Dynamics of household africa

Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110

DOI 10.1007/s10669-006-7480-2

Dynamics of household energy consumption in atraditional African city, IbadanIbidun O. Adelekan · Afeikhena T. Jerome

C© Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2006

Abstract In the last three decades the Nigerian environment

has experienced rapid degradation. A major contributory fac-

tor of this phenomenon is the pattern of socioeconomic de-

velopment in the country that gives little or no consideration

to environmental outcomes. An aspect of this development

is the economic policy of removal of subsidies on petroleum

products initiated in 1986 as a result of the worsening eco-

nomic situation in the country which begun in the early 1980s.

The result of this is that prices of commercial fuels inclu-

sive of kerosene and LPG (cooking gas) have continued to

rise beyond the reach of majority of the Nigerian popula-

tion. The paper examines the effect of increasing prices of

petroleum-derived energy sources on the pattern of energy

use for cooking in low and middle-income households and

the environmental implication in Ibadan, the largest truly in-

digenous urban centre in sub-Saharan Africa. Results show

that prior to the further subsidy removal of 1993, majority of

households sampled used kerosene for cooking. Thereafter,

a complete or partial switch in the pattern of domestic energy

consumption ensued with more households using fuel wood

and other more polluting and less efficient energy sources

for cooking. The paper recommends a transition towards

more environmental friendly energy sources for household

use.

Keywords Economic policies · Domestic energy

use · Urban households · Environment · Ibadan-Nigeria

I. O. Adelekan (�)Department of Geography, University of Ibadan, Nigeriae-mail: [email protected]

A. T. JeromeDepartment of Economics, University of Ibadan, Nigeria

1. Introduction

Urbanization has been a characteristic feature of most

African countries in the last few decades. In 1950, only 11

per cent of the African population was classified urban but by

2000 the urban population had increased to 37.9 per cent. It

is estimated that by the year 2015, 46.15 per cent of Africans

would be living in urban areas. This high rate of urbaniza-

tion has farreaching socio-economic and environmental im-

plications for urban centres especially in the face of current

economic crisis being experienced by African nations. Ur-

banization brings with it new behavioural patterns, which

have environmental implications in terms of the ways re-

sources are collected, distributed and used. Urbanization has

therefore become a major ecological driving force involving

vast transformations in the use of land, water, air and energy.

These are key environmental variables on which the sustain-

ability of the urban systems directly depends as they affect

the welfare and productivity of individuals, households and

communities. Shortages of these natural resources therefore

result in crisis situations.

Nigeria, the most populous country in Africa, is a clas-

sic example of a country with a high rate of urban growth.

While the country’s annual population growth rate for the

period 1970–1995 was 2.9 percent, the urban population an-

nual growth rate for the same period was 5.7 percent. In

1975, urban population constituted 23.4 percent of the total

population but by 2000, 43.3 percent of the total population

was classified as urban. By the year 2025, it is estimated

that 61.6 percent of the total population would be in urban

centres (UNCHS, 1996). This rapid rate of urbanization has

been accompanied by complex urban problems in the form

of stiff competition for land, long journeys to work, traf-

fic congestion, and inadequate supply of urban infrastruc-

tures including housing, potable water and energy which are

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100 Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110

inequitably distributed. Furthermore, increased environmen-

tal degradation as a result of various human activities, such

as fossil fuel consumption, deforestation, increased use of in-

dustrial chemicals, engaged in by the increasing population

has become a critical issue.

National economic decline has also affected all sectors

of the urban economy including the household sector. Dur-

ing the early 1970s Nigeria witnessed a period of economic

growth as a result of the oil boom. The rapid rise of the price

of crude petroleum from 1973 to 1978 brought boom condi-

tions to Nigeria and consequent rapid urbanization notwith-

standing the severe balance of payments pressures elsewhere.

However, when foreign exchange earnings declined sharply

in the 1980s due to a marked drop in the price of crude oil,

economic crisis set in. Between 1982 and 1985 the economic

situation had reached disturbing levels, which prompted the

Nigerian government to embark on measures to correct the

disequilibria in the economy. In April 1982, the civilian

federal government promulgated the Economic Stabiliza-

tion Act designed to arrest the deterioration of the economy.

More stringent exchange control measures and import re-

strictions supported by appropriate monetary and fiscal poli-

cies were put in place. In January 1986, 80 percent of the

petroleum subsidy was removed leading to an increase in the

prices of petroleum derived energy sources (Ojo, 1989). In

July 1986, Nigerian adopted a Structural Adjustment Pol-

icy (SAP), which was in response to the World Banks’ de-

mand for renegotiating its debt repayment schedule. Nige-

ria’s adoption of SAP had detrimental effects. There was

negative growth in consumption both at government and pri-

vate levels and high inflation rates reaching up to 26 per cent

during the period 1987-92. The Human Development Index

(HDI) for the country also declined from 0.31 recorded in the

period 1980-85 to 0.20 for the period 1987-92 (Federal Of-

fice of Statistics, 1992: Basic Indicators for Nigeria). Among

the specific reforms prescribed by the World Bank in rene-

gotiating its debt repayment schedule was the removal of

subsidies on petroleum and other products. This led to the

gradual removal of subsidies that resulted in the pricing of

commercial fuels such as kerosene and Liquefied Petroleum

gas (LPG) beyond the reach of majority of the population

considering the fact that income was not increased. Aweto

(1995) noted that the devaluation of major currencies in West

Africa had further increased the price of commercial fuels,

making increased consumption of commercial fuels by the

low-income people, in the rural and urban areas, a remote

possibility.

An outcome of this economic situation is the change in pat-

tern of domestic energy consumption in households, which

has had far reaching socio-economic and environmental im-

plications. This is because energy plays a critical role in the

interrelationship among environment, development and pop-

ulation. National case studies although essential in examin-

ing the impact of policies on patterns of energy use are not

readily available. This paper attempts to fill this gap by ex-

amining the dynamics of household energy use for cooking

in relation to prices of commercial fuels in the largest truly

indigenous city in sub-Saharan Africa.

Specifically, the paper examines the changes that have

occurred over time in the pattern of domestic energy use for

cooking in low and middle-income households in relation

to changes in petroleum products pricing in the recent past.

Also, environmental impacts, in terms of indoor air pollution

and deforestation of forests and wooded land within the city,

resulting from the greater use of firewood are assessed. The

study makes some distinct contribution to the literature, as it

is the first attempt to appraise the impact of energy subsidy

removal on urban households in Nigeria.

2. Urbanization and energy use

Urbanization is an important determinant of both the quantity

and type of fuel used in developing countries. Studies have

shown that at the household level, urban domestic energy

consumption generally follows the “energy ladder” whereby

residents move from consuming less costly and less conven-

tional fuels (wood, biomass) to energy of intermediate price

and quality (charcoal, kerosene) to more expensive, highly

convenient types of energy (LPG, electricity) as their income

rise and/or habits change over time (Sathaye and Meyers,

1990; UNCHS, 1991; Smith et al, 1994; Nathan and Kelkar,

1997). Sathaye and Meyers, 1990 noted that there is a rise

in the use of kerosene with income within the lower income

groups. The key factors affecting demand of particular fuel

types include the following:

(a) the relative price of the energy form and the appliance

that it will fuel.

(b) the availability of the fuel and related appliance(s) in the

market.

(c) the disposable income of the household

(d) cultural preferences,

The combination of these factors in any human settlement

gives rise to the observed pattern of energy consumption.

Studies show that disparities in household energy use ex-

ist between rural and urban populations, between high and

low income groups within a country and among countries.

The major factors contributing to these differences are levels

of urbanization, economic development and living standards

(Dzioubinski and Chipman, 1999). Urbanization in develop-

ing countries creates more demand for energy in its cheapest

and most accessible form, fuel wood, because many rural-

urban migrants retain rural habits in relation to energy use.

The energy alternatives for many urban populations are fur-

ther restricted due to cost and inadequate infrastructure. For

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Environmentalist (2006) 26: 99–110 101

instance, Macauley et al. (1989) showed that in India fuel

wood accounted for about 33 per cent of total energy con-

sumption and that fuel wood is negatively related to level

of income while the regression equation has a positive co-

efficient on LPG use. However, with the removal of subsidy

on LPG more higher income earners were returning to the

use of traditional fuels. Basically, firewood is the poor man’s

fuel in the rural and urban areas of India and the demand for

this source of energy is very high (Parisot, 1986). The rela-

tionship between income and fuel use is also highlighted in

the work of Leach and Gowen (1987) in which they showed

that as purchasing power increased in urban areas of India,

Pakistan and Brazil, the use of biofuels declined. Similarly,

Abakah(1990) investigated the link between real incomes,

inflation and fuel wood consumption in Ghana. Results of

the regression analysis for the study indicates that the quan-

tity of fuel wood consumed is negatively correlated to real

incomes and positively related to inflation levels.

Studies have also been conducted on patterns of energy

use in low-income households of African cities. Mascarenhas

(1999) showed that the single most important energy source

for cooking in Dar-es-salaam is charcoal with 79 per cent

of households using this energy source. Also, in Monrovia,

more than 80 per cent of surveyed low-income families used

charcoal for all of part of their cooking (IBRD, 1981). In a sur-

vey of 5 principal cities of Senegal, charcoal was also found

to be the dominant fuel for cooking in households (World

Bank/UNDP, 1989). This pattern of consumption is largely

influenced by the lack of wood resources near most urban ar-

eas. In some other African cities, fuel wood is a common fuel

for the urban poor especially where forests are not very far

from cities. Surveys of energy use in Kenya found that fuel

wood accounted for 60 per cent of total energy consumption

among the lowest income group of urban households while

kerosene made up only 8 per cent of total consumption (Bei-

jer Institute, 1984). In Nigeria surveys of energy use have

been undertaken in selected parts of the country (Onibokun

et al., 1986; FOS, 1992; Alabe, 1996; Mendie and Sanni,

1991). A significant shortcoming of these surveys is that a

differentiation of households in terms of income groups was

not made.

3. Study area

The study was conducted in Ibadan (Lat. 7◦32′ N Long.

3◦54′ E) the largest truly indigenous urban centre in Africa

south of the Sahara. The city is located near the forest grass-

land boundary of southwestern Nigeria and represents the

pinnacle of pre-European urbanization in the country (Mabo-

gunje, 1968). Ibadan is approximately 150 kilometres north

east of Lagos, the commercial capital of Nigeria and has an

estimated total land area of about 130.50 sq. km (Areola,

Table 1 Population size and annual growth rate (%) of Ibadan city

Year Population Growth Rate (%)

1975 847,000

1985 1.1 million 2.8

1995 1.5 million 2.81

2005 2.1 million 3.34

2015 3 million 3.64

Source: UNCHS (HABITAT), 1996

1982). The location of the city contributed to its early im-

portance as a marketing centre for traders and goods from

every part of western Nigeria. By 1860, Ibadan had become

the largest urban centre of Nigeria with a population density

of 17,427 per sq. km. The rapid expansion of the city in the

last three decades has been primarily due to a spate of de-

velopment projects sited in the city between the early 1970s

and early 1980s. Apart from being the largest urban centre,

Ibadan is also the most cosmopolitan city in Yoruba land.

The pattern of land use in the city shows that the largest

use of land is for residential purpose, which occupies about

61.39 percent of the total land in the metropolitan area (Ayeni,

1982). Residential land uses in the city comprise the high-

density area, the medium density districts and the low-density

residential districts. The indigenous Ibadan population and

early non Ibadan Yoruba migrants inhabit the high-density

core area. This zone is the oldest part of the city and com-

prises the older low quality residential districts. There are

hardly any spaces between the buildings, a situation causing

grave ventilation and accessibility problems among others.

Many of the buildings do not face the roads or streets since

they are at the back of other buildings. Access within the area

is, therefore, in most cases by means of narrow footpaths.

Most residents in this zone belong to the low-income class.

The newer low to medium quality, medium density residen-

tial districts comprise the newer eastern and western suburbs

as well as the post 1952 suburbs while the high quality, low

density residential districts comprise Bodija housing estate

and other government and private layouts. These three resi-

dential districts are quite distinct from one another but there

is an element of homogeneity within each district in terms

of population density, housing density, housing quality, and

the general neighbourhood conditions.

4. Research methodology

The study was carried out in two residential areas of Ibadan

city: the low-income, high density and middle-income,

medium density areas. The choice of these two income ar-

eas was based on the fact that households in these areas are

most affected by economic conditions. Studies show that

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macro-economic shocks affect the poor more than the rich

who are presumably in a better position to protect their living

standards (Easterly and Fischer, 1999; Ferreira et al., 2001).

Leach (1987) also noted that there is a disparity between poor

and rich in developing countries in the sensitivity to fuel price

increases.

A household energy survey was conducted to elicit in-

formation on the pattern of domestic energy consumption

for cooking during the periods before 1993, 1993–97 and

1999 when the study was undertaken. The household ques-

tionnaire comprised two main sections. Section A consisted

of questions addressing the socio-economic characteristics

of the respondents and households sampled while section B

consisted of questions which addressed the pattern of energy

use for cooking during the three periods identified and activ-

ities associated with energy use for cooking in households

during these periods. Qualitive data related to energy use

in households was also obtained from the conduct of focus

group discussions.

Three low-income residential districts in the core area of

the city (Bere, Oje and Oja’ba) and three middle-income

residential districts (Molete, Oke-Ado and Oke-Bola) were

sampled. Man made features such as roads were used to de-

lineate the boundaries of each residential district. Seventy

questionnaire forms were administered in each district mak-

ing a total of 210 questionnaires per income group. A total

of 420 questionnaires were administered to women respon-

sible for cooking in the households sampled. Men were not

interviewed because in the Nigerian society, especially in the

southwestern part of the country, culturally it is not a man’s

responsibility to cook. The random sampling technique was

employed to choose the dwelling units where the question-

naires were administered. Only one household was sampled

in any housing unit, as there is usually more than one house-

hold in a building.

Quantitative data collected in the field were collated and

tables showing frequencies observations were compiled us-

ing the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) com-

puter program.

5. Results and discussion

5.1. Trends in prices of petroleum products

The effect of the economic policies embarked upon by the

Nigerian government is that within the past one and a half

decade, a litre of petrol increased in price first from N−−−−0.60

in 1991 to N−−−−11.00 in 1994 and N−−−−20.00 in 1998 (an increase

of nearly 3000 percent in less than ten years!). Concomi-

tantly, kerosene also increased in price from N−−−−0.27 per litre

in 1993 to N−−−−6.00 in 1994 and N−−−−17.00 in 1998. While a

12.5kg cylinder gas rose in price initially from N−−−−200 in

1993 to N−−−−450 in 1998 and later to N−−−−1000 by the year 2000

(Table 2).

Tomori et al. (2005) in an assessment of the effect of some

selected macro-economic shocks on poverty showed that the

increase in prices of petroleum products impacted badly on

majority (72.9%) of poor households in Nigeria. The eco-

nomic impact on households therefore led to either a switch

in the choice of energy preferred for domestic use or a sit-

uation of energy combination by different income groups.

With regard to household consumption of energy for cooking

purposes the proportion of consumers of firewood has con-

tinued to be on the increase. This is because consumers of

kerosene especially those belonging to the low-income class,

Table 2 Price of petroleum products in Nigeria (1973–2004)

Petrol Kerosene LPG (Cooking gas)

Year Naira/litre % Change Naira/litre % Change Naira/12.5kg % Change

1973–78 0.10 — 0.08 — 31.2 —

1979–85 0.15 61.1 0.11 30.0 32.3 3.5

1986–89 0.40 158.0 0.11 0.0 40.0 24.0

1990 0.51 29.0 0.15 42.9 40.0 0.0

1991–92 0.60 17.6 0.40 166.7 80.0 100.0

1993 3.25 442.0 2.75 587.5 200.0 150.0

1994–97 11.00 238.5 6.00 118.2 200.0 0.0

1998–99 20.00 81.8 17.00 183.3 450.0 125.0

2000–01 22.00 10.0 17.00 0.0 1000.0 122.2

2002 26.00 18.2 24.00 41.2 1200.0 20.0

2003 40.00 53.0 38.00 58.3 1500.0 25.0

2004 43.00 7.5 51.00 34.2 1700.0 13.3

Source: 1. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, Lagos.2. Central Bank of Nigeria: Annual Reports and Statements of Accounts, various issues.

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Table 3 Number of households using fuel type as first order fuel for cooking

Before 1993 1993–97 1999

Low Middle Low Middle Low Middle

Income (%) Income (%) Income (%) Income (%) Income (%) Income (%)

Firewood 13(6.2) 7 (3.3) 79 (37.6) 43 (20.5) 13 (6.2) 21 (10.0)

Charcoal 3 (1.4) 4 (1.9) 12 (5.7) 33 (15.7) — 2 (0.9)

Kerosene 189 (90.0) 142 (67.6) 93 (44.3) 72 (34.3) 182 (86.7) 41 (67.1)

Gas (LPG) 3 (1.4) 53 (25.3) — 10 (4.8) — 23 (11.0)

Electricity 2 (1.0) 1 (0.5) 13 (6.2) 8 (3.8) 3 (1.1) 5 (2.4)

Others — — 4 (1.9) 41 (19.5) — 14 (6.7)

No Response — 3 (1.4) 9 (4.3) 3 (1.4) 12 (5.7) 4 (1.9)

Total 210 (100.) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0)

Source: Field Data, 1999

are constrained to switch over to firewood or other fuels as

an alternative energy source. Consequently, an increased par-

ticipation of both men and women in the fuelwood business

was witnessed in the city with a concomitant increase in cost

of firewood. A bundle of fuelwood that cost N−−−−25 in 1992

was sold for N−−−−50 in 1994 and N−−−−40 in 1999. This quantity

of firewood is just about enough for the cooking needs of an

average household in a day.

5.2. Household energy consumption pattern

The effect of price increase in kerosene and cooking gas

is examined by considering the dynamics of household en-

ergy consumption before 1993, between 1993 and 1997 and

when the survey was conducted in 1999. Table 3 shows the

pattern of consumption of firewood, charcoal, kerosene, gas,

electricity and other fuel sources such as sawdust, and palm

kernel residue during the three different periods.

5.2.1. Pre-1993 energy use

Before 1993, kerosene was the major fuel used by house-

holds in both the low-income and middle-income groups. In

1991, a litre of kerosene was sold for 0.40 Naira. Kerosene

was readily available at petrol stations for anyone to pur-

chase. The household survey showed that during this period

kerosene was the primary energy for cooking in both low and

middle income households of the city. Ninety per cent of low-

income households surveyed used kerosene while 67.6 per

cent of middle-income households used kerosene for cook-

ing. The reasons given for the widespread use of kerosene was

that kerosene stove did not need tending and that kerosene

was affordable and readily available. Also, the housing struc-

ture in the low-income area of the city contributed to the

widespread use of kerosene stoves for cooking. The prefer-

ence for kerosene over firewood for domestic cooking was

explained as follows:

Houses built nowadays have no kitchens. All the landlords ensureis that the rooms are completed. And we that live in such houseshave envisaged problems with the use of firewood. There will betoo much smoke.

In middle-income areas, gas was the second important

cooking fuel with 25.3 per cent of households making use of

it as a first order fuel. Very few households used firewood,

charcoal and electricity for cooking in this area (Table 3).

In the low-income areas, firewood was the second important

cooking fuel with 6.2 per cent of households using it as a first

order fuel. The use of charcoal, gas and electricity for cook-

ing was not of significance in the low-income areas during

the pre–1993 period. During this period, 83.8 per cent and

76.2 per cent of households surveyed in the low and middle-

income areas respectively did not use other energy types for

cooking apart from the first order fuels described above. In

the middle-income area 15.2 per cent of sampled households

mentioned kerosene as a second-order fuel. These middle-

income households in most cases used gas as their primary

energy source for cooking.

5.2.2. 1993–97 energy use

In 1993, the prices of petroleum derived energy sources were

increased due to further removal of subsidies on petroleum

products. There was a 587.5 per cent increase in the pump

price of kerosene from the 1991 price. There was also marked

increase in kerosene trade by middlemen who purchased

kerosene in large quantities at petrol stations for resale at in-

creased prices to consumers. This practice resulted in scarcity

of kerosene at petrol stations and many consumers were de-

prived the opportunity of purchasing kerosene at the pump

price. The selling price of a litre of kerosene at the hands of

these middlemen ranged between N−−−−40– N−−−−50 by 1994 com-

pared with the official pump price of N−−−−6 per litre. Also,

the official price of cooking gas relative to the 1991 cost in-

creased by 150 per cent. This high cost of petroleum derived

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Fig. 1 Trend in petroleum products pricing in Nigeria (1973–2004).

energy for cooking coupled with scarcity of these products

led to many households changing their energy sources for

cooking.

In both low and middle-income areas, although kerosene

was still the main energy source, the proportion of households

using kerosene as the primary source of energy for cooking

during this period reduced from the pre-1993 value (Figs. 2

& 3). The use of firewood assumed an increased significance

relative to its use before 1993 for both income groups. In the

low-income areas, 37.6 per cent of sampled households used

firewood as their primary energy source while in the middle

income area the proportion was 20.5 per cent.

Sawdust use (19.5%) was next to the use of kerosene and

firewood in the middle-income areas followed by the use of

charcoal (15.7%). The use of wood shavings and sawdust

for cooking was a major development in many households

in the middle-income districts during this period. This was

largely due to the availability of sawdust from sawmills that

were mainly located in middle density areas within the city.

Households that never used sawdust for cooking in the past

were introduced to its use. The very low cost of the stove

that was easy to fabricate at home using large-sized tins of

‘Bournvita’ or paint as well as the fact that many households

located near sawmills were able to get the woodshavings and

sawdust free contributed to its use. However, at the peak of

the scarcity of kerosene, sawdust was sold at some sawmills

but then the price was very still affordable. The introduction

to the use of sawdust for cooking was vividly presented when

a focus group discussion participant described the following:

I was attending a course in 1994/95. During this period kerosenewas very costly and I used to think of lack of kerosene at home.I did not understand what we were being taught as my mind wasnot in the classroom. One day, I asked my course mates to helpme out of this predicament. I told them “I don’t understand whatwe are being taught because I don’t know what my children aregoing to eat tonight. I have food but no kerosene”. They asked if Idid not know how to use sawdust. “Which is sawdust?” I asked. Iwas given the knowledge including how to make the stove myselfusing a large sized tin of Bournvita or paint. When I used it forthe first and then second time, I saw no use in seeking kerosenethat cost N−−−−30 a bottle. (Participant, Women’s group discussion,Oke-Bola).

During this period, the use of gas as a primary fuel for cook-

ing changed from its former order of importance as second

position to the fourth. The use of electricity for cooking

gained some importance during this period with 3.8 per cent

of middle-income households using small electric stoves for

cooking. The use of electric water heaters was also adopted

for boiling yams, rice and beans up to a convenient point

before finishing it up on kerosene stoves.

In the low-income area, there was also a marked change

in pattern of energy use during the period. The use of fire-

wood greatly increased with 37.6 per cent of sampled house-

holds making use of firewood as a primary energy source

for cooking. Cooking gas was not used at all due to high

cost. The use of charcoal (5.7%) and electricity (6.2%) how-

ever increased. A very small proportion (1.9%) of house-

holds in this group used fuel sources such as sawdust and

palm kernel shells as the primary fuel type for cooking. Oth-

ers also used cardboards, plastics, and motor tires as fuel

sources.

The increased use of electricity by households during this

period was largely due to the perceived lower cost of elec-

tricity for cooking in relation to kerosene and gas. At this

time the energy charge for residential users was 60kobo per

kilowatt-hour. Households that used electricity were ready

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Fig. 2 Proportion ofhouseholds using different fueltypes as first order forcooking.(Low income group).

Fig. 3 Proportion ofhouseholds using different fueltypes as first order for cooking(Middle Income Group).

to incur the expense of procuring portable single plate elec-

tric cookers and water heaters whose power demands are

1.8Kwh and 1.2Kwh(50 litres of water) respectively. In prac-

tical terms, the use of single plate electric cookers is not con-

venient for large households because of the quantity of food

to be prepared and also due to the cultural practices associated

with meal preparation. Furthermore, the problem of irregular

power supply that is a common feature in the country is also

a deterrent to the adoption of electricity for cooking by many

households. However, the adoption of electricity for cooking

still presented a cheaper option for cooking during this period

since the use of electricity did not require the pre-payment

of charges.

With regard to the use of secondary fuels for cooking, a

larger proportion of households relative to the pre-1993 pe-

riod used a mix of fuels. In the middle-income areas, 52.9 per

cent of households combined the use of the first order fuels

with other fuels. Of this proportion 17.1 per cent made use of

firewood as a second order fuel. Kerosene was next (13.8%),

followed by charcoal (7.6%) and sawdust (7.1%). The use

of electricity and gas as second order fuels was not signifi-

cant. In the low-income areas, 32.6 per cent of households

sampled made use of other fuels in addition to the primary

energy used for cooking. Of these, 18.0 per cent made use

of kerosene, 6.7 per cent used firewood, 5.6 per cent used

charcoal, electricity (1.1%) and other fuels (1.1%).

5.2.3. 1999 energy use

By 1999 when the household survey was conducted, the mar-

ket prices of kerosene and gas had further increased although

the products were more readily available relative to the period

between 1993 and 1997. The pattern of energy consumption

for cooking in households surveyed again changed to nearly

what obtained during the earlier periods. This was because

users had come to terms with the increase in prices and did

not find the use of alternative fuels convenient. Many house-

holds therefore reverted to the use of kerosene but with the

adoption of some coping mechanisms to reduce overall con-

sumption. For instance, before 1993, 69.8 per cent of sampled

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households cooked thrice a day. This proportion reduced to

41.2 per cent and 42.9 per cent in 1993–1997 and 1999 re-

spectively.

The proportion of households making use of kerosene as

first order fuel in both low and middle income areas increased

with records of 86.7 per cent and 67.1 per cent respectively.

The use of firewood for both groups also decreased consider-

ably but did not return to the former level that obtained during

the pre-1993 period. This situation was particularly evident

among middle-income households. In the low-income areas,

the use of charcoal and gas had become virtually non-existent

while electricity use for cooking reduced from the patronage

of 6.2 per cent of households during 1993–97 to 1.1% in 1999.

In the middle-income areas, the proportion of households us-

ing gas for cooking again increased (11.0%) relative to the

proportion recorded for the previous period. Although the use

of sawdust had reduced at this time, its patronage neverthe-

less continued in a small proportion (6.7%) of households.

5.3. Household expenditure on energy for cooking

The increase in prices of kerosene and cooking gas reflected

on household expenditure on energy for cooking in both in-

come groups surveyed. Results show that during the pre-1993

period a little above 70 per cent of low and middle-income

households spent between N−−−−100 and N−−−−500 monthly on en-

ergy for cooking with no household expending above N−−−−1000

on cooking fuel. With the upward review of petroleum-

product prices, about 40 per cent of low and middle-income

households spent between N−−−−501 and N−−−−1000 in the 1993–

1997 period compared to just about 2% before 1993. Minority

(3%) spent over N−−−−1000 on energy for cooking during the

1993–97 period (Table 4).

However, in spite of the fact that prices did not reduce in

subsequent years, it was observed that household expenditure

on energy for cooking reduced. In 1999, about 70% of house-

holds had reverted to spending between N−−−−100 and N−−−−500 on

cooking fuel monthly while the proportion of households in

both groups (9%) that spent above N−−−−501 reduced markedly.

The observed pattern of spending on energy indicates that

more households either consumed less energy for cooking in

terms of kerosene use or settled for cheaper fuels like fuel-

wood and sawdust in order to reduce cost expended. This as-

sertion is substantiated by the fact that during the period 1993

to 1997, the proportion of households that cooked thrice a day

decreased from the pre-1993 record of 69.8 per cent to 41.2

per cent. By 1999 there was no significant change despite the

fact that more households had reverted to the use of kerosene

since only 42.9 per cent of households cooked three times

daily. Also 47 per cent of households cooked twice daily com-

pared to the pre-1993 proportion of 20 per cent. Either way,

the management strategies adopted by households to reduce

expenditure on energy for cooking have implications for the

environment and health status of households in the city.

6. Environmental implications

The significance of the energy sector within the broader

poverty-energy-environment-nexus is well established. Re-

liance on traditional biomass energy is particularly high in

sub-Saharan Africa, accounting in some countries for 70 to

90 per cent of primary energy supply and up to 95 per cent

of the total consumption. Even oil rich sub- Saharan African

countries continue to rely on biomass energy to meet the bulk

of their household energy requirements. In Nigeria, it is es-

timated that about 91per cent of the household energy needs

are met by biomass (Karekezi, 1999).

Production and consumption of almost any type of energy

inevitably have environmental impacts. Harvesting of fuel-

wood, in particular, contributes to deforestation, soil erosion,

and desertification. An estimated 96 million people in Nige-

ria, about three quarters of the population use fuelwood as

cooking fuel. The pressure on the country’s forests is im-

mense as 450,000 hectares of woodland are lost every year

and if current trend continues, the country’s forest resources

could be completely depleted by 2020 (Oladosu and Ade-

julugbe, 1994). Use of fuelwood as an energy source can

also contribute to the accumulation of CO2, the main green-

house gas, both because burning fuelwood produces CO2,

Table 4 Monthly expenditure on energy for cooking in households (%)

Low income Middle income

Amount

N−−−− Pre–1993 1993–97 1997 Pre–1993 1993–97 1999

< 100 25.4 14.1 20.3 24.1 12.9 19.3

100–500 73.1 48.8 69.6 74.1 42.4 70.6

501–1000 1.5 42.3 8.9 1.8 41.2 8.6

> 1000 0 2.8 1.2 0 3.5 1.5

100 100 100 100 100 100

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and because deforestation destroys an important CO2 sink.

In addition, use of biomass in traditional stoves exposes the

users, mainly women and children, to high levels of indoor air

pollution. Indeed, the World Health Organization estimates

that indoor air pollution tagged ‘the Killer in the kitchen’ re-

sults in 1.6 million deaths worldwide per year due to indoor

air pollution, 24% occurring in Africa alone (Warwick and

Doig, 2004). The need to effect change in household energy

consumption patterns is thus of the utmost importance given

the adverse impact current energy demand and use patterns

have on health, society, the economy and the environment.

In Ibadan, the environmental effect of the energy use pat-

tern among the urban poor, especially during the 1993–97

period is indicated in the increase in indoor air pollution and

degradation of forests within the city and outskirts of the city.

6.1. Indoor air pollution

A major problem associated with housing in low-income,

high-density areas in Ibadan includes poor indoor ventila-

tion resulting from small size of windows and inadequate

spacing between houses, which also reduces ventilation. In

the middle-income area, the housing structures are largely of

medium quality and are better spaced than those in the high-

density areas. Cooking is done largely in built-in kitchens

within the house (72.9%) in the middle-income area. Other

middle-income households (18.1%) cook in kitchens de-

tached from the main house or in open air while 9 per

cent cook on corridors within dwelling units. In the low-

income area, there are as many households cooking in built-

in kitchens (37.1%) as those cooking on corridors within

the dwelling units (37.1%). Few households (4.3%) do their

cooking outside in open space while minority (1.0%) cook in

bedrooms (Table 5). About 75% of low-income households

therefore cook indoors.

Cooking in rooms or corridors within dwelling units has

health implications for such households as occupants are

Table 5 Cooking facilities in households

Income class

Cooking space Low (%) Middle (%)

Built-in kitchen 78 (37.1) 153 (72.9)

Kitchen detached from

main house 43 (20.5) 29 (13.8)

Corridor of rooming

apartment 78 (37.1) 19 (9.0)

Inside room 2 (1.0) —

Outside in open air 9 (4.3) 9 (4.3)

Total 210 (100.0) 210 (100.0)

Source: Field Data, 1999

exposed directly to high levels of pollution as pollutants are

retained indoors. The inadequate ventilation in most build-

ings also aggravates the situation. Pollutants typically found

in biomass smoke are suspended particulate matter (SPM),

carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides, formaldehyde and com-

pounds such as polyaromatic hydrocarbons. Burning fuel

wood therefore fills houses with smoke swirling with toxic

substances.

Responses from women interviewed during the household

survey indicated that only 109 (26%) claimed to be aware

of any environmental implication of fuel wood use. Of this

number 84 (77.1%) mentioned the effect of smoke on hu-

man health and 19.3% indicated that it blackens the walls

of buildings. During focus group discussions, however, over

90 per cent of men and women interviewed described indoor

air pollution as a major problem associated with fuel wood

use. Effects associated with fuel wood use listed include the

following:� Smoke affects eyes causing redness, burning, irritation and

weeping.� The use of firewood in cooking causes exhaustion, tired-

ness and headaches.� Headaches are especially experienced when the firewood

is not well dried.� Discomfort due to heat trapped in the house.� Fainting especially in children.� Clothes smell of smoke

Although all members of the household experience these

effects, women and children are especially vulnerable. Most

women noted that when the effects of the smoke became more

than they could bear they usually stopped cooking even when

the food was not yet done. Sometimes, because of the ordeal

of cooking under a covering of smoke they became exhausted

and even lost their appetite. Both men and women noted that

the use of fuel wood in their households was by compul-

sion and not by choice because of the problems outlined

above:

We were seriously in pains and suffered much when we wereusing firewood. After cooking with firewood in the evening, wewere not able to sleep well at night because the whole house wasfilled with smoke.We breathed in smoke. Even when the smoke cleared, the housewas still heated until the next day. The walls of the house werehot. So many of the children fainted at night.

(Men’s discussion group, Foko).

The situation is aggravated by the use of wet wood, which

produces more smoke than dry wood. This smoke in inad-

equately ventilated kitchens is very harmful to health. In

2002, the magnitude of the health effects, mainly eye and

respiratory illness, of indoor air pollution from cooking with

biomass fuel was ranked the fourth largest problem in devel-

oping countries by the World Health Organization. A study of

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the association of household pollutants with the outcomes of

acute lower respiratory infections (ALRI) in pre-school chil-

dren in Ibadan (Johnson and Aderele, 1992) indicated that

five out of eight deaths were from wood burning homes. The

increase in households making use of fuelwood for cooking

is set to increase the incidence of ALRI and other smoke

related infections, particularly amongst pre-school children

and women, in the city.

6.1.1. Deforestation

Deforestation of forests, forest reserves and wooded areas

within and outside the city limits has been a major outcome

of pattern of energy use in low and middle income house-

holds in Ibadan. A high proportion of the fuelwood used

within the city is obtained from surrounding farming vil-

lages such as Ijaye, Alabata and Ipoki, which are located at a

distance of about 20 kilometers or more from Ibadan city. Fu-

elwood from these villages are transported to selling points in

the city where consumers purchase them. Findings from the

household survey showed that a large proportion (82.8%)

of households that consume firewood buy from these sell-

ing points while 10.3 per cent collect firewood from natural

forests and government forest reserves. Others (6.9%) buy

and also collect firewood for use in their households. Focus

group discussions conducted at the low-income district of

Adeoyo revealed that at the peak of the kerosene scarcity

much of the fuelwood used in households in Adeoyo and the

surrounding high-density areas was collected from the Oke-

Aremo forest reserve (also known as Agala forest). This is

a government-reserved forest located near Adeoyo. Quali-

tative data obtained from focus group discussions revealed

that between 1993 and 1997 the rate of deforestation of urban

forests in the city was very high:

The trees in the Agala forest were cut down to their roots.We even used it fresh for cooking. No one minded theconsequences—we damned the government. But the govern-ment did not arrest us until we cut down all the trees.

(Women’s group discussion, Adeoyo).

The Oke-Aremo forest reserve was ’invaded’ by women and

children during this period. Between 1991 and 2002 the area

under forest cover in the Oke-Aremo forest reserve reduced

significantly from 49.3 hectares to 13.95 hectares (Depart-

ment of Forestry, Oyo State Ministry of Agriculture and Ru-

ral Development). Beside some infrastructure extension, the

only other proximate cause resulting in the massive deforesta-

tion of the forest reserve is wood harvesting for fuelwood and

charcoal production for domestic use. Other forest reserves

within the city that were deforested at this time are Alalu-

bosa and Eleyele forest reserves. The increased participation

of men and women in the fuel wood business also contributed

to deforestation of forests in the surrounding rural areas from

where fuelwood is imported into the city.

7. Policy relevance

The findings of this study have important policy implica-

tions since the upward review of petroleum product pricing

has become a recurring phenomenon to date in Nigeria. A

major goal of Nigeria’s National Policy on the Environment

(1989) with regard to energy is to reduce the negative impact

of energy use on the environment by encouraging the use of

energy forms that are environmentally safe and sustainable.

The prevailing trend of economic development with respect

to pricing of petroleum-products does not facilitate the actu-

alization of this goal. Petroleum-products pricing should be

considered as an important entry point to addressing environ-

mental degradation in the country as current prices does not

encourage the disuse of fuelwood in urban areas. It is recom-

mended that environmental related costs should be built-into

the pricing of energy sources so that kerosene becomes af-

fordable to even the low-income group. Also, the supply,

distribution and marketing systems for kerosene in low and

middle-income districts of the city and other Nigerian ur-

ban centers need to be improved. Instability is another major

feature of the pricing of these energy sources that should be

addressed. There is need for government to ensure that prices

do not keep changing, as has been the norm in recent years.

Forestry laws restricting indiscriminate cutting of trees in for-

est reserves within and around cities also have to be enforced

by proper monitoring and surveillance by forest guards.

Furthermore, Nigeria is well endowed with natural gas,

of which only a relatively small proportion is utilized while

76% is flared. There is need for the government to make

concerted efforts at developing her liquefied natural gas

projects and achieving her zero-flare goal by the year 2008.

This will greatly enhance the use of gas as a major energy

source for cooking by the middle-income group. As part of

the transition towards more efficient energy use in Nigeria,

the government in conjunction with the private sector

may consider promoting the dissemination of and markets

for clean, energy-efficient liquefied petroleum gas (LPG)

stoves to replace traditional biofuel cook stoves, expand and

improve distribution networks for other modern fuels and

energy sources through market liberalization. Perhaps, some

lessons could be gleaned from Kenya where energy sector

liberalization has led to the introduction of smaller, more

affordable LPG containers—3kg and 6kg, in addition to the

standard 13kg—and wider distribution, making LPG more

accessible to poor people.

Finally, considering the central role of housing and house-

hold energy in determining exposure to indoor pollution,

there is need for enforcement of building standards that

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ensure adequate ventilation within dwelling units. Pro-

vision of well-ventilated kitchen facilities in residential

building plans should be made mandatory in order to

deter the practice of cooking in rooms and apartment

corridors.

8. Conclusion

A major objective of this study was to appraise the pattern of

domestic energy use in low and middle-income households

in Ibadan as a result of removal of subsidy on petroleum

products. The results indicate that the pattern of energy con-

sumption for cooking in low and middle-income households

in Ibadan has changed in response to increase in commer-

cial fuel prices over time. The study showed that there is a

relationship between the price of petroleum derived energy

sources and the choice of domestic energy used for cook-

ing in households. Also, different income groups respond

differently to increase in price of petroleum derived energy

sources.

Before 1993, kerosene was the major fuel used for cooking

in middle and low-income households. It was mainly com-

mercial food vendors and occasions that required preparation

of large quantity of food such as celebrations that necessitated

the use of fuel wood in households. However, with increase

in prices of kerosene and cooking gas in 1993, majority of

low and middle-income households switched to the use of

fuel wood and other alternative sources such as sawdust. In

1999 when the field survey for this study was conducted, ma-

jority of households had switched back to the use of kerosene

but with the incorporation of management strategies includ-

ing reduction in frequency of cooking, substitution with less

nourishing but quicker cooking foods and eating of cold left-

over or reheating previously cooked food. These strategies

helped to cushion the effect of increased prices of energy used

for cooking on household budget by reducing consumption

of energy for cooking. The proportion of households making

use of fuel wood had nevertheless increased relative to the

pre-1993 period while the consumption of cooking gas had

reduced in the middle-income areas. In low-income areas, the

use of other non-conventional fuel sources such as sawdust

for cooking gained ground.

All in all, fuelwood substitution and fuel switching seem

to be closely linked with household incomes and accessibility

more than anything else. Cost is the major reason that forces

households to stay with fuelwood as the primary base fuel. It

is also noticed that generally households go down the energy

ladder when a higher-grade fuel is not available on the market

or when they have experienced a decline in their incomes. It

appears that the present landscape of energy use will remain

unless there is a significant improvement in the income base

of urban households.

Acknowledgements This work was carried out under the Gender, Ur-banization and Environment Programme of Mazingira Institute, Nairobiwith the aid of a grant from Sida/SAREC. An initial version of this pa-per was presented at the 2001 Open Meeting of the Human DimensionsResearch Community in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. We are grateful to Pro-fessor A.O. Aweto who read the draft of the paper and two anonymousreviewers from the journal for insightful comments.

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