Agroforestry Systems 12, 269-284, 1990. 269 © 1990 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

Dynamics of swidden agriculture in East Kalimantan

MAKOTO INOUE 1 and A B U B A K A R M. LAHJIE 2 ~Forest Management Division, Forestry & Forest Products Research Institute (FFPRI), Tsukuba-city, Ibaraki, 305, Japan 2Faculty of Forestry, Mulawarman University, Samarinda, East Kalimantan, Indonesia

Key words: Migration, infiltration of monetary economy, effect on environment, swidden system, East Kalimantan

Abstract. The Kenyah Dayak people began to migrate from the isolated area to the Mahakam basin in the early 1950's. As the Kenyah people migrate downstream, infiltration of monetary economy into the village increases, which leads to changes of life style, social structure such as work organization and mutual aid system in daily life, and so on. In the course of a series of such changes, sustainable swidden agriculture system is also changed to a less sustainable one. The Benuaq Dayak people, however, practice sustainable 'swidden (paddy) - rattan forestry' system while they can earn much income. The Buginese way of land utilization, 'swideen (paddy) - pepper production' system, is the least sustainable though the pepper production is the most profitable in the region. The land utilization by the transmigrated Javanese is not so sustainable at present, but there is a possibility of its getting more sustainable because of acquisition of the land ownership.

Introduction

Swidden agriculture (shifting cultivation) has been considering to be an important cause of deforestation. Research into swidden agriculture, how- ever, has been mainly undertaken by anthropologists. It seems to the authors, however, that a consideration of forestry, in both its social and biological aspects, is indispensable when researching into swidden agricul- ture.

Recently, some interesting researches were carried out in Borneo islands [3, 10]. According to the recent researches which compared different types of swidden agriculture in East Kalimantan [2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9], there seems to be three models of swidden agriculture; traditional swidden agriculture practiced by the Dayaks living in remote areas, transitional one by the Dayaks in the Mahakam basin, and non-traditional one by new-comers from other regions.

However, such researches as focusing on the dynamics of swidden agricul- ture which investigate several swidden villages of a tribe do not exist. Given

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that swidden agriculture is undergoing drastic changes, it seems more impor- tant to clarify the series of changes that swidden agriculture goes through than to carry out mere comparative studies among the three models. Therefore, the characteristic feature of this research is the investigation of the dynamics of swidden agriculture carried out by the Kenyah Dayak tribe and the description of those changes as a series of swidden stages. Other tribes were also investigated for comparative purposes.

Research methodology

Research area

The data for nine villages will be utilized in this paper although more villages were investigated for two years. The inhabitants of five villages out of the nine are from the Kenyah Dayak tribe. Two of the remaining four are the Benuaq Dayak villages where people plant swiddens with rattan, the other two are a government sponsored transmigrated Javanese village and a spontaneously migrated Buginese village where large quantities of pepper are produced (See Fig. l).

Long Betaoh and Long Ampung are located in the Apo Kayan region which is in an isolated plateau neighboring the border between Indonesia and Malaysia. Long Betaoh is the nearest village to the border. This village has a longhouse and some single houses which are the remains of a former longhouse. The total number of the households is only twelve, because of the rapid population outflow. Long Betaoh is a village that is vanishing. On the other hand, in the same Apo Kayan region, Long Ampung has an elemen- tary school, a shop, and an unpaved small airport which has regular flights twice a week. The inhabitants of Long Ampung are from the 'Umaq-Jalan' Kenyah tribe. They began to move in early 1950's. A common theory is that people migrate because of high population pressure. The Kenyah Dayak tribe, however, move from the isolated areas of the Apo Kayan region to the Mahakam basin for economic [5] and educational reasons. Specifically, they migrate in order to obtain the necessities of life and to increase the educa- tional opportunities for their children. Population pressure, of course, may be one of the causes but our field surveys showed that factors relating to population pressure, such as lack of suitable land for swidden agriculture or remoteness of the swiddens were not stated as being causes of migration.

After moving out from Apo Kayan they have migrated several times and now form some villages in the Mahakam basin. One of these villages is Datah Bilang where a group moved in 1974. Gemar Baru (1977) was also

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I. Long Betaoh (Kenyah) 6. Besiq (Benuaq) 2. Long Ampung (Kenyah) 7. Jengan Danum (Benuaq) 3. Datah Bilang (Kenyah) 8. Karya Baru (Bugis) 4. Gernar Baru (Kenyah) 9. Bukit Raya (Java) 5. Karang Mtrnus Dalam(Kenyah)

Fig. 1. Location of the research areas

formed in this way. However, in the case of Gemar Baru the Modang Dayak tribe had inhabited the region before the Umaq-Jalan Kenyah Dayak tribe arrived. Therefore, in order to avoid land disputes between the Modang and the Kenyah the following agreement was concluded; a) the Kenyah ask permission of the Modang when the former want to

make a swidden on a plot that has been used by the Modang. b) the Kenyah pay 15 cans of paddy per swidden, equivalent to 165kg,

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regardless of the area to the Modang after harvest when the former use of a plot where there are some fruits trees or rattan planted by the latter.

Recently the Kenyah Dayak tribes began to migrate again from the villages located on the upper and middle reaches of the Mahakam river to the vicinity of Samarinda. They formed a new village named Karang Mumus Dalam in 1982 and, like the Buginese, introduced pepper produc- tion.

The Buginese, who migrated from south Sulawesi, make up some colonies named Karya Baru. Some inhabitants of a colony produce pepper in protec- tion forest. They produce paddy on the swidden first, and then plant the swidden with pepper trees. The land utilization can be called 'swidden (paddy) - pepper production' system. Javanese transmigrants formed the village called Bukit Raya in the Teluk Dalam region assisted by the govern- ment of Indonesia. These two villages were also investigated for purposes of comparison.

The Damai district, located in the middle Mahakam area has long been famous for rattan production. Most of the inhabitants are from the Benuaq Dayak tribe. The people produce paddy first, and then plant the former swidden with rattan. The land utilization can be called 'swidden (paddy) - rattan forestry' system. Besiq is one of a few villages which has the lowest population density (2.6 person/km 2) and the largest per capita area of rattan garden in the region. Jengan Danum is one of a few villages which has the highest population density (6.7 person/km z) and the smallest per capita are of rattan garden.

Finally, inhabitants of the villages numbered 4 to 9 in Fig. 1 make swidden on the plots where logging companies have already extracted the commercial species. The inhabitants usually walk along the logging roads to their swiddens. In Gemar Baru people use man-pulled carts to carry food, fuelwood, etc.

Field data collection

The following are the items that have been covered by the field survey: the land tenure system; land utilization including the rotation system, the techniques of swidden agriculture, work organization, the labour force, labour and land productivity; the infiltration of the monetary economy including effects on the household economy and the mutual aid system in daily life; and the economic relationships with the other regions.

To clarify these items, careful interviews with the inhabitants of the villages were undertaken. It took about a day to finish interviewing each household on an average, while around thirty households were investigated

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in each village. We were obliged to measure swidden areas because of inaccuracy of the inhabitants' reply. Vegetation surveys of each succession stage of the secondary growth, as perceived by the inhabitants, were also carried out. It is important to understand secondary growth because the Dayaks classify the secondary growth after harvesting paddy as a succession and do not make a swidden on the same plot until the secondary growth recovers to a certain stage.

In this paper, however, only a part of these results are presented. The land tenure system, the techniques of swidden agriculture, the labour force, labour and land productivity will be reported in the other papers.

Evaluation model

Here two parameters will be used to analyze swidden dynamics. The factors that enable the positioning of each village in the various stages of swidden agriculture must be readily identifiable and capable of a certain degree of quantification. When an attempt is made to understand the dynamics of swidden villages were are confronted with changes of tradition. However, it is qualitative and multidimensional in nature and so unsuitable for adoption as one of the parameters.

The parameters, which could present the relationship between the people and the environment, are desired. Such a relation could be put in other words; relationship between economic condition of the people and their effect on the environment surrounding them. Generally speaking, economy is divided into two categories; subsistence economy where people produce the necessities of life by themselves and commodity economy where they get the necessities through exchange of the commodities. Then, the commodity economy consists of barter economy and monetary (cash) economy where

people use cash as means for exchanging commodities. Nowadays nobody might live in complete subsistance economy in East Kalimantan. All the villages might be incorporated in commodity economy. The ratio of com- modity economy to subsistence economy, however, and the ratio of monet- ary economy to barter economy are hard to get. And the infiltration of monetary economy to the village might be easier to be grasped than the infiltration of commodity economy as a whole, because people might memorize the use of cash better than the total of bartering and using cash. Then the infiltration of monetary economy could stand for the economic condition.

Therefore the 'infiltration of monetary economy' and its 'effect on the environment' were adopted as the two parameters that can form the axes of the graph positioning swidden villages.

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The following suggest the suitability of their selection. a) Observations suggest that the infiltration of the monetary economy into

village life increases the further the Kenyah people migrate downstream. This leads to changes in their life style, customs, etc. The infiltration of the monetary economy might be a key factor indicating the change of economic and social structure

b) In the course of the series of changes, beginning with migration, through changes in economic life, and ending in cultural change, the way of utilizing the forest or the swidden system also changes with clear en- vironmental implications.

The phenomenal relationship between people and environment, or between economic and social condition and the forest could readily be understood by way of these two parameters.

Two concrete indices will be shown later in order to describe each dimen- sion.

Result

Economic relations

Economic life In all of the villages, the most important activity for the inhabitants is swidden agriculture. It is true that rattan or pepper production are very important in some villages, but both the rattan and the pepper are produced on former swiddens. Almost all the swiddens are shifted every year and the main annual crop is paddy, often mixed with maize, cucumber, eggplant, etc. Most of the Dayak villages are self-sufficient in staple foodstuffs but trade with other regions is vital for all the villages to obtain the other necessities of life.

Fig. 2 shows the flows of commodities from each village to Samarinda. It also indicates main sources of income. The people in Long Betaoh (1) hunt wild pig and deer and bring them to Long Nawang (2), the seat of the district office, to barter them for the necessities of life. They make Anjat (rattan baskets) from rattan collected by themselves in the forest and sell them to middlemen at Long Nawang using the money to buy the necessities of life. They do not bring money back to the village.

The people in Long Ampung (3) barter chickens and pineapples for necessities such as salt, sugar, and seasoning at the airport. Crewmen often bring such items for bartering. They also sell Anjat (rattan basket) and hats made of leaves to tourists or middlemen, they sometimes go to seek Emas

* Flows of necessities of life /except rice from Samarinda to

the village are omitted.

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Fig. 2. Flows of commodities (Economic relationship)

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(gold) or search out Gaharu (aloewood, or Aquilaria species) to sell them to middlemen.

In Datah Bilang (4) some extract gold at the upper Mahakam area to sell to middlemen and others work for logging companies. Some rattan and paddy are also sold to middlemen.

Some of the inhabitants of Gemar Baru (5) get money from gold and aloewood, others work for the reforestation projects of INHUTANI , state owned forest corporation.

In the case of Karang Mumus Dalam (6) the people make more than 60% of their income out of pepper. They bring the pepper to Samarinda themsel- ves to sell it to middlemen or directly pepper companies. On the other hand,

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Table 1. Average annual cash expenditure per household (Rupiah)

little much

Long Long Datah Gemar Karang Jengan Besiq Bukit Karya Betaoh Ampung Bilang Baru Mumus Danum Raya Baru

4,200 9,600 307,800 375,100 437,300 459,000 618,300 841,400 1,183,600

* All figures are discounted and converted into the price at Samarinda on December, 1988. (US$ 1 = Rp. 1,731)

pepper middlemen already operate in Karya Baru (7), where the people get about 90% of their income from pepper.

In Besiq(8), the rattan planted by the people is the most important source of income. Also, many women make an income out of scraping rattan. On the other hand, in Jengan Danum (9), many men go to other villages to earn an income from wage labour harvesting rattan. Some collectors buy raw rattan at the villages, scrape it, sulfurize it, dry it and sell it to rattan middlemen who control the collectors in Damai town (10), the seat of the district office. Some middlemen sell the rattan to rattan merchants in Samarinda, others sell directly to rattan factories - mainly in Surabaya, but sometimes in Banjarmasin. In the Damai region, people cannot themselves meet the demand for rice, they buy a lot of it from Samarinda. In Besiq, average rate of self supply of rice is 61%.

In the transmigration village of Bukit-Raya (11) people have a variety of sources of income such as wage labour, chickens, ducks' eggs and paddy.

Average annual cash expenditure per household The economy of Long Betaoh is mostly a barter economy despite the increasing infiltration of comodity economy. The people of Long Ampung get some necessities through barter. In other villages cash economy is essential to inhabitants' daily lives.

At the village level, the amount of current money circulating might represent the infiltration of monetary economy. And then the average annual cash expenditure per household was adopted as the index for the amount of current money circulating - see Table 1.

It is very interesting to know that, in Gemar Baru, Karang Mumus Dalam, Besiq and Jengan Danum, 25%, 25%, 13%, and 14% respectively of total cash expenditure is allocated to the enducation of their children.

Corresponding to the average annual cash expenditure per household, such social system as work organization and mutual aid in daily life is changed.

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Work organization Contrary to popular opinion, the people in the study areas, basically, work individually at their own swiddens, or in individual family labour system. However, in the case of sowing, some work organizations are adopted in most of the villages.

In Long Betaoh and Karang Mumus Dalam, 97% and 91% of the total labour force for sowing is organized through the 'Pulun' system, which is a cooperative work system characterized by indirect reciprocity. The amount of labour supplied is not taken into consideration. All the village inhabitants who can work often join in sowing together.

Meanwhile, in Datah Bilang and Gemar Baru, 93 % and 61% of the total amount of labour force for sowing respectively is done through the 'Sun- guyung' system, which is labour exchange characterized by direct parity reciprocity. The 'Plo' system in Besiq and Jengan Danum, the 'Bantu- Membantu' system in karya Baru, and the 'Selangan' system in Bukit Raya are the same system as the 'Sunguyung' system but, because of tribal difference, the terms used are different.

In the case of cutting, 38% and 25% of the total amount of labour force are organized through 'Sunguyung' system in Datah Bilang and Karang Mumus Dalam respectively: 50% is done through 'Bantu-Membantu' system in Karya Baru: 36% is done through 'Selangan' system in Bukit Raya.

Some other work organizations are seen in harvesting, too. 54% of the total amount of labour force for harvesting is done through the 'Bagi Hasil' system in Karya Baru: 31% is done through 'Bawong' system in Bukit Raya. These are a kind of paid labour system where remuneration is given in the form of paddy. A person participating in harvesting paddy can get 1/6 of his production per day in 'Bagi Hasil' system: one can get 25% of his produc- tion per day in 'Bawong' system. Such a kind of paid labour system in harvesting paddy is called 'Metau' system in the Kenyah villages. The 'Metau' system, however, is trivial, considering its ratio to the total amount of labour force for harvesting.

Mutual aid system in daily life Only a part of systems of the Kenyah tribes will be explained here. They may be explained as follows; a) 'Nyat Tuaq': Under this system when a man asks another for some

necessities of life, the latter gives them to the former free of charge. b) 'Nag Tuaq': Here a man voluntarily gives some necessities free of charge

to another who is in need of them. In isolated areas the mutual aid system is essential to daily life. In Long

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Table 2. Category of Secondary Growth (at Long Betaoh)

Category Age Height Diameter of breast height

(years) (m) (cm)

State of forest

Bekan

Jue Dumit Jekau

Jekau Lataq Empaq cen Jekau

0 - small shrub just after harvesting paddy

4 - 7 - shrub which has a lot of weeds 7 - 17 - 20 - small secondary forest which has

few weeds 20 - 27 - 27 - secondary forest 40 - It was ira- 41 - old secondary forest

possible to measure

* The age is not so rigid because the recovering speed of the secondary vegetation depends on the site condition.

Betaoh especially the twelve households combine to form something similar to a single household economy by using the above mentioned systems almost every day. These systems are also often used in Long-Ampung. On the other hand, in Datah Bilang and Gemar Baru mutual aid system such as 'Nyat Tuaq ' and 'Nag Tuaq ' are seldom used or no longer exist. In Karang Mumus Dalam, however, even in the vicinity of Samarinda, mutual aid systems have been revived and are very impor tan t for the inhabitants. The reason seems to be that there are a lot of people who migrate to the village even now, who need help f rom others. A similar reason explains why the 'Pulun' system is adopted in Karang-Mumus-Da lam as well as in Long

Betaoh.

Swidden systems

Traditionally, the Dayaks classify the secondary growth after harvesting paddy as a succession stage. The terminology used varies f rom village to village but the principle is the same. To illustrate this only the case of Long Betaoh will be given. Table 2 shows the result o f measurement with regard to the categories of secondary growth and the term employed. The range of the age is not fixed because the recovery rate of the vegetation depends on the soil fertili ty. For example, seven years is enough for the vegetation to become 'Jekau' on some plots; ten years is not enough to become 'Jekau' on the other plots. The most impor tant point is that they do not cut the forest again until the secondary growth known as 'Jekau Lataq ' is established.

However, in Gemar Baru, people make a swidden again even if the secondary vegetation is still as small as 'Jue Dumit ' in the terminology of Long Betaoh. Therefore, it is presumed that the rota t ion system in Gemar

279

Baru can not help but has a bad influence upon the environment in the near future.

Although there are many indexes for the effect of swidden cultivation on the environment, the degree of recovery of the vegetation during the fallow period can be adopted as index describing environmental effect in the case of Dayak villages except for those in the vicinity of the city. The system in Datah Bilang is considered to be more sustainable than that of Jengan Danum because the degree of the recovery of the vegetation after five years in the former is better than that after nine years in the latter - see Table 3.

The system in Karang Mumus Dalam and Karya Baru can be regarded as the least sustainable way of utilizing forest land, because serious soil erosion can be seen in the pepper gardens when they have to be abandoned after about fifteen years. Nevertheless, some differences can be found bet- ween the village of Karang Mumus Dalam of the Kenyah tribe, who had been traditional swiddenners, and the village of Karya Baru of the Buginese who have not. The Buginese expend some money for the employment of labourers, the Kenyah expend little. The Buginese use some fertilizers and agricultural chemicals, the Kenyah use only little. Such a situation could be anticipated by a consideration of the difference in objectives of pepper production. The Kenyah produce pepper only in order to secure a minimum standard of living and pay for their children's education. The Buginese, on the other hand, do so in order to make a profit to finance pilgrimages, to construct new houses, to buy motorcycles, and so on. Therefore, the Buginese tend to extend the area of their pepper gardens - the average pepper garden area now being 1.2 ha. However, the Kenyah do not want to expand them any more than the area which can be managed by the in- dividual family. Their average area is now 0.5 ha. Moreover, the Kenyah plant a lot of fruit trees and the like in the pepper gardens. This means that the Kenyah pepper garden is more sustainable than the Buginese one.

In the transmigration village of Bukit Raya many people have plans to introduce a type of agroforestry system on the former swiddens where some kind of fruit trees will be mixed with cash crops such as vegetables. The proximity of the market and the prospect of getting land ownership are the incentives. The effect on the environment depends on whether the plans are adhered to which depends on the success of the trials.

Rattan forestry [11, 12] as practiced by the Benuaq tribe is very sustain- able. At the same time, people can get a large income from rattan. Even in Jengan Danum, where population density is very high and the per capita area of rattan garden is small - 0.9 ha, rattan gardens are as sustainable as they are in Besiq which has low population density and large average garden area - 3.5 ha. This is caused by the fact that rattan gardens, where one can

280

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Fig. 3. Some stages of Swidden Villages.

find a lot of rattan in the secondary forest, are not cut and burned to make swidden for more than 50 years, often the cycle is about 100 years. Jengan Danum, however, has a less sustainable swidden system than Besiq because population pressure on the land, except in rattan gardens, is much higher.

The type of forest which is used by the inhabitants for swidden also differs. In the Apo Kayan area (Long Betaoh and Long Ampung) where the Kenyah Dayak tribes have long been practising swidden agriculture, pri- mary (virgin) forest is seldom utilized. The inhabitants cut and burn the former swiddens again after a long fallow period. On the other hand, in the new villages even of the same Kenyah, much primary forest or logged over forest which has not been used for swiddens is cut and burned. With regard to preservation of diversity of the species, this type of swidden agriculture is inferior to that in Apo Kayan.

Conclusion

Combining Table 1 with Table 3, the stage of each village can be sum- marized in Fig. 3. As expected, in the case of the Kenyah Dayak (shown as rectangles) tribe who traditionally have not produced cash crop, the more downstream they migrate, the more they consume money, and the less

282

sustainable their swidden system become to be. Social structure such as work organization and mutual aid system is also changed.

But in the case of the Benuaq Dayak (shown as oval-shaped rattan for.viii.) tribe who traditionally produce rattan, their swidden system is very sustainable while they can earn relatively much income.

The way of land utilization in the Buginese village (shown as oval-shaped new village - pepper) is the least sustainable though the pepper production is the most profitable.

The transmigration village (shown as oval) is described vertically long because of the reason mentioned above.

The result of examining the indices chosen and represented in Fig. 3 as swidden dynamics can be explained as follows. Concerning the Kenyah tribe, it is clear that the infiltration of monetary economy, through migra- tion downstream, influences the effect of swidden cultivation on the environ- ment. However the fact shows only correlation because the causality bet- ween them is not proved.

The isolated area of the top-left corner of the diagram contains vanishing and developing villages. The dotted rectangle on the upper left indicates past Kenyah villages. At that time, infiltration of a commodity economy was much more limited than it is now. The oval overlapping the dotted rectangle shows a Punan village, which will be investigated later.

At the upper left of the dotted curve of the bottom-right corner, rotation system including a fallow period is very important for its effect on the environment. And like the rattan forestry village, the swidden system may become less sustainable if population density increases. On the other hand, at the lower right of it or in the vicinity of the city, the nature of the farming system itself is very important as already mentioned. That is to say, the development stage of land utilization has already proceeded to the introduc- tion of cash crops, the development of a labour market, etc. Considering that the infiltration of more monetary economy into the villages is an irreversible process, it is significant to develop sound farming system and labour opportunity, in harmony with each tribe's tradition, to fulfil both increasing people's welfare and conserving forests.

Problems remaining

This paper outlines the dynamics of swidden agriculture. The research, however, has been restricted to socio-economic aspects of the problem. Therefore, an investigation into the vegetation and soil fertility is needed in

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order to clarify the classification of secondary vegetation used by the Dayaks and the index of the effect to the environment.

As shown in this paper, unsustainable land utilization seen in the vicinity of the city is causing serious degradation of the environment. Even the swidden agriculture practiced by the Dayaks are becoming a cause of deforestation because of shortening of the fallow period. An interdisciplin- ary approach to such kinds of problem is essential.

Closer research into rattan forestry so as to facilitate its adoption in other region is also important.

Finally, propriety of Boserup theory of agricultural intensification [1] would be discussed by using data of labour productivity and population density of each village. And the causality between the infiltration of monet- ary economy and the effect of swidden system on the environment should be considered.

Acknowledgements

This paper is a part of the results of 'Tropical Rain Forest Research Project' based on the agreement between the Ministry of Education and Culture, Government of Indonesia and Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the Government of Japan. Cooperated by JICA, the project aims at developing researches in the field of forestry at PUSREHUT (Study Center for Reforestation and Rehabilitation of Tropical Rain Forest) which is the Inter-University Centers of concerned three universities: Mulawarman Uni- versity (UNMUL), Bogor Agriculture University (IPB), and Gadjah Mada University (UGM). In the framework of the project, Japanese and Indoesian scientists have been carrying out researches cooperatively.

The authors wish to express their gratitude to all the persons concerning the project, especially to Prof. Dr. Oetet & Jajah Koswara, former and present project managers, Prof. Dr. Edi Guhardja, Dean of post graduate school, IPB, Prof. Dr. Yunus Rasyid, Rector of UNMUL, Dr. B.D.A.S. Simarangkir, Director of PUSREHUT, Mr. Susumu SUZUKI, JICA team leader, Mr. Hideki Hachinohe, former Liaison officer of JICA team, Mr. Lugan and Mr. Igin Bilung, assistants and interpreters for the Kenyah language, Dr. Seiich OHTA and all the JICA experts. The Authors are also indebted to Dr. Peter Blandon, lecturer of Tsukuba University, for correct~ ing the draft.

284

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