CHAPTER 13

American Apartheid

DOUGLAS S. MASSEY

NANCYA. DENTON

uring the 1970s and l9B0s aword disappeared from theAmericanvocabulary.It was not in the speeches of politicians decrying the multiple ills besetting

American cities. It was not spoken by government officials responsible for ad-

ministering the nation's social programs. It was not mentioned by journalists re-

porting o.tihe rising tide of homelessness, drugs and violence in urban America. It

*as not discussed by foundation executives and think-tank experts proposing new

programs for unemployed parents and unwed mothers. It was not articulated by cMl

iigtttr leaders speaking out against the persistence of racial inequaliry and it was

nJwhere to be found in the thousands of pages wtitten by social scientists on the

urban underclass. The word was segregation.Most Americans vaguely realtze that urban America is still a residentially seg-

regated society, but few appreciate the depth of black segregation or the degree to

*lii.h it is maintained by ongoing institutional arrangements and contemporary in-

dividual actions. They view segregation as an unfortunate holdover from a racist

past, one that is fading progressively over time. If racial residential segregation per-

sists, they reason, it is only because civil rights laws passed during the 1960s have not

had enough time to work or because many blacks still prefer to live in black neigh-

borhoods. The residential segregation of blacks is viewed charitably as a "natural"

outcome of impersonal social and economic forces, the same forces that produced

Italian and Polish neighborhoods in the past and that yield Mexican and Korean

areas today.But black segregation is not comparable to the limited and transient segrega-

tion experienced by other racial and ethnic groups, now or in the past. No group

in the hi.tory of the United States has ever experienced the sustained high level of

residential segregation that has been imposed on blacks in large American cities for

the past fifty years. This extreme racial isolation did not just happen; it was man-

ufaciured by'whites through a series of self-conscious actions and purposeful

135

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CFIAPTER 13 . American Apartheid

Kenneth B. Clark, who worked with Gunnar Myrdal as a student and later ap-plied his research skills in the landmark Brown u. Topeka school integration case,placed residential segregation at the heart of the U.S. system of racial oppression.ln Dark Ghetto, written in 1965, he argued that "the dark ghetto's invisible wallshave been erected by the white society, by those who have power' both to confinethose who have no power and to perpetuate their powerlessness. The dark ghettos

are social, political, educational, and-above all-economic colonies. Their in-

habitants are subject peoples, victims of the greed, cruelty, insensitivity, guilt, and

fear of their masters."Public recognition of segregation's role in perpetuating racial inequality was

galvanized in the late 1960s by the riots that erupted in the nation's ghettos. In theiraftermath, President Lyndon B. Iohnson appointed a commission chaired by Gov-ernor Otto Kerner of Ill inois to identify the causes of the violence and to proposepolicies to prevent its recurrence. The Kerner Commission released its report in

March 1968 with the shocking admonition that the United States was "moving to-ward two societies, one black, one white-separate and unequal." Prominent among

the causes that the commission identified for this growing racial inequalitywas res-idential segregation.

In stark, blunt language, the Kerner Commission informed white Americansthat "discrimination and segregation have long permeated much of American life;

they now threaten the future of every American." "segregation and poverty have

created in the racial ghetto a destructive environment totally unknown to most

white Americans. What white Americans have never fully understood-but what

the Negro can never forget-is that white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto'

\Mhite institutions created it, white institutions maintain it, and white society con-

dones it."The report argued that to continue present policies was "to make permanent

the division of our country into two societies; one, largely Negro and poor, located

in the central cities; the other, predominantlywhite and affluent, located in the sub-

urbs." Commission members rejected a strategy of ghetto enrichment coupled with

abandonment of efforts to integrate, an approach they saw "as another way of

choosing a permanently divided country." Rather, they insisted that the only rea-

sonable choice for America was "a policy which combines ghetto enrichment withprograms designed to encourage integration of substantial numbers of Negroes into

the society outside the ghetto."America chose differently. Following the passage of the Fair Housing Act in

1968, the problem of housing discrimination was declared solved, and residentialsegregation dropped off the national agenda. Civil rights leaders stopped pressing

for the enforcement of open housing, political leaders increasingly debated em-ployment and educational policies rather than housing integration, and academi-lians focused their theoretical scrutiny on everything from culture to family

structure, to institutional racism, to federal welfare systems. Few people spoke ofracial segregation as a problem or acknowledged its persisting consequences. By the

end of the 1970s residential segregation became the forgotten factor in Americanrace relations.

r37

tth of black seg-rf other groups,lvements in so-

to acknowledgensequences forrtematically un-States. Becausenned to experi-:m, where a ma-rwelfare, whererration abound.:s for social and

ure of the blackto build a set ofneighborhoods.ent and increase,te concentratedNequences thateating uniquelyographically, so-

individual. Res-ge; it constrainslions, or privatelen swept underrrclass. segrega-the urban poor.fted States can-

because it once0 was once seenu Myrdal wroter a mechanicaltuse Negro peo-rch other in theegation. . . be-ns" and createsLc officials to be

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rusrceu. uooc Juvd BtI

CHAPTER 13 . American Apartheid

TABLE 13. f Segregation by Income in Thirty Metropolitan Areas with theLargest Black Populations, l9B0

Incorne Category

Metropolitan Area Under $2.500 $25,000-$27,500 $50,000+

r39

rtent to whicheconomic dif-ious society of.an poor fami-:re two groupsrs to be racial

rck-white seg-improvement,:k poverty andrn bifurcated,useholds pos-mobility and,had been sus-r significantly.rutable to eco-rd preferences,Ls."racism or fromimportance ofiocial and eco-rss position ofI from race perlessness, poorr of cities fromr emphasis onhave persistedwerful basis of

ldefinitive res-

Fment, wealth,al segregation,s. Indeed, racerave happened:kincomes had;lined: no mat-,vhites. In 1980,,rnerican cities.vhich presentse thirty largeste of residentialn under $2,500:gation indices;t of brevity we

Northern areasBostonBuffaloChicagoCincinnatiClevelandColumbusDetroitGary-Hammond-E. ChicagoIndianapolisKansas CityLos Angeles-Long BeachMilwaukeeNewYorkNewarkPhiladelphiaPittsburghSt. LouisSan Francisco-OaklandAverage

Southern areas

AtlantaBaltimoreBirminghamDallas-Ft. WorthGreensboro-Winston SalemHoustonMemphisMiamiNew OrleansNorfolk-Virginia BeachTampa-St. PetersburgWashington, D.C.Average

85 .185.29 t . IBt.791 .680.3BB.690.6BO.B86. I85.491 .386.2t 'J -6

84.982. l87.379.585.B

82.282.446 . I83 .163.273.8/ . 1 . 4 t

B 1 . 675.870.1B1 .B79.274.4

83.980.0B5.B70.987 . l74.685.089.576.679.379.887.9Bt.279.078.680.678.473.7BO.7

77.372.340.874.755.165.566.878.463.163.376.067.066.7

89. I90.086.374.286.483.486.490.980.084.278.986.378.677.5B 1 .987.983.272.r83.2

78.276.845.282.470.872.769.8/ b . 5

77.872.485.765.472.8

Source: Nancy A. Denton and Douglas S. Massey, "Residential Segregation of Blacks, Hispanics, andAsians by Socioeconomic Status and Generation," Social Science Quarterly 69:4, pp.797-817. Copl'right@ 1988 by the University ofTexas Press. All rights reserved.

only show one middle category ($25,000-$27,500). Little is added by including otherincome groups, because black segregation does not vary by affluence.

Among northern metropolitan areas, for example, blacks, no matter what theirincome, remain very highly segregated from whites. As of 1980, black families earning

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