Douala Anglophone Elite Memo of 1991.pdf

8/22/2019 Douala Anglophone Elite Memo of 1991.pdf

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A MEMORANDUM

PRESENTED TO THE

FONS, CHIEFS, POLITICAL LEADERS,

AND

THE PEOPLE OF THE FORMER WEST CAMEROON

BY

A COMMITTEE OF ANGLOPHONE ELITES

RESIDENT IN THE LITTORAL PROVINCE.

ON

11 FEBRUARY 1991


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GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF ANGLOPHONE ELITES

RESIDENT IN DOUALA, LITTORAL PROVINCE

PRESIDENT DR. YONGBANG A. B. POB 573, TEL: 42 80 55 DLA.

VICE PRESIDENT OBEN CHARLES POB 2273 TEL:42 66 99 DLA.

SECRETARY ZOH HANSON POB 2214 TEL: 40 76020 DLA.

DRAFTING COMMITTEE

DRAFTING CHAIRMAN: BARRISTER ETINGE W.C.M. POB 1588; TEL:42 06 36 DLA.

DRAFTING SECRETARY: BARRISTERASHU AGBOR EMMANUEL POB 2830; TEL:403951; DLA

ASST. DRAFTING SECRETARY: MANJOH JULIUS BIME POB 3300; TEL:428422 DLA.

CONSTITUTIONAL ADVISERS

DUM-BUNG B. Z.

EWANG HANS

COMMENTARIES

DR. ACHU JOHN FON (BARRISTER)


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A MEMORANDUM PRESENTED TO THE FONS, CHIEFS, POLITICAL

LEADERS, AND PEOPLE OF THE FORMER WEST CAMEROON BY A

COMMITTEE OF ANGLOPHONE ELITE RESIDENT IN THE LITTORAL

PROVINCE.

Our most respected Royal Highnesses,- FONS, CHIEFS,Our distinguished Political Leaders,Our Religious Leaders,Beloved Brothers and Sisters,

1. The Pre-reunification Era: The Southern Cameroons and the Practice ofDemocracy, which was the pivot of our unity.

HISTORY MUST NOW PROVE US WRONG WHEN WE SAY THAT TODAY, AFTERTHIRTY YEARS OF MENTAL TORTURE, WE ARE WHAT WE WERE DREAMING TOBE. We may no longer pretend to be indifferent to ourselves and to posterity that weplunged ourselves into this unholy alliance without the least notion of understanding theimpending doom that was to seal the frontiers of our democracy. We were a democracywhile our brothers of the former East Cameroun lived under the barrel of the gun.

The beautiful plains, the green pastures of the Southern Cameroons have been eroded;the Prime Ministers Lodge is a relic of the past, no longer a historical attraction;Victoria, our garden city, was given a false name, Limbe (an adulterated derivative froma German explorers name), to insult Queen Victoria, to deface our history and tofragment our identity. But today, the name of General de Gaulle is every where in thestreets of most towns and cities in Cameroun. Things have fallen apart and we are nolonger at ease. Posterity, no doubt, shall ask whether the Southern Cameroons was

conquered like the French-speaking province of Quebec in the Federation of Canada,which, even as a conquered territory, enjoys more freedom and democracy than theSouthern Cameroons. Our children will ask: why did we not enjoy our freedom? Theywill be told, intrigues within ourselves, lack of confidence in ourselves, betrayal ofourselves to a common foe, greed and avarice, and lack of a collective political leadershipsealed our freedom and democracy which we inherited from the mother of democracy,Great Britain.

Our Royal Highnesses, our most cherished political leaders, beloved brothers and sisters,in the former British Southern Cameroons, we lived in peace; there was no South-West orNorth-West Province; we were a formidable unit; our rights of living with all of our

fundamental human rights were assured. The Southern Cameroons had a responsibleGovernment, a democratic constitution, a responsible Local Government Authority, andan organised Civil Service. This democracy was the off-spring of the then SouthernCameroons (Constitution) ORDER IN COUNCIL of 1960, the last Britishconstitutional enactment for that territory. It was an instrument of a democratic societywhich molded our way of life; it was indeed the nucleus of what later became the WestCameroon constitutional law after reunification within the Federal Republic of


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Cameroon. The Southern Cameroons practiced a parliamentary system of Governmentwherein the executive was responsible to the legislature.Now, we your children, your elites, if you wish, must infuse this knowledge into you, thatis, UNITY IS STRENGTH, in order to arrest your tottering and faltering hopes which

have sunk to a dismal level because of the strains and nightmares you are facing tocontain a vicious brother who has stripped you and me of all our rights. While asSouthern Cameroonians, the democratic values which we inherited from the British wereunifying principles of our lives such that our internal squabbles were democraticallysettled, our institutions, particularly the independence of the Judiciary, were well adheredto; our political structure did cut across the boundaries of tribalism and nepotismreducing them to a minimal level. The Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP) ofDr. John Ngu Foncha, a Northern party with its seat in Bamenda, found it roots in Buea,Victoria, Kumba. and Mamfe. The Cameroon Peoples National Convention (CPNC) ofDr. E.M.L. Endeley (of blessed memory), a Southern party with its seat in Buea, planteditself firmly in Nso, Wum, and Nkambe. Despite our inter-party muscling, we remained

one in spirit, the inter-party rivalry was not enmity but a process of our inheriteddemocracy. This process was enhanced by our constitution which became a symbol ofour patriotic devotion whose continued force depended on its continued flexibility in theface of our shifting national political needs.

The court, an off-spring of our common-law inheritance from the British, became avenerated institution, half Judicial Tribunal and half political preceptor, sensitive but notsubservient, alerting itself to the rights of the people and making sure that its share ofaccountability did not exceed its capacity. Judgements were delivered, respected andadhered to; execution of court judgements was a normal process which was devoid of anypolitical interference.

Political power did not intrude into the judicial mind of the judge; the court had finalauthority over judicial and political conflicts; that is, judicial independence wasnourished and cultivated such that it grew into the doctrine of judicial sovereignty or theidea that a law may be held unconstitutional if the court thought so with the court'sopinion binding on all the parties involved.

We lived in such a glorious era; a small nation we were, that enjoyed absolute peace, thatnever saw soldiers with guns in the streets that were full of unarmed civilians. TheSouthern Cameroons was a democracy at that early period: why should we becomevictims of repression and tyranny thirty years after we had known democracy? See foryourselves now, the essence of unity, a primordial element of our survival. Butremember, what was more fundamental was that we enjoyed social security and equality,political freedom, equitable taxation, and an efficient administration in spite of ourmeager resources. Did you ever imagine that the Southern Cameroons would become thebread-winner of this reunified country? Now, judge for yourselves the present state ofaffairs.


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II. Identifying the causes of the friction between the North-West and the South-West Provinces.

We must now ask: What went wrong? Why did we not go to negotiate the union as aunited front? It has been argued that the parliamentary elections of 1959, inter alia, thatcrippled the government of late Dr. E.M.L.Endeley and ushered in Dr. J.N. Fonchas

KNDP to power in Buea had a killing effect on the unity of the people of the SouthernCameroons, though it was not the last straw that broke the camels back. But whencampaigns for integration with Nigeria (CPNC of Dr. Endeley) and reunification with theRepublic of Cameroun started to rear their ugly heads in the Southern Cameroons, thestrings of unity started to disintegrate. The victors (KNDP) advanced the policy ofreunification vigorously and got, as was alleged, very heavy financial support from theRepublic of Cameroun to foster its cause. The KNDP regime was supported by the OneKamerun Party (OK) which was an off-shoot of the banned UPC (Union des Populationsdu Cameroun) in the Republic of Cameroun and had infiltrated very heavily its militantsinto the Southern Cameroons. The campaigns led to the UN Plebiscite of 11/02/61, a day,whjich without reason, anglophones have been forced to observe as Youth Day rather

than a National Day. But, what was reunification? Young anglphones must be told thewhole truth.

Kamerun, as was known to the Germans, was one territory; but the defeat of the Germansby the Allied Forces (French and British) compelled the Germans to sign an agreementunder article 119 of the Treaty of Versailles of June 28, 1919 renouncing all their rightsto the territory of Kamerun. But before that treaty was effected, the two Allied Powershad on 4th March 1916, partitioned Kamerun de facto into what later became known asFrench Cameroun and British Cameroons by which an Anglo-French Declaration signedin Paris on 10th July 1919, by Viscount MILNE and M. SIMON legally sealed thedelineation of the border dividing this former German Protectorate into two parts.

Perhaps there was nothing wrong if only the intention of those who sought to reunify theterritory was genuine, namely, a desire to have the territory back into its former positionbefore the defeat of the Germans in 1916. What was not readily foreseen was the motiveof the people of the Republic of Cameroun. Due also to the burning desire of theproponents of reunification, Dr. J.N. FONCHA and some of his ardent reunificationdisciples lost touch of the principle of self-preservation, and naively negotiated in goodfaith.

THE RESULT OF THE PLEBISCITE OF 11/02/61

The UN General Assembly, on October 16, 1959 had adopted Resolution 1352(XIV)asking for a plebiscite for the Southern Cameroons referred to in its Resolution1350(XIII) to be held not later than March 1961 and recommending that the followingtwo questions be put before the people:

a) Do you wish to achieve independence by joining the independent Federation ofNigeria?


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b) - Do you wish to achieve independence by joining the independent Republic ofCameroun?

The population of the Southern Cameroons voted as follows:

a) - For joining the Federation of Nigeria = 97.741 votes;

c) - For joining the Republic of Cameroun = 233.571 votes.It was after these results of the Plebiscite that the people of the now South-West andNorth-West Provinces must be told the bitter truth about what has caused the South-West/North-West dichotomy. This must be analysed and explained in order that we donot fall into the same error, an error that has caused us thirty years of loss of identity,culture, and democratic ruin. Grievances between the two peoples grew and never dieddown till date.

GRIEVANCES OF THE SOUTH-WEST AGAINST THE NORTH-WEST

We got these allegations after sampling opinions of a wide spectrum of the persons ofSouth-West in the South-West Province itself. We are not in a position to accept as trueor deny these allegations. Our task here is to present them to the two peoples for a soul-searching mission in the face of our present predicament.

a) - The Foumban Conference of July 17, 1961:The South-West alleges that after the KNDP victory at the Plebiscite of 11/02/61,the KNDP government victimised South-Westerners, and that explains why the two

peoples could not go to the Foumban Conference as a single bloc.

b) - After the Foumban Conference, the political leaders who emerged in theSouthern Cameroons and became allied to AHIDJO were all North-Westerners whoindoctrinated AHIDJO against South-Westerners and made it possible fordevelopment projects to go only to the North-West Province. These, they hold,were secret agreements especially between Hon. MUNA and AHIDJO.

c) - They maintain that North-Westerners induced South-Westerners to vote forreunification, so they should not now complain about our present plight.

d) - That the South-West has been the under-dog of the North-West political giants whohave since reunification been at the forefront of Cameroon politics influencingsituations appointments and developments - towards the North-West Province.


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e) - That is why they maintain:i. The College of Arts, Science and Technology which was originally

earmarked for the South-West was taken to Bamenda in 1962 from Kumba;

ii. The School of Nursing which was earmarked for Victoria, South-Westprovince, was taken to Bamenda, in the North-West Province;

iii. That explains why development projects have, including foreign aid, gone tothe North-West MIDENO, ENS, Co-operative College, School ofAgriculture, and the employment of North-West citizens in jobs like CRTV,as University Lecturers, etc.;

iv. They further maintain that this is the policy which they held under the KNDPGovernments in Buea;

v. In conformity with that, Mr. S.T. MUNA, while Prime Minister of WestCameroon, scrapped the WCDA (West Cameroon Development Agency) withheadquarters in Buea; and so was the liquidation of Cameroon Air Transport(CAT) during the era of DR. J.N. FONCHA.

vi. - Mr. YAKUMTAW, while Governor of the South-West Province, sent backunbelievably to the government treasury the sum of 500.000.000 FCFA whichwas given by the NPMB to the South-West Province for the development offarm-to-market roads;

vii. They further maintain that, rather than the North-West fight for projects for theNorth-West, they delight in frustrating projects designed for the South-West.

They, till date, fight to split the proposed University of Buea instead of asking,as Professor Obenson of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Buea has done,for the opening of a University of Science and Technology in Bamenda;

vii. Like on previous occasions, North-West has interfered with the take-off ofthe South-West Development Authority (SOWEDA) which was due two yearsago in much the same way as they worked against the functioning of theUniversity Center in Buea during the AHIDJO era;

ix. They hold that the North-West has dominated the CDC, PAMOL, and even theChurches of the former Southern Cameroons.


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GRIEVANCES RECORDED AGAINST THE SOUTH-WEST BY THE NORTH-WEST

We also recorded the following from a sample of some North-Westerners in the North-West province:

i.

- VIKUMA was founded by South-Westerners to discriminate againstNorth-Westerners;

ii. - More investments in terms of agro-industrial developments and roadinfrastructure are found in the South-West Province;

iii. The South-Westerner is arrogant, lazy, and generally lacks initiative.

Having analysed these points of conflict, we do, without an iota of doubt, conclude thatthe two peoples fell apart on very pertinent issues which were relevant to one another at

the time. We have, of course, decided not to comment on these allegations but to openthem up to the consciences of the two peoples for a self-searching scrutiny of theirbehaviours within the thirty years of darkness. It is also not of essence to roundlycondemn those who led us to this feat: to think on those lines will be weeping over spiltmilk, or to evade the onerous task of redeeming ourselves and a our progeny from theyoke of these neo-colonialists who are bent on eliminating both our identity and ourculture.

Generally, we felt satisfied that none of these persons we spoke to ever told us of anydeath of either a South-Westerner or a North-Westerner which was caused as a result ofthis longstanding animosity. But we are convinced, after a very careful search carried outby the elites, of having established a pertinent fact that there has been since reunificationa vicious ploy by the francophone political leaders to resurface and indeed fomentanimosity and division among anglophones in order to keep them permanently divided soas to better conquer and rule over them. The questions we may like to put here to ourSouthern Cameroons compatriots are these:

1. Are these differences relevant today in the face of one vicious monster out todestroy our identity?

2. What will become of the anglophone if he sleeps on his rights and allows thefrancophone political leaders to completely assimilate him by annexing the South-West Province to the Littoral Province and the North-West Province to the WestProvince a design which the francophones conceived since 1972?

3. Are our differences such that we cannot submerge them in order to fight for ourcommon and inherent rights?

4 Are these differences of any significance as compared to a people who havefought wars (Chad, Nigeria, the Congos, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Burkina Faso,


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South Africa, Uganda, Mali, Mozambique, Angola, etc. and have soughtreconciliation?

5. - Are we not living witnesses today that Germany which was divided for over fortyyears is again a reunited country?

6. Where is the justification for our continued disagreements which look more liketribal sentiments than anything else?

7. Can amends not be made?

II. THE MUCH TALKED ABOUT LEADERSHIP CRISIS.Many people talk and even cry about the absence of a leader, particularly from the South-West Province. Whether or not this is true, many anglophones hold that view but, withdue respect, we are also entitled to be enlightened on the issue. Consequently, when we

talk of a leadership vacuum or crisis, we wish to inquire:

- What are we really appealing to?- Are we intimating that individuals ought to be identifiable as leaders so that when

there is a political or governmental crisis affecting the anglophones, these leaderswill stand out clear to defend the cause of the anglophones?

While that reasoning may be vital to solving the problems of anglophones, it is clearlyadmitted that the type of leadership advocated by the English-speaking Cameroonians is acollective leadership of people dedicated to the cause of anglophone unity; it is a

collective leadership that is sensitive to the rights and obligations of its peoples, and aleadership that will establish safeguards and fight to identify and uphold theconstitutional rights of the anglophones.

If we may recall some pertinent points of history, we have had representation in thegovernment and politicians alike. They were leaders, our forerunners, who were supposedto represent the cause of the anglophones and are still to do so till date to talk withoneness on issues affecting the anglophones and to sensitize the government on theconstitutional rights of the anglophones. Our political leaders and governmentfunctionaries have failed till date to administer this antidote, to take collectiveresponsibility; they have failed to point out collectively and individually to successivegovernments the destruction of the constitution of 01/10/61 which was a cornerstone ofour union; they have failed to threaten constitutional action if the 1961 constitution wasnot upheld. Our political leaders and government functionaries are, till date, determinedonly to seek their selfish ends to the detriment of the generality of anglophones. In theface of one common enemy, they have failed to take a unified approach and to foresee thedanger inherent in their individual parochial behaviour. They are subscribing to thescrapping of anglophone identity and culture.


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No nation has been eliminated from the face of the earth; the comity of nations will notallow that to happen. When one fights for an inherent genuine cause, even intrigues maynot help the oppressor to succeed. Anglophones did not fight a civil war amongthemselves like Nigeria-Biafra, like Angola, both of whom have reconciled. Why doanglophones preach tribal sentiments amongst themselves?

We must stand as a single bloc, united like the English-speaking Northern Somali peoplewho have proclaimed their independence from the federation of Somalia. We must beunited like the Eritreans who have finally ousted Colonel MENGHISTU of Ethiopia.Without unity the Romanians would not have liberated themselves from the clutches ofthe late dictator, Nicolai CEAUSESCU; without unity , Kuwait would not have beenliberated from the IRAKIS. The present and retired political leaders together with seniorgovernment functionaries have never agreed even among themselves to consider thewrong they are inflicting on their kith and kin? We went to the Foumban Conference inJuly 1961 divided, and this unfortunately has been our situation till date. After thirtyyears, we have today still not learnt a lesson from our past mistakes.

Leadership, therefore, is not personifying an individual. Leadership is, to the best of ourunderstanding, a collective responsibility of those on whom the political andgovernmental mantle in consultation with Traditional Rulers lie. If one man is proclaimeda leader, it is unlikely that he/she will command the loyalty of all; he/she shall certainlybe betrayed by our very selves; he/she will be jeered by us accusing him/her ofpromoting his/her clan, tribe or his/her family. We shall be the very people to fight andput him/her down before the francophones; he/she may also be the very person to sell usto the francophones.

Throughout the thirty dark years (1961 1991), have our Chiefs and Fons ever met

together to question the conspiracy that scrapped the West Cameroon House of Chiefs?Have our politicians, retired and active, our senior government functionaries ever nurseda plan of coming together to review the political and constitutional security of theanglophones? Who then shall lead us to face this disloyalty to our own cause?

In conclusion, leadership, therefore, demands collective responsibility, courage, andsacrifice, in order to get effective results. UNITY IS STRENGTH and many hands dolight work are English maxims well ingrained in us. Our retired and presently activepoliticians, our senior government officers, and our Traditional Rulers have not used theirnascent authority to establish the substantive constitutional safeguards on which theanglophone polity should have rested. You have been alerted in time; this is the time forthe anglophones to rise from their slumber through their leaders to build that structure.The constitutional crisis engulfing the Cameroons now, offers you a unique opportunityto strike a bargain for our constitutional security.


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III. THE ANGLOPHONE QUESTION.- A RETURN TO THE FEDERATION OF WEST AND EAST CAMEROONS.

A PROPER CENSUS TO DETERMINE THE POPULATION OF WEST CAMEROON.

Every attempt and effort has been made in the foregoing paragraphs to give you anappraisal of the position of an anglophone, his relationship with his fellow anglophone,and the consequences of that relationship with respect to his position in the Cameroons.This fourth paragraph is the focus, the climax of the sensitization, and the actual messageto you.

All over this Republic, if you agree with that appellation, or the Federation, whichseems appropriate to any anglophone, our brothers of French expression have maintainedthat there is no Anglophone Problem. Even most political leaders of French expressionin most of their political rallies have voiced out that there is no Anglophone Problem.

This is a pointer to the anglophone and a true indication that the present atmosphere withour French-speaking Camerounians who pretend to be in solidarity with us is merely aperiod of a marriage of convenience. The principle of self-preservation must now beinvoked; the future must be read to mean that no matter what relationship we are havingwith our brothers of French expression, we must constantly be on our guard, upholdingour interests and never again to fall victims of this repression as a result of the fact thatfor a very long time, we have slept on our rights.

It is only a bigot, an oppressor, who will shamelessly say that the anglophones do nothave a problem. The anglophones have a problem as from the date the late dictatorrigged the Federation. Their democracy which was enshrined in their West Cameroon

constitution of 01/10/61 was destroyed by the illegal proclamation of the United Republicof Cameroon and its unitary constitution of 02/06/72. Thereafter, the anglophones havewitnessed torture, spite and victimization. Dictatorship, a foreign concept to their way oflife, has paralysed theirmodus vivendi and, as confirmed by the declaration of Mr. PaulBiya on the 28th of June 1990:The CPDM was born out of the call for freedom and democracy by the Camerounianpeople after 20 years of an authoritarian regime, evidence of victimization for 20 yearsof dictatorship is now manifest.

Now, our politicians present and retired, our |Chiefs and Royal Highnesses, ourgovernment functionaries, present and retired, shall require a deft blend of boldness andrestraint to face the Himalayan task of liberating the anglophones from the claws andclutches of our self-proclaimed political masters the francophones. The mission of theelites is to plead and fervently pray to South-West and North-West politicians, Chiefs,their Royal Highnesses, government functionaries, and the populations of these provincesto eschew their senseless North-West/South-West dichotomy. There is no reason for us togo at each others throat because of these natural traits; let us instead transform ourcultural differences to a major political asset, for it is crystal clear that the North-West orthe South-West cannot alone survive the aggression and suppression of the francophones


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without a united front. The basis for a better political climate should be enhanced now tounify our resolve towards a common objective the essence of unity towards a commonfoe is now paramount.

The case of the anglophones rests on a return to the Federation of West Cameroon and

East Cameroun which was the basis of the plebiscite. The moment for that historic actionseems ripe and shall have international sympathy in view of the gross violations of thecharter of the Federation. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon of01/10/61 does not show in any of its provisions that the Federal Republic of Cameroonwas to assume a different status other than a Federal structure (See Art. 47 (1-5) of the1961Constitution in reference and in particular article 1 of it which says:

Any proposal for the revision of the present constitution which impairs the unity andintegrity of the Federation shall be inadmissible.

Article 47 (1) was a fundamental principle and the bedrock on which the Federation was

founded. The only ground why the two states came together was to become a federation.To change to any other form of country or a constitution was certainly to impair the unityand integrity of the federation. The change to the unitary structure was thereforeunconstitutional because the referendum was forced on the anglophones. Moreover, therigging of the Federation abused the fundamental articles of the constitution of theFederation of 01/10/61, which invariably showed that the federation was made of twopeoples. For example:

Article 9 (1) says:The President of the Federal Republic and the Vice-President whomust not be natives of the same federated state, shall be elected on a

single list, by universal suffrage and direct and secret ballot; while

Article10 (3) says: In the event of the Presidency falling vacant for any reasonwhatsoever, the powers of the President of the Federal Republic shallautomatically devolve upon the Vice-President until such a time as anew President is elected"

These articles were intentionally and to the detriment of the anglophones abrogated bythe late dictator who actedultra vires Art, 47 (1) of the federal constitution in order to rubthe Federation of its unique feature of two persons and so open the road to assimilatingthe anglophones. The two sub-sections were limiting clauses against the usurpation ofpowers and against any interference with the status of the Federation. They were inaddition supported by Article 47 (1) and were intended to block any avenue to anychange of the structure of the Federation.


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LEGAL AUTHORITY IN SUPPORT OF A FEDERATION.

Constitutionally, the change of the name of the country to Republic of Cameroun bydecree No. 84-001 of 4th February 1984 nullified any existing consideration to supportany legal argument which may tend to make the anglophones party to the Republic of

Cameroun. By article 1 of the Federal Republic of Cameroon constitution of 01/10/61,quote:- The Federal Republic of Cameroon is formed as from 1st October 1961, of the

Territory of the Republic of Cameroun, henceforth called East Cameroun, and theTerritory of the Southern Cameroons formerly under United Kingdomadministration, henceforth called West Cameroon.

- And Article 56, quote:On 1st October 1961, the government of the SouthernCameroons under British administration and thegovernment of the Republic of Cameroun shall become the

governments of the two Federated States respectively.

The decree No. 84-001 of 04/02/84 has annexed a sovereign state, West Cameroon,which at the time of reunification was an autonomous state equal in status with theRepublic of Cameroun which became East Cameroun.

By decree No. 84-001 of 04/02/84 which changed the illegal status of the UnitedRepublic of Cameroon, the treaty, locally known as the Foumban Accord, which is citedin the United Nations records as INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION, has beenfrustrated and abrogated by the acts of the parties themselves since one sovereign state,Republic of Cameroun CANNOT assimilate another sovereign state, West Cameroon.

The parties to the Foumban Accord of July 1961 the Republic of Cameroun and thesovereign state of the Southern Cameroons which became East and West Cameroonsrespectively (Art. 1) - have by legal implication returned to their status quo ante of01/10/61 which is the Republic of Cameroun and the independent state of the SouthernCameroons respectively.

By proclamation DF-72 of 02/06/72 that brought the illegal United Republic ofCameroon with its unitary constitution of 02/06/72, abolished by implication:

1. The Foumban Accord of July 1961 INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION;2. The Federal Constitution of 01/10/61;3. - Abolished the government, the Parliament , and the House of Chiefs of the West

Cameroon State;

4. - Moved troops into and occupied West Cameroon;


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5 - Divided West Cameroon into North-West and South-West provinces;6. - Occupied West Cameroon with francophone administrators;

AND

The decree of |President Paul Biya, No. 84-001 of 04/02/84 , changing the name of thecountry to simply Republic of Cameroun, have no binding effect on the Federated stateof West Cameroon and are, therefore, NULL AND VOID having no force of law in theFederated state of West Cameroon.

The constitution of West Cameroon of 01/10/61 shall become legal and operativethroughout the federated state of West Cameroon.

IV. NATIONAL CONFERENCE.If you are convinced about the reasons advanced in the preceding paragraphs, it is ourhumble opinion to thank you in advance for accepting unity as a precondition for oursurvival in the Cameroons. It will lead us to assuming that if we are faced with anyconference, the problems of Anglophones in the Cameroons shall become a mobilisingweapon of our unity.

It is in this regard that we believe very absolutely that one of the reasons why the presentadministration is afraid of convening a National Conference is certainly the fear of theAnglophone Problem, which, though the administration says that that problem does notexist, the administration is certainly apprehensive that the anglophones consider

themselves oppressed, victimised, colonised, and annexed by the francophones.Thirtyyears (1961 1991) is not enough for you to cast away your right to return to thefederation we voted for in February 1961. Many countries the world over which havebeen confederations or federations, have over more than a century renounced theiragreements when conditions that brought about the union or mergers were no longerattainable. We, the peoples of the Southern Cameroons have been dehumanised;injustices and atrocities have been perpetrated against us; as a result of these degradingconditions, more than 35.000 (UNHCR) West Cameroonians have fled this country forsafety in Nigeria alone.

Article 20 (1) of the OAU Charter on Human and Peoples Rights gives credence to ourfight, quote:

- All people shall have the right to existence. They shall have theunquestionable and inalienable right to self-determination. They shall freelydetermine their political status and shall pursue their economic and socialdevelopment according to the policy they have freely chosen;


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Article 20 (2): Colonised and oppressed people shall have the right to free themselves

from the bonds of domination by resorting to any means recognised by theinternational community.

Article20 (3): All people shall have the right to the assistance of all states in theirliberation struggle against foreign domination be it political, economic andcultural.

Cameroon, it must be stated here , is not a signatory to the OAU Charter on Human andPeoples Rights. The reason for this non-signature by Cameroon is very much known bythose who can read between the lines. The francophone political leaders who have heldthe mantle of political leadership know that they have annexed the peoples and territoryof the former British Southern Cameroons and will not be party to a document thatcondemns them.

Although in our conclusion, the agenda of the National Conference has been treated bymany writers and continues to receive special attention within various forums, we wouldlike to lay special emphasis on an aspect of this conference that is of major concern to theanglophones. First, when it shall become necessary to hold the National Conference orany other organised forum, the Anglophone Question shall constitute an item to beinscribed on the agenda of that forum or conference. As a matter of fact, this anglophonequestion will constitute a precondition for our participation in any such forum.

At this point, we can only hope that we have pleaded sufficiently the genuine case foranglophone unity. It is therefore expected that, when you shall go to such a conference,

you shall be attending it as a force, a united people; carrying along with you theAnglophone Mandate that of a return to the Federation of West Cameroon and EastCameroun in view of the fact that the Federal Republic of Cameroon, by its FederalRepublic of Cameroon Constitution of 01/10/61, which has not been repealed, is thelegitimate name of the country today.

The unifying example of our children of the North-West and South-West Provinces, whovaliantly fought for the cause of the GCE in 1985 and won the battle for the stay of theGCE, should serve as food-for-thought. Our young students defied the North-West/South-West dichotomy: why not you?

Finally, we feel ourselves very honoured by the patience and courage you have taken toconsider our plea for you to advance the cause of our unity as a befitting tribute to thememories of P.M. KALLE, MOTOMBY WOLETA, S.A. GEORGE, CHIEF JOHNMANGA WILLIAMS, AUGUSTINE NGOM JUA, FON GALEGA II, DR.E.M.L.ENDELEY, NFON O.S. EBANJA III, who died charting the course of our freedom anddestiny.


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LET ANGLOPHONES SPEAK WITH ONE VOICE AT THE NATIONALCONFERENCE!

We thank you.

Signed by:

FOUNDERS

Dr. A.B. Yongbang Barrister WCM Etinge B.Z. Dum-BungZoh Hanson Julius Manjoh Jinla BungongAmos Ngapbon Bello Hans Ewang Barnabas AkwoLewis Ngalame Dr. John Fon Achu Alfred BakariDaniel Asonganyi George Acha-Morfaw Lawrence Bate-EyaJoseph Etabong Vincent N. Feko Alhaji MussaJohn Kumase Emmanuel Ashu Agbor Charles Oben

MEMBERS;

John A. Besong George Massango Mukete DiohBarrister Etah Akoh Barrister R.N. Makoge Martin TomdioHenry Bengwa Cletus Ntumngia Edmond Kem AtudMarcel Dinka T.P. Mbah Basil B. EyomboSebastian Epah P.A.Y. Tomdio Athanasius NsahlaiRoy Ashu Mbu E. Eno Mbei Namme Eno EbaiGraham J. Yumbi David Nche Peter A. MorchoAchidi Kisob Bob Achu Litumbe LitomboGregory Nkengafac Hanson G. Tamfu Evaristus FonkahRobert Mebune Paul Ngole Epie Abel WebnjohMichael Chibili Nat A. Takor August Mene EyasuJohn Ngoh Temban Cyprien Mbaya Awudu

END


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Douala Anglophone Elite Memo of 1991.pdf

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Transcript of Douala Anglophone Elite Memo of 1991.pdf