pertaining directly to the police is the use ofprotective orders. Often urged by shelter staff and police alike asa powerful first step in moving towards safety, protective ordersrequire survivors to trust that police will respond quickly andeffectively to violations, to use a complex criminal justice sys-tem which requires that they document their need for the order,and sometimes to face their abuser in court (Fleury-Steiner et al.,2006). The confusion between civil and criminal law makes thisparticularly critical. Police cannot generally enforce civil re-straining orders, but they can enforce various kinds of criminalprotective orders. Information on protective orders was providedon 27% of the websites.

At the moment of crisis, when police have been called to ahome for an IPV situation, they often recommend a protectiveorder. Having information on that complex process available forreview after the crisis has passed may help survivors understandwhat protection it offers and how to obtain it. The value ofdelivering information at the point of need is well established(Belkin, 1980; Marchionini, 1995). However, the cyclical natureof IPV needs means that some people have not “a” point of needbut several. Protective orders are both useful and complex; theyincrease protection and fail to guarantee it. Those contextualelements create points of need that can be difficult to navigate.


For those who have safe web access, the opportunity to find theinformation from the people who provided it initially can becomforting cognitively and affectively.

The fourth police-related information item pertains to com-munication between the criminal justice system and the victim.Police will charge, hold, and release abusers; survivors oftenneed notification of that release. In some situations, the abusercan be released within a few hours of the initial arrest. Reta-liation attacks can be extremely dangerous, making this noti-fication critical for some individuals (Dobash et al., 2007). Thenational victim notification system, known as VINE (VictimInformation and Notification Everyday), is available in moststates to some degree and in most major cities (Bureau of JusticeAssistance, 2006; Appriss Data Network, 2007). Only 8% of thesites included any mention of the victim notification processes.

Knowing in advance that they will have warning before anabuser is released could encourage survivors to risk calling thepolice in the first place. The ELIS focus on integrating both thecognitive (e.g., understanding the post-arrest process) and af-fective (e.g., fearing an unexpected return of the abuser) moti-vators in information-seeking certainly applies in this context.

9.1.3. Content for third situation: building a life immediatelyafter escape

Survivors are more likely to make a successful move towardssafety, including following through on prosecutions (Gillis et al.,2006), if they can get appropriate economic and social support(Felson et al., 2002). Without appropriate support, people oftenreturn or stay in their abusive situations. For example, manywomen go back to their abusers when they lack the child supportand income required to feed their children. With that in mind,referrals to social services from the police site not only supportsurvivor efforts to move towards self-sufficiency but also de-monstrate the law enforcement's understanding of the complex-

Table 43rd situation, building a life immediately after escape

ities of the situation. This effort exemplifies the use of informationto develop trust, which is useful in establishing the kind of long-term relationship required to investigate and prosecute a crimesuccessfully. As Table 4 indicates, at most one-third of the sitesincluded one of these information items.

Of the 172 sites, 23% mentioned victims' services programs,which are available in every state due to the Victims of CrimeAct (Office for Victims of Crime, 2007). These programs areimplemented locally but generally provide some level of finan-cial and informational support for crime victims as they recoverfrom their experience. IPV survivors may grow to rely on theirvictims' services officer for advice throughout the prosecutionprocess (Corcoran & Allen, 2005); an early connection to theoffice can serve as information scaffolding (Halttunen, 2003) tohelp a survivor move from a general to a specific resource.

Similarly, information referrals to other local support agen-cies can lower the affective load (Nahl, 2005) of irritation, fear,and anxiety with which survivors must cope. Including bothgovernmental and non-governmental organizations, at least onesocial service agency referral was made on 33% of the sites.

Some cities have too few safe house beds to meet demand;others have safe houses that will not accept men, women whoare being treated for mental disorders, or women with teenagesons. In those situations, having a referral to an emergencyshelter can be essential for someone planning to leave anabusive home; 22% of sites provided such referralinformation.

In most cases, some form of legal information is needed tonavigate the civil and/or criminal court systems. Financiallysecure IPV survivors are likely to find legal aid throughcommon channels, but those who lack such resources and/orchannels may need support. Although many cities andcounties have legal services, only 17% referred site visitorsto a legal aid center.


9.1.4. Content for fourth situation: constructing the basis ofviable, long-term independence after escape

Additional assistance is sometimes required on a long-termbasis. Particularly when the abuser has the funds to obtain alawyer who can repeatedly delay criminal proceedings until civildivorce and custody proceedings have been concluded, thesurvivor may go for months or even years with no resolution,insufficient financial support for the children, continual threats,and even attacks. With under-trained police officers (Huismanet al., 2005), ambivalent court officials, and an intimidatingjudicial process (Gillis et al., 2006), the problems multiply. Tosupport a survivor's efforts to maintain both a separation fromthe abuser and a prosecution against such odds, long-term sup-port is often needed. As Table 5 indicates, very few of the 172websites recognized this broader context by making referrals tolong-term service resources.

Overall, the level of information provided is clearly insuffi-cient for critical, police-related, general, and long-term infor-mation needs. Of these 172 sites, 40% have no information at all,76% do not define IPV as a crime, 77% do not provide a phonenumber for a local shelter, 73% do not provide any informationon protective orders, 77% do not provide information on vic-tims' services, and 90% lack information on medical support.None of this information is complex or difficult to locate; muchof it could consist of links to the local safe house website. Thelocal e-government approach to social service in the criminaljustice context, however, may not take the information-seeker'sperspective as a starting point for site content.

9.2. Access issues, including cyber-safety

The information provided must be accessible to the end-users, who have some particularly crucial access issues. As

Table 54th situation, constructing basis of long-term life

Table 6 indicates, access issues were not commonly consideredin these sites.

Language is an access issue of more significance in somecommunities than others. Since IPV survivors are disproportio-nately from immigrant communities (National Coalition AgainstDomestic Violence, 2005a), the IPV segment of police websitesshould be a top priority when translations are considered.However, only 13% of the sites had IPV information available ina language other than English.

For more experienced end-users, site maps and site searchescan provide baseline access. Unfortunately, 95% had no men-tion of IPV in their site guide, although broad departmental linkswould eventually lead to useful information from such startingpoints as “family violence” or “detective division”. Using “do-mestic violence” as a search term did yield hits on 51% of thesites. In these cases, the basic e-government approach in websitedesign is still focused on the perspective of the website creatorrather than that of the end-user.

As police departments make increasing inroads in fightingcyber-crime, they are becoming more cognizant of abusers'criminal use of the Internet on a local level. As mentioned before,60% of the sites had information of potential use to IPV survivors,but only 1% of the 172 sites had any sort of cyber-safety notice towarn these crime victims that their abusers could track their use ofthe material. Safe house sites and various national sites providepop-up windows, escape buttons, and warning panels to helpsurvivors mask their use of the web as an escape tool. Forexample, the U.S. Department of Justice Domestic Violence sitewarning panel suggests that the “safest way to find information onthe Internet would be at a local library”. The National CoalitionAgainst Domestic Violence (2005b) has a bright red “escape”button on every page that sends the user to a blank Google searchbox; if an abuser walks into the room in which a survivor is

Table 7Click path sites and path totals

0 click 1 click 2 click 3 click 4 click 5 click 6 click

Sites with atleast 1 path

8 62 68 44 18 4 0

Total # of paths 9 104 157 183 136 28 0

Table 6Access issues


accessing the site, that escape button can prevent an attack byhiding the survivor's activity from the abuser. The Texas Councilon Family Violence site has a pop-up window that providescyber-safety information and an escape button. Unfortunately, thecompartmentalized nature of police departments may make itdifficult for the IPVofficers and/or the webmanagers to gain a fullunderstanding of the need for cyber-safety information in thiscontext. All sites could provide warning panels readily; pop-upsand escape buttons might be added as enhancements becomefiscally and technically viable.

Only 6% of the sites required using fine-motor skills toaccess information. The physical dexterity needed to “mouseover” a line of text and the visual acuity required to follow thecursor through the process are not always available to peoplewho have blackened eyes and injured hands or arms. The clean,simple access to information was a significant strength of thesites.

9.3. Navigation

Navigation was examined in terms of click path length.Some of the paths may not have been followed readily by end-users, but that is a separate matter best examined empirically.The click path aspect of this study was designed to determinethe path length alone, not the usability of the site. Starting fromthe department's home page, the paths were followed for at leastsix levels regardless of their overt connection to IPV. For ex-ample, the homepage (the 0-click point) of one departmentincluded a link to “Bureaus” (the 1-click point), which led to“Investigations” (the 2-click point), then “DV/Elder Abuse” (the3-click point), then “Domestic Violence” (the 4-click point) toget to actual information on IPV. The path required 4 clicks offthe homepage and was therefore registered as a 4-click navi-gation path.

A total of 5% had IPV information actually on the homepage(a 0-click path), 35% had information at 1 click, 39% at 2 clicks,26% at 3 clicks, 10% at 4 clicks, 2% at 5 clicks, and none at allat 6 clicks. Some sites had information at more than one level.

As Table 7 indicates, 68 sites had at least one 2-click path.Several of those had more than one such path, so 157 such pathswere found among those 68 sites. While 18 sites had at least one4-click path, they contributed to a total of 136 such paths.Navigating was most commonly productive within 1 to 3 clicks,a reasonable if not ideal level of access.

10. Implications

E-government efforts to provide locally rooted, substantiveinformation on significant social problems such as IPV wouldbenefit from greater cohesion of policy, practice, and usabilityresearch. Although policy is set and administered at the locallevel, appropriate national organizations (such as the nationalaccrediting body, C.A.L.E.A., and the national police admin-istrators' association, the I.A.P.C.) could provide a model,template, or guidelines for departments to use. Such policyinitiatives could encourage survivor-based content, cyber-safetysupport, and effective navigation.

From a practice perspective, the first step is to encourageproviding basic information, since 40% of the sites had noinformation at all. With social workers, clergy, physicians,


nurses, employers, counselors, family members, friends, andothers searching for information on IPV, police departmentsshould maximize the flexibility and reach of the Internet insupport of IPV survivors' support networks. Even if they be-lieve that few IPV survivors would Google their sites, policedepartment administrators must carry community policing prac-tices into cyberspace.

Utilizing the Web's flexibility can provide copies of the sitesin the languages most appropriate to survivors' linguistic needs.Similarly, cyber-safety is a critical aspect of this web work andmust be built in from the beginning. Finally, police departmentsmight be encouraged to take advantage of local resources if theirmunicipal IT department does not offer usability services. Forexample, they could build on their relationships with local safehouses to garner feedback on sites. Those with local informationschools could offer their site's design as a class project. Althoughfew police departments have the resources for thorough, in-houseusability analysis on this particular population, every effort tomaximize effective information delivery is worth considering.

The one-stop shopping goal of e-government designers maynot be the most effective means of meeting personal crisisneeds. The long-term, reiterative, and multi-faceted situations inwhich IPV survivors find themselves may actually benefit fromlayered or contextually organized information provision. Onlyempirical analysis of contrasting information delivery optionscan determine the optimal design goal. As a baseline, however,using police department websites to provide fundamental infor-mation and essential referrals maximizes the Internet's ability tohelp local government reach these crime victims, as well as thecommunity and social network partners who support their move-ment toward a safer life.

Finally, the person-in-progressive-situation frameworkrequires further examination in terms of its effectiveness as ananalytic lens. In-depth feedback on the four situations and theirinformation elements, from IPV survivors, police officers spe-cializing in IPV work, shelter directors, and other IPV stake-holders could refine and develop this application of theframework. Understanding the relationships among the foursituations more fully, especially in terms of their informationneed implications, would support more effective website design.This type of focus on the framework will also further test itslimits as an analysis tool. While this particular application of theframework appears to have provided a functional and usefulanalysis of both IPV survivor information needs and the policedepartment websites, additional research would determine itsbroader efficacy.

E-government's next iteration must build from the user'sworld view in the provision of social service support. Respon-sive, flexible, and substantive information support can linkcitizens to the resources and services that best meet their needs.Such an approach demands that e-government website designersrecognize the dynamic situations in which their sites are used. Tobecome effective information gatekeepers, e-government sitedesigners must provide cognitive and affective support for in-dividuals in crisis. Understanding the information needs of eachprogressive crisis situation is the essential first step towards thegoal of effective e-government service.

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