Dutch, 1606 - 1669 Lucretia - National Gallery of Art · framed: 159.1 x 139.4 x 16.5 cm ... to...

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ENTRY In a moment of inner anguish Lucretia stands, with arms outstretched, just prior to her act of suicide. Although her body faces the viewer, she looks down toward the sharply pointed dagger clenched in her right hand. She holds her left hand open at the same height as the right, as though part of her resists completing the self- destructive act. The tension surrounding that awful moment emphasizes the human drama of a woman caught in the moral dilemma of choosing between life and honor, a choice that would take on symbolic connotations. The tragedy of Lucretia’s impending suicide is intensified in the contrast Rembrandt develops between her elegant attire and the poignancy of her gesture and expressions. Richly adorned with golden diadem, pearl earrings, pearl necklace, and a chain with a golden pendant from which hangs a tear-shaped pearl, she is a regal figure. Her golden dress with a cape that falls over her out- stretched arms adds to her splendor. Rembrandt, however, arranged her robes so as to emphasize her vulnerability. The clasps that hook her dress at the bodice hang unfastened. With her dress parted, her chest covered only by the white chemise that fits so gracefully, she is about to thrust the dagger into her heart. The tragic story of Lucretia, recounted by Livy, took place during the reign of the tyrannical ruler Tarquinius Superbus in Rome in the sixth century BC. While away during the siege of Ardea, Lucretia’s husband, Collatinus, boasted that her loyalty and virtue were greater than that of his compatriots' wives. Taking up the challenge, the men at camp rode immediately to Rome where they discovered Lucretia alone with her handmaidens, spinning wool while other wives were idly enjoying their leisure. Lucretia’s very virtue, however, inflamed the desire of Rembrandt van Rijn Dutch, 1606 - 1669 Lucretia 1664 oil on canvas overall: 120 x 101 cm (47 1/4 x 39 3/4 in.) framed: 159.1 x 139.4 x 16.5 cm (62 5/8 x 54 7/8 x 6 1/2 in.) Inscription: center left: Rembrandt / 1664 Andrew W. Mellon Collection 1937.1.76 National Gallery of Art NATIONAL GALLERY OF ART ONLINE EDITIONS Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century Lucretia © National Gallery of Art, Washington 1

Transcript of Dutch, 1606 - 1669 Lucretia - National Gallery of Art · framed: 159.1 x 139.4 x 16.5 cm ... to...

ENTRY In a moment of inner anguish Lucretia stands, with arms outstretched, just prior to

her act of suicide. Although her body faces the viewer, she looks down toward the

sharply pointed dagger clenched in her right hand. She holds her left hand open at

the same height as the right, as though part of her resists completing the self-

destructive act. The tension surrounding that awful moment emphasizes the

human drama of a woman caught in the moral dilemma of choosing between life

and honor, a choice that would take on symbolic connotations. The tragedy of Lucretia’s impending suicide is intensified in the contrast

Rembrandt develops between her elegant attire and the poignancy of her gesture

and expressions. Richly adorned with golden diadem, pearl earrings, pearl

necklace, and a chain with a golden pendant from which hangs a tear-shaped

pearl, she is a regal figure. Her golden dress with a cape that falls over her out-

stretched arms adds to her splendor. Rembrandt, however, arranged her robes so

as to emphasize her vulnerability. The clasps that hook her dress at the bodice

hang unfastened. With her dress parted, her chest covered only by the white

chemise that fits so gracefully, she is about to thrust the dagger into her heart. The tragic story of Lucretia, recounted by Livy, took place during the reign of the

tyrannical ruler Tarquinius Superbus in Rome in the sixth century BC. While away

during the siege of Ardea, Lucretia’s husband, Collatinus, boasted that her loyalty

and virtue were greater than that of his compatriots' wives. Taking up the

challenge, the men at camp rode immediately to Rome where they discovered

Lucretia alone with her handmaidens, spinning wool while other wives were idly

enjoying their leisure. Lucretia’s very virtue, however, inflamed the desire of

Rembrandt van RijnDutch, 1606 - 1669

Lucretia1664oil on canvas

overall: 120 x 101 cm (47 1/4 x 39 3/4 in.)

framed: 159.1 x 139.4 x 16.5 cm (62 5/8 x 54 7/8 x 6 1/2 in.)

Inscription: center left: Rembrandt / 1664

Andrew W. Mellon Collection 1937.1.76

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Tarquinius’ son, Sextus Tarquinius, who returned without Collatinus’ knowledge a

few days later. Having been received as an honored guest, he later stole secretly

to Lucretia’s chamber, drew his sword, and threatened to kill her if she did not yield

to him. She resisted, but when Sextus Tarquinius threatened to kill his own slave as

well and place their naked bodies together to give the appearance that they had

been killed in the act of adultery, she yielded to his demands rather than die in

such disgrace. The next day Lucretia summoned her father and husband to her side and related

what had happened, stressing that only her body had been violated, not her heart.

Despite their protestations of her innocence, she was determined to make the

moral choice that fate had forced upon her, saying: “Never shall Lucretia provide a

precedent for unchaste women to escape what they deserve.” Livy relates that

with these words Lucretia drew a knife from under her robe, drove it into her heart,

and fell forward, dead. [1] Overwhelmed by grief, Lucretia’s father, her husband, and two accompanying

friends swore to avenge her death. Her suicide helped rouse the anger of the

populace against the tyrannical rule of Tarquinius Superbus, who was forced into

exile. Sextus Tarquinius, who was also driven from Rome, was assassinated shortly

thereafter. In Livy’s account Lucretia embodied chastity, but her tragedy assumed

wider political dimensions because she was also considered a metaphor for Rome

itself. Lucretia’s rape came to symbolize the tyrannical subjugation of the city by

Tarquinius Superbus and his family. [2] Her rape triggered the revolt that led to the

overthrow of tyranny and the creation of political freedom in the form of a

republican government. Rembrandt painted at least three images of Lucretia in his later years. The earliest

of these is known only through an inventory of the possessions of Abraham Wijs

and Sara de Potter, made on March 1, 1658. The inventory lists: “A large painting of

Lucretia, by R: Van Rijn.” [3] The two extant images date from the last decade of

Rembrandt’s life: the Washington Lucretia, 1664, and the Minneapolis Institute of

Arts’ Lucretia, 1666 [fig. 1]. In the Gallery's haunting image, Rembrandt has evoked

both Lucretia’s profound sadness and her resignation to the fate forced upon her.

In the Minneapolis version, Rembrandt has portrayed Lucretia just after she has

stabbed herself, her chemise already stained by blood from the mortal wound. The

two images complement each other not only because their compositions and

painterly qualities are similar, but also because they explore Lucretia’s emotions as

she readies herself prior to her self-sacrifice and then responds to the

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consequences of her action. Nevertheless, they do not seem to have been

conceived as a pair. The models Rembrandt used are different and their robes and

jewelry, though similar in type, are not identical. [4] As Stechow has demonstrated, three traditions exist for the representation of the

Lucretia story: “narrative combinations of various scenes pertaining to the legend;

dramatic scenes concentrating entirely on Tarquinius’ misdeed; and single figures

of Lucretia stabbing herself.” [5] Rembrandt's image belongs to the last. He

certainly knew a number of earlier representations of Lucretia through prints and

engravings, although only one has been suggested as a prototype for the

Washington painting: Marcantonio Raimondi’s engraving after a Raphael design

[fig. 2]. [6] The essential transformation of the idealized statuesque figure into the

emotionally evocative image of Rembrandt’s Lucretia, however, argues that the

relationship is more superficial than real. Far closer in spirit to Rembrandt, however,

are half-length depictions of Lucretia by Titian and his school that represent the

heroine dressed in loose-fitting robes and poised at the moment before she thrusts

the dagger into her heart. [7] Rembrandt, who was profoundly influenced by

Venetian art during his later years, may have known of such depictions of Lucretia,

for a number of such paintings ascribed to Titian or Paolo Veronese were in

Archduke Leopold Wilhelm’s collection in Brussels during the 1650s. [8]  The

painting of this compositional type that Rembrandt certainly knew, and used as a

basis for other paintings in the 1640s and 1650s, was Titian’s Flora [fig. 3], which

was auctioned in Amsterdam in 1639. [9] The similarities in the general disposition

of Lucretia’s head in the Washington painting and that of Flora suggest that this

work continued to exert its influence on Rembrandt into the mid-1660s. Even

supposing such antecedents could have helped provide the visual vocabulary for

the rich pictorial effects and iconic composition of Rembrandt’s painting, the

psychological characterization of Lucretia’s emotional state is entirely personal. No record of commissions exists for these works, nor other information concerning

Rembrandt’s motivation for painting them. Schwartz has suggested that the

paintings have political overtones. [10] Because Lucretia’s suicide precipitated the

revolt that helped institute the Roman Republic, she had traditionally been viewed,

among her other qualities, as a symbol of patriotism. That such an attribute was

associated with her in Rembrandt’s time is clear from a poem written by Jan Vos in

1660, quoted by Schwartz, about a Lucretia painted by Govaert Flinck (Dutch, 1615

- 1660) in the collection of Joan Huydecoper, one of the most influential patrons of

the day: “In the red ink [of her blood] she writes a definition of freedom.” Lucretia,

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then, may well have assumed particular allegorical importance in the parallels that

were being drawn around 1660 between the foundations of the Roman and Dutch

Republics, as did Claudius Civilis, the first-century rebel leader of the Batavian

revolt and the subject of Rembrandt’s 1661 painting for the Amsterdam Town Hall.

[11] The forceful impact of Rembrandt’s paintings of Lucretia, however, seems also to

have resulted from personal associations the artist made between experiences in

his life and the emotional traumas that he projected onto Lucretia at the time of her

suicide. Only thus can we explain the essential transformation of the pictorial

traditions for portraying this legendary Roman heroine that occurs in the two

majestic paintings in Washington and Minneapolis. Lucretia, in maintaining her honor through death, come to be revered as a symbol

of chastity, honor, and faithfulness. Knuttel speculated that the 1664 Lucretia may

have served as a psychological catharsis for Rembrandt after the death of his

companion, Hendrickje, the previous year. Indeed, parallels can be found between

Lucretia’s faithfulness and self-sacrifice and the indignities Hendrickje suffered as a

result of her commitment to Rembrandt. [12] The mythology surrounding Lucretia, however, was complex. While she was

honored for her faithfulness she was also criticized by later Christians for having

taken her own life, which was seen as a greater evil than adultery and a life of

shame. As Garrard has written: “In Roman terms, Lucretia killed herself not out of

guilt, but out of shame, concerned for her reputation and for the precedent of

pardon that she might set for voluntary adulterers. Christian writers, schooled in a

religion that placed the highest premium on the innocence of one’s personal

conscience, regarded such values as excessively concerned with appearances and

the opinion of others.” [13] Rembrandt, as he so often did, fused here the pagan

and Christian worlds to create an exceptionally profound image of the

psychological moment just prior to Lucretia’s fatal decision to thrust the knife into

her heart. With her arms raised in a gesture that echoes that of Christ on the cross,

she looks down toward the weapon of her destruction with an expression of one

who, in her decision to commit suicide, must weigh issues never described by Livy:

Rembrandt’s Lucretia is not the assured tragic heroine who has determined her

punishment and dies for honor, but one who hesitates at that crucial moment

because of an awareness of the moral dilemma that she faces.

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It may be, as Held has remarked, that Rembrandt drew upon a theatrical tradition

to give added poignancy to the moment, for Lucretia, whose mouth is partially

open, seems to address the dagger as though giving the closing monologue of this

tragic drama. [14] Shakespeare did exactly that in his Rape of Lucretia when she

asks: Poor hand, why quiver’st thou in this decree?

Honour thyself to rid me of this shame;

For if I die, my honour lives in thee,

But if I live, thou livest in my defame. [15] Rembrandt’s late paintings, whether portraits, biblical accounts, or mythological

stories, often take on an almost sacramental character in the way that the artist

confronts the viewer with his images. His broad execution, rich colors, impressive

use of chiaroscuro, and iconic compositional structure give these works

unparalleled forcefulness. In Lucretia, all of these elements of his late style are

evident. Particularly remarkable in this painting is his use of chiaroscuro to

transform an essentially symmetrical and static pose into an active one. Lucretia is

lit not from the front but from the left. Light thus strikes her head, right arm, and

shoulder. The dagger blade glistens against her white cuff. Although her left arm is

thrown into shadow, her outstretched left hand catches the light. Through these

subtle means of emphasis, which until the mid-1980s had been hidden by thick,

discolored layers of varnish, Rembrandt heightened the drama by reinforcing the

psychological and physical tension of the scene. [16] Rembrandt painted this image using a broad range of techniques. He modeled the

face quite densely by applying a sequence of paint layers. Some layers, such as

the soft lavenders that model the shaded portions of the lower cheeks and chin,

are quite smooth. Others, such as the pinks and oranges that highlight the

cheekbones and the yellowish-whitish areas on the nose and forehead, are

brushed on more vigorously. The eyes, nose, and mouth are broadly rendered.

Specifics of eyebrows, eyelids, pupils of the eyes, nostrils, and lips were of little

concern to the artist; instead he heightened and accented them with deft touches

of rust-colored paint. One particularly bold stroke of ocher paint defines the upper

left edge of the top lip. Rembrandt varied his painting techniques in Lucretia’s cape and dress according

to the play of light falling across her figure. Where light hits her right arm,

Rembrandt cast a golden tone with a rich mixture of yellow, white, red, and salmon-

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colored paints. Under the lightest areas of the shoulder, he first laid in a light gray

layer to give an added luminosity to the paints. On the shaded left sleeve, the paint

is much less dense. A deep brown and reddish brown layer covering the Ground in

this area forms the basis for the sleeve’s tonality. Over it, Rembrandt, often with a

dry brush, applied yellow, greenish yellow, red, and white highlights. In certain

instances, for example, in a series of black strokes that shade part of the sleeve, he

clearly used a palette knife as well as a brush. Rembrandt utilized the palette knife even more frequently in the white of the left

sleeve. Here he applied a rather dry paint onto the underlying brown layer to

suggest the material’s transparency. More extensive use of the palette knife is

seen in the dress near Lucretia’s waist. Here he spread broader areas of light-

ocher paint with the knife to suggest the luminous character of the fabric. In

general, the treatment of this area of the dress resembles that of the left sleeve

where the underlying dark brown paint becomes an important ingredient in the

overall color tonality. The one area with thick highlights in the dress is the belt, but

even here Rembrandt did not really overlap paints. The accents of yellow, orange,

and white are loosely applied and do not define the belt to any great degree. [17] Stylistically, this painting resembles the so-called Jewish Bride in the Rijksmuseum,

Amsterdam. The head of Lucretia is extremely close in type and in concept to that

of the bride: both are built up in a comparable fashion. Remarkably similar are the

ways in which the features are modeled with dense and somewhat roughly

brushed strokes of paint. The similarities extend to the technique for the modeling

of the pearls and even for indicating the gold diadem in the back of the hair. While

most of the robes in the Jewish Bride are more densely painted than those of

Lucretia and are built up almost exclusively with a palette knife, in the shaded area

under the collar of the man Rembrandt used a modeling technique very similar to

that seen in Lucretia’s left arm. Here he also used a brownish Imprimatura layer for

the base collar of the robe and accented it lightly with a series of thin strokes of

red paint applied with a palette knife. [18] Similarities in painting technique also exist between this figure of Lucretia and that

in Minneapolis, even though the latter work was painted two years later, in 1666.

As is appropriate to its starker concept, Rembrandt applied his paints in a more

angular fashion in the Minneapolis version than he did in the Washington painting.

Still, the modeling of the facial features is once again comparable. One notices in

particular the way the top lip is defined with a bold stroke of flesh-colored paint

along its upper edge. Also similar is the use of an Imprimatura layer as a base color

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of the left sleeve, and finally, the structure of the hand holding the dagger.

Arthur K. Wheelock Jr.

April 24, 2014

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COMPARATIVE FIGURES

fig. 1 Rembrandt van Rijn, Lucretia, 1666, oil on canvas,

Minneapolis Institute of Arts

fig. 2 Marcantonio Raimondi after Raphael, Lucretia, c.

1511–1512, engraving, Harvey D. Parker Collection,

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Photo © 2014 Museum of

Fine Arts, Boston

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fig. 3 Titian, Portrait of a Woman, Called “Flora”, c.

1520–1522, oil on canvas, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence.

Photo: Uffizi-Photo Index/Vasari, Florence

NOTES

[1] Livy, The Early History of Rome, trans. Aubrey de Sélincourt (Aylesbury,

1973), book 1, LIX, 99.

[2] Ian Donaldson, The Rapes of Lucretia: A Myth and Its Transformation

(Oxford, 1982), 9, stresses the political significance of this point.

[3] Walter L. Strauss and Marjon van der Meulen, The Rembrandt Documents

(New York, 1979), doc. 1658/8, 418. “In ‘t Voorhuijs Een groot stuck schilderij

van Lucretia van R: Van Rijn.”

[4] The features in the Washington Lucretia resemble Rembrandt’s companion

Hendrickje Stoffels, as she is seen in Rembrandt’s paintings from the mid-

1650s (Gemäldegalerie, Berlin, inv, no. 828B). Hendrickje, who appears

much older in the portrait of 1660 in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

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York, had died in July 1663. The model Rembrandt used for the Minneapolis

Lucretia is not found in other of Rembrandt’s paintings.

[5] Wolfgang Stechow, "Lucretia Statua," in Essays in Honor of Georg

Swarzenski (Chicago and Berlin, 1951), 114.

[6] First suggested by N. Beets (see N. Beets, “Een ‘print van Rafel’ en

Rembrandt’s Lucretia,” Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant [January 1, 1914], I).

Northern prints and paintings of Lucretia have a quite different character

and do not seem to have influenced Rembrandt in his depictions of Lucretia;

for the prints see Ilja M. Veldman, “Lessons for Ladies: A Selection of

Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Prints,” Simiolus 16 (1986):

113–127.

[7] The most profound sixteenth-century images of Lucretia were created in

Venice. In two memorable paintings, Tarquin and Lucretia (Gemäldegalerie

der Akademie der bildenden Künste, Vienna) and Tarquin and Lucretia

(Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge), Titian focused on the dramatic

confrontation between Tarquin and Lucretia, capturing the animal energy of

Tarquin blindly driven by lust.

[8] For paintings attributed to Titian see Harold E. Wethey, The Paintings of

Titian, 3 vols. (London, 1975), 3:215, cat. no. x-24, 219, cat. no. x-33. For

Veronese’s Lucretia see Kunsthistorisches Museum, Katalog der

Gemäldegalerie I, Italiener, Spanier, Franzosen, Engländer (Vienna, 1965),

169, cat. no. 750.

[9] Harold E. Wethey, The Paintings of Titian, 3 vols. (London, 1975), 3:154–155,

cat. no. 17.

[10] Gary Schwartz, Rembrandt: zijn leven, zijn schilderijen (Maarssen, 1984),

330, no. 382, repro. (English trans., Rembrandt: His Life, His Paintings [New

York, 1985], 330). It seems unlikely, however, that there is any pro-Orange

or anti-Orange sentiment implied in these works, as Schwartz suggests.

[11] For the parallels drawn between the story of Claudius Civilis and the

foundation of the Dutch Republic as seen in the decorations of the Town

Hall in Amsterdam see H. van de Waal, “The Iconographical Background to

Rembrandt’s Civilis,” in H. van de Waal, Steps towards Rembrandt:

Collected Articles 1937–1972, ed. R. H. Fuchs, trans. Patricia Wardle and

Alan Griffiths (Amsterdam, 1974), 28–43.

[12] In 1654 Hendrickje, who lived with Rembrandt but was not married to him,

had been publicly disgraced when a tribune of the Dutch Reformed Church

condemned her for “living in sin like a whore” with the artist. After

Hendrickje’s death in 1663, Rembrandt may have linked the tribulations she

had suffered and the emotional traumas he projected onto Lucretia. The

resemblance of Lucretia to Hendrickje as she appeared in the mid-1650s

(see note 4) seems to reinforce this hypothesis. For his part, Rembrandt

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TECHNICAL SUMMARY

identified himself with a historical figure in his Self-Portrait as the Apostle

Paul of 1661 (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam), in which the sword of Paul’s

martyrdom protrudes from Rembrandt’s chest.

[13] Mary D. Garrard, Artemisia Gentileschi: The Image of the Female Hero in

Italian Baroque Art (Princeton, 1989), 219.

[14] Julius Held, “Das gesprochene Wort bei Rembrandt,” Neue Beiträge zur

Rembrandt Forschung, ed. Otto van Simson and Jan Kelch (Berlin, 1973),

123. The theatrical character of the image is reinforced by the suggestion of

curtains hanging behind Lucretia. These may have been more apparent

before the paint darkened and the background suffered from Abrasion.

Lucretia’s theatricality, however, has not always met with favor. Wilhelm von

Bode, Studien zur Geschichte der holländischen Malerei (Braunschweig,

1883), 524, found the theatricality unconvincing given the portraitlike

character of the image. The art dealer René Gimpel was more outspoken.

When Lucretia was on the market in 1921 he wrote: “She is stabbing herself

in her terror, with a ridiculous gesture. Neither realism nor idealism. A

terrible lack of taste” (René Gimpel, Diary of an Art Dealer, trans. John

Rosenberg [New York, 1966], 161).

[15] This quotation was first associated with Rembrandt’s 1664 Lucretia by Jan

Veth, “Rembrandt’s Lucretia,” Beelden en Groepen 25 (1914): 25.

[16] The discolored varnish also had the effect of flattening the three-

dimensional character of the image, which reduced the emotional impact of

the scene by making the spatial relationships more difficult to decipher. One

such critique against the painting was levied by Alfred Gold, “Die Sammlung

Hielbuth,” Der Cicerone 13 (March 1921): 93.

[17] While I find the painting techniques described here characteristic for

Rembrandt, Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann (personal communication, 1993)

is quite critical of the manner in which these areas are executed. He feels

that the “paint has an abstract, unfunctional quality, and makes the

impression of a method applied without regard for its reason.” He rejects

the attribution to Rembrandt and notes that the painting has “strong

similarities with works by Aert de Gelder.” This opinion is shared by Ernst

van de Wetering, who argued in a lecture at the National Gallery of Art in

January 2005 that Lucretia was painted by Aert de Gelder.

[18] The similarities in technique in this area have become even more evident

since the 1993 restoration of the Jewish Bride.

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The original coarse, plain-weave fabric, composed of heavy, unevenly spun

threads, has been lined. The top, right, and left edges have been trimmed slightly,

leaving worn and ragged edges. The bottom was at one time used as a tacking

margin, but has now been returned to the picture plane. Slight cusping present

along the top and sides, but not the bottom, suggests a reduction in that

dimension. The double ground consists of a thick, gray lower layer and a moderately thin, dark

brown upper layer.[1] In the dark areas, particularly the background, the dark brown

upper ground layer was incorporated into the design, and in the upper left and

lower right quadrants the upper ground was deliberately scraped away to expose

the gray lower ground layer as part of the composition. In the richly impasted

details on the dress, paint was applied thickly and freely with broad brushwork.

Paint was both blended wet-into-wet and scumbled with a dry brush to exploit the

coarse canvas texture. Extensive use of the palette knife can be recognized in the

proper left cuff and in the lower portion of the dress. Incisions with the butt end of

the brush are found in the proper left cuff and on the neck. Several pentimenti have become visible over time. The dagger was once 3.5 cm

longer, and the sitter’s proper right sleeve has been altered. Stray brushmarks

cross the dress and white blouse at right, suggesting alterations to the neckline. The paint is in good condition with few losses. Wide-aperture drying crackle has

formed on either side of the head. Moderate abrasion has occurred in the darks,

and the bottom tacking margin has been overpainted to incorporate it into the

design. Conservation treatment was carried out in 1985 to remove an aged,

discolored varnish layer and discolored inpainting.

[1] The ground composition was analyzed by the NGA Scientific Research

department using cross-sections (see report dated May 8, 1985, in NGA

Conservation files).

PROVENANCE Jean-Joseph-Pierre-Augustin Lapeyrière [1779-1831, known as Augustin Lapeyrière,

then de Lapeyrière], Paris; (his sale, Galerie Le Brun, Paris, 19 April 1825 and days

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following [originally scheduled for 14 March 1825 and days following], no. 143).

Michael M. Zachary [d. 1837], London;[1] (sale, Phillips, London, 14-15 April 1826, 1st

day, no. 64, bought in); (Zachary sale, Phillips, London, 31 May 1828, no. 25);

purchased by Sir Thomas Lawrence [1769-1830] for Hugh Andrew Johnstone

Munro [1797-1864], London, and Novar House, near Evanton, Ross-shire,

Scotland.[2] Paul Pavlovich Demidoff [1839-1885], Prince of San Donato, near

Florence; (his sale, at his residence, Florence, 15 March-10 April 1880, no. 1146).

(Léon Gauchez, Paris); (sale, Christie, Manson & Woods, London, 13 July 1889, no.

56, bought in); (Léon Gauchez, Paris), until at least 1893.[3] (Bourgeois & Cie., Paris);

(Leo Nardus [1868-1955], Suresnes, France, and New York);[4] Matthew Chaloner

Durfee Borden [1842-1912], New York, by 1906;[5] (his estate sale, American Art

Association, New York, 13-14 February 1913, 1st day, no. 28); (M. Knoedler & Co.,

New York and Paris);[6] sold 1913 to (Frederik Müller and Co., Amsterdam); sold

1913 to August Janssen [1863-1918], Amsterdam;[7] his estate; sold 1919 with the

entire Janssen collection to (Jacques Goudstikker, Amsterdam).[8] Hermann

Heilbuth [1861-1945], Copenhagen, by 1920.[9] (Ehrich Brothers, New York), in

1921.[10] (M. Knoedler & Co., New York and Paris); sold November 1921 to Andrew

W. Mellon, Pittsburgh and Washington, D.C.; deeded 28 December 1934 to The

A.W. Mellon Educational and Charitable Trust, Pittsburgh; gift 1937 to NGA.

[1] Although the main seller at the April 1826 sale was Lord Berwick, there were

also other consignors. One annotation in the Wallace Collection (London) Library’s

copy of the sale catalogue indicates that Zachary was the consigner of the NGA

painting; another annotation next to the Lucretia entry reads “Sir T Lawrence.” The

Getty Provenance Index© Database, Sale Catalogs, lot 0064 from sale catalog Br-

2806, identifies the latter annotation as indicating a previous owner.

[2] This information is given by Cornelis Hofstede de Groot, Beschreibendes und

kritisches Verzeichnis der Werke der hervorragendsten holländischen Maler des

XVII. Jahrhunderts, 10 vols., Esslingen and Paris, 1907-1928: 6(1915):120, no. 218

(also English edition, Cornelis Hofstede de Groot, A Catalogue Raisonné of the

Works of the Most Eminent Dutch Painters of the Seventeenth Century, trans.

Edward G. Hawke, 8 vols., London, 1907–1927: 6(1916):143-144, no. 218). However,

the Wallace Collection (London) Library’s copy of the sale catalogue is annotated

with the name “Woodin” as the buyer (The Getty Provenance Index© Database,

Sale Catalogs, lot 0025 from sale catalog BR-3135). Munro acquired a significant

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collection that was dispersed in sales both before and after his death, but the

painting has not been located in any of the sale catalogues. Hofstede de Groot lists

a Munro sale in London on 26 March 1859 (given as 26 March 1851, in the 1920-

1921 exhibition catalogue), which has not been identified; the painting does not

appear in a sale of Munro’s English pictures held in London on 26 March 1860.

[3] Although Algernon Graves, Art Sales from early in the eighteenth century to

early in the twentieth century (mostly old master and early English pictures), 3 vols.

London, 1918-1921: 2:383, gives the buyer at the 1889 sale as Wontner, the painting

was in fact bought in and returned to the consignor, Gauchez. This information was

kindly provided by Lynda McLeod, Librarian, Christie’s Archives, London, in her e-

mail of 28 March 2013 (in NGA curatorial files). Émile Michel (Rembrandt: Sa vie,

son oeuvre et son temps, Paris, 1893: 489) saw the painting in Paris, but did not

identify the owner, who is named by Malcolm Bell (Rembrandt Van Rijn and His

Work, London, 1899: 157).

[4] Jonathan Lopez kindly provided this information (oral communication, 13

October 2006). See also Jonathan Lopez, "'Gross False Pretences': The Misdeeds

of Art Dealer Leo Nardus," Apollo, 2nd ser., vol. 166, no. 548 (December 2007): 78,

80, 82 nn. 25, 26.

[5] Wilhelm von Bode and Cornelis Hofstede de Groot, The Complete Work of

Rembrandt: History, Description and Heliographic Reproduction of All the Master's

Pictures, with a Study of His Life and His Art, translated by Florence Simmonds, 8

vols., Paris, 1897-1906: 8(1906):152, no. 595.

[6] Newspapers speculated that Knoedler’s might have been buying for the New

York collector Henry Clay Frick; copies of various articles are in NGA curatorial

files.

[7] The 1913 sales are described by Ben Broos, Great Dutch Paintings from America

, exh. cat. The Hague and Zwolle, 1990: 69-70. See also Gerhardus Knuttel, "De

Lucretia En Andere Werken Van Rembrandt Bij De Firma Fred. Muller & Co.

Amsterdam," Elsevier’s Geïllustreerd Maandschrift 47, no. 2 (January-June 1914):

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137-144.

[8] “Janssen Paintings Sold in Holland,” The Milwaukee Journal (3 August 1919): 10;

Otto Hirschmann, “Die Sammlung August Janssen,” Der Cicerone 12 (January

1920): 17-18.

[9] The painting was included in a 1920-1921 exhibition of Heilbuth’s collection in

Copenhagen.

[10] René Gimpel, Journal d’un collectionneur: marchand de tableaux, Paris, 1963:

184-185.

EXHIBITION HISTORY

1832 British Institution for Promoting the Fine Arts in the United Kingdom,

London, 1832, no. 44.[1]

1909 The Hudson-Fulton Celebration, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New

York, 1909, no. 105.

1920 A Collection of Paintings [H. Heilbuth], Statens Museum for Kunst,

Copenhagen, 1920-1921, no. 63.

1969 Rembrandt in the National Gallery of Art [Commemorating the Tercentenary

of the Artist's Death], National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 1969, no. 23,

repro.

1991 Rembrandt's Lucretias, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.;

Minneapolis Institute of Arts, 1991-1992, brochure.

2001 Rembrandt's Women, National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh; Royal

Academy of Arts, London, 2001, no. 141, repro.

2006 Rembrandt?: The Master and his Workshop, Statens Museum for Kunst,

Copenhagen, 2006, no. 18, repro.

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2014 Rembrandt: The Late Works, National Gallery, London; Rijksmuseum,

Amsterdam, 2014-2015, no. 115, repro.

EXHIBITION HISTORY NOTES

[1] In 1833 Alfred Joseph Woolmer (1805-1892) painted a fanciful view of the

exhibition of 1832 in which Lucretia can be seen hanging prominently to the right

of an arched doorway (Yale Center for British Art, New Haven, inv. no. B

1981.25.694). Celina Fox, London World City, 1800-1840 (London, 1992), 447,

repro. no. 383.

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Catalogue of pictures by Italian, Spanish, Flemish, Dutch, and English

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1935: no. 484, repro.

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484, repro.

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1937 Jewell, Edward Alden. "Mellon's Gift." Magazine of Art 30, no. 2

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85 (April 1967): 240-245, fig. 9.

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373, repro. 431.

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Revised by Horst Gerson. 3rd ed. London, 1969: repro. 394, 596, no.

484.

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paperback ed. Harmondsworth, 1972: 126.

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Beiträge zur Rembrandt-Forschung. Edited by Otto van Simson and Jan

Kelch. Berlin, 1973: 111-125, repro. 78.

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Catalogue. Washington, 1975: 284, repro.

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no. 375, color repro.

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Washington, 1985: 329, repro.

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no. 382, repro.

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Menschen. Translated by Renate Renner. Stuttgart, 1986: 371, no. 424,

color repro.

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and spirit. Translated by Suzanne Boorsch et al. New York, 1986: no.

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424, color repro.

1986 Sutton, Peter C. A Guide to Dutch Art in America. Washington and Grand

Rapids, 1986: 313.

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Duvernet, Léon Karlson, and Patrick Grilli. Paris, 1986: repro. 346, 403,

no. 114.

1989 Garrard, Mary D. Artemisia Gentileschi: The Image of the Female Hero

in Italian Baroque Art. Princeton, 1989: 237-239, no. 203, repro. 239.

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American collecting in the period from 1900 to 1914." In Great Dutch

Paintings from America. Edited by Ben P. J. Broos. Exh. cat. Royal

Picture Gallery Mauritshuis, The Hague; Fine Arts Museums of San

Francisco. The Hague and Zwolle, 1990: 60-77, repro. 69.

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Cambridge New Art History and Criticism. Cambridge, 1991: 64-74, 102,

105, 122, 140, 169, 245, 362, 448 n. 45, repro. 2.1.

1991 Emison, Patricia. "The singularity of Raphael's Lucretia." Art History 14,

no. 3 (September 1991): 372-396.

1991 Wheelock, Arthur K., Jr., and George S. Keyes. Rembrandt's Lucretias.

Exh. brochure. National Gallery of Art, Washington, 1991.

1992 Fehl, Philipp P. Decorum and wit: the poetry of Venetian painting:

essays in the history of the classical tradition. Bibliotheca artibus et

historiae. Vienna, 1992: 214, ill. 145.

1995 Wheelock, Arthur K., Jr. Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century.

The Collections of the National Gallery of Art Systematic Catalogue.

Washington, 1995: 280-287, color repro. 281.

1997 Fleischer, Roland E., and Susan C. Scott, eds. Rembrandt, Rubens, and

the art of their time: recent perspectives. Papers in art history from the

Pennsylvania State University 11. University Park, PA, 1997: no. 1-7, repro.

1998 Gibson, Sarah S. "Adultery." In Encyclopedia of Comparative

Iconography: Themes Depicted in Works of Art. Edited by Helene E.

Roberts. 2 vols. Chicago, 1998: 1:31.

1998 Roberts, Helene E., ed. Encyclopedia of Comparative Iconography:

Themes Depicted in Works of Art. 2 vols. Chicago, 1998: 1:31.

1999 Jensen, Knud W. De glade givere: museernes bedste billeder. Exh. cat.

Louisiana Museum of Modern Art, Humlebaek, 1999: 111, repro.

1999 Minor, Vernon Hyde. Baroque & Rococo: Art & Culture. New York, 1999:

170, repro.

1999 Schama, Simon. Rembrandt's Eyes. New York, 1999: 660, repro.

1999 Zuffi, Stefano and Francesca Castria, La peinture baroque. Translated

from Italian by Silvia Bonucci and Claude Sophie Mazéas. Paris, 1999:

184, color repro.

2000 Wright, Christopher. Rembrandt. Collection Les Phares 10. Translated by

Paul Alexandre. Paris, 2000: 77, fig. 66.

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To cite: Arthur K. Wheelock Jr., “Rembrandt van Rijn/Lucretia/1664,” Dutch Paintings of the Seventeenth Century, NGA Online

Editions, https://purl.org/nga/collection/artobject/83 (accessed August 18, 2018).

2001 Bal, Mieke. Looking In: The Art of Viewing. Critical voices in art, theory

and culture. Amsterdam, 2001: 96, repro.

2001 Brown, Ron. The Art of Suicide. London, 2001: 106, repro.

2001 Lloyd Williams, Julia. Rembrandt's Women. Exh. cat. National Gallery of

Scotland, Edinburgh; Royal Academy of Arts, London. London, 2001: no.

141, repro.

2002 Dixon, Annette, ed. Women who Ruled: Queens, Goddesses, Amazons

in Renaissance and Baroque Art. Exh. cat. University of Michigan

Museum of Art, Ann Arbor. London, 2002: 73, repro.

2003 Baines, Barbara J. Representing rape in the English early modern

period. Mellen studies in literature: Jacobean drama 106. Lewiston,

2003: 250, repro. 15.

2003 Golahny, Amy. Rembrandt's Reading: The Artist's Bookshelf of Ancient

Poetry and History. Amsterdam, 2003: 148, 151, fig. 37.

2003 Waagen, Gustav Friedrich. Treasures of Art in Great Britain. Translated

by Elizabeth Rigby Eastlake. Facsimile edition of London 1854. London,

2003: 2:137, no. 1.

2004 Braider, Christopher. Baroque Self-Invention and Historical Truth:

Hercules at the Crossroads. Burlington, VT, 2004: 56, 58, repro.

2004 Hand, John Oliver. National Gallery of Art: Master Paintings from the

Collection. Washington, 2004: 200-201, no. 157, color repro.

2006 Rønberg, Lene Bøgh, and Eva de la Fuente Pedersen. Rembrandt?: The

Master and His Workshop. Exh. cat. Statens Museum for Kunst,

Copenhagen, 2006: 206, fig. 18.

2007 Lopez, Jonathan. "‘Gross False Pretenses’: The Misdeeds of Art Dealer

Leo Nardus." Apollo ser. 2, 166, no. 548 (December 2007): 80-81, fig. 10.

2011 Bailey, Colin B. Rembrandt and His School: Masterworks from the Frick

and Lugt Collections. Exh. cat. Frick Collection, New York, 2011: 20-21,

color repro.

2011 Keyes, George S., Tom Rassieur, and Dennis P. Weller. Rembrandt in

America: collecting and connoisseurship. Exh. cat. North Carolina

Museum of Art, Raleigh; Cleveland Museum of Art; Minneapolis Institute

of Arts. New York, 2011: fig. 86, 154-156.

2014 Wieseman, M.E., Jonathan Bikker, et al. Rembrandt: The Late Works,

Supplement with Provenance, Selected Literature and Bibliography.

Online supplement to Exh. cat. National Gallery London; Rijksmuseum,

Amsterdam. London, 2014,

www.nationalgallery.org.uk/rembrandt/thelateworks/supplement: 19.

Bikker, Jonathan, and Gregor J.M. Weber. Rembrandt: The Late Works.

Exh. cat. National Gallery, London; Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. London,

2014: no. 115, repro. (detail) 234, 243-245, repro. 246, 298.

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