DOCUMENT RESUME ED 320 794 SO 020 809 · Fakir Baykurt is a graduate of one of the former Village...

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DOCUMENT RESUME ED 320 794 SO 020 809 AUTHOR Stone, Frank Andrews TITLE Five Contemporary Novelists' Views of Growing Up Turkish in the 1980s: A Literary Sociology. Occasional Papers. Turkish Studies Series Number Five. INSTITUTION Connecticut Univ., Storrs. Thut (I.N.) World Education Center. REPORT NO ISBN-0-918158-236 PUB DATE Nov 88 NOTE 38p.; Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Middle East Studies Association of North America (Beverly Hills, CA, November 1988). AVAILABLE FROM Isaac N. Thut World Education Center, Box U-93, School of Education, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT 06268. PUB TYPE Reports - Descriptive (141) -- Speeches/Conference Papers (150) EDRS PRICE MFO1 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS. DESCRIPTORS Fiction; Foreign Countries; *Foreign Culture; *Literary Criticism; Literary Devices; Literary Genres; *Middle Eastern Studies; *Novels; Sociology; World Literature IDENTIFIERS Guest Welters; Islam; *Turkey; Turkish (Modern); West Germany ABSTRACT Literary sociology is a multifaceted process of analyzing texts. It moves beyond traditional literary criticism to incorporate such varied approaches as: appreciating literary schemata; textual analysis; seeking form, sound, and content regularities; examining the lasting value.. of the work; and contemplating the reader's own authentic life-world and experience, This paper seeks to provide a literary sociology about growing up Turkish in light of the contents of five works of recent fiction. The titles of the books (with English translation) are: "Korku'nun Bedeli" (The Price of Fear), Ibrahim Ulvi Yazuz, 1983; "Aile Savaslari" (Family Struggles), Bekir Yildiz, 1984; "Yalcin Nereye Kosuyor?..." (Where's Yalcin Running?), Emin Colasan, 1985; "Koca Ren" (Great Rhine), Fakir Baykurt, 1986; and "Geriye Donenler" (:.lose Who Go Back), Gulten Dayioglu, 1985. A central theme running throughout these works is the cultural conflicts of growing up Turkish. These conflicts take on three dimensions: a fundamental clash between adhering to traditional Islam or adopting modern Turkish behavior; the tension in the socio-political arena between ideologies of the right and left; and the struggle of Turkish guest workers in West Germany and other European countries between the rural Anatolian root values of the older generation and the European values of their children. According t..) the five books, the 1980s were turbulent times for Turkish youth. Economic fluctuations at home and abroad as well as changing dynamics in the relationships between today's Turkish parents and their children were among the sources of upheaval. Two charts and two figures supplement the text and an 11-item bibliography is included. (DB)

Transcript of DOCUMENT RESUME ED 320 794 SO 020 809 · Fakir Baykurt is a graduate of one of the former Village...

  • DOCUMENT RESUME

    ED 320 794 SO 020 809

    AUTHOR Stone, Frank AndrewsTITLE Five Contemporary Novelists' Views of Growing Up

    Turkish in the 1980s: A Literary Sociology.Occasional Papers. Turkish Studies Series NumberFive.

    INSTITUTION Connecticut Univ., Storrs. Thut (I.N.) WorldEducation Center.

    REPORT NO ISBN-0-918158-236PUB DATE Nov 88NOTE 38p.; Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the

    Middle East Studies Association of North America(Beverly Hills, CA, November 1988).

    AVAILABLE FROM Isaac N. Thut World Education Center, Box U-93,School of Education, University of Connecticut,Storrs, CT 06268.

    PUB TYPE Reports - Descriptive (141) -- Speeches/ConferencePapers (150)

    EDRS PRICE MFO1 Plus Postage. PC Not Available from EDRS.DESCRIPTORS Fiction; Foreign Countries; *Foreign Culture;

    *Literary Criticism; Literary Devices; LiteraryGenres; *Middle Eastern Studies; *Novels; Sociology;World Literature

    IDENTIFIERS Guest Welters; Islam; *Turkey; Turkish (Modern); WestGermany

    ABSTRACT

    Literary sociology is a multifaceted process ofanalyzing texts. It moves beyond traditional literary criticism toincorporate such varied approaches as: appreciating literaryschemata; textual analysis; seeking form, sound, and contentregularities; examining the lasting value.. of the work; andcontemplating the reader's own authentic life-world and experience,This paper seeks to provide a literary sociology about growing upTurkish in light of the contents of five works of recent fiction. Thetitles of the books (with English translation) are: "Korku'nunBedeli" (The Price of Fear), Ibrahim Ulvi Yazuz, 1983; "AileSavaslari" (Family Struggles), Bekir Yildiz, 1984; "Yalcin NereyeKosuyor?..." (Where's Yalcin Running?), Emin Colasan, 1985; "KocaRen" (Great Rhine), Fakir Baykurt, 1986; and "Geriye Donenler" (:.loseWho Go Back), Gulten Dayioglu, 1985. A central theme runningthroughout these works is the cultural conflicts of growing upTurkish. These conflicts take on three dimensions: a fundamentalclash between adhering to traditional Islam or adopting modernTurkish behavior; the tension in the socio-political arena betweenideologies of the right and left; and the struggle of Turkish guestworkers in West Germany and other European countries between therural Anatolian root values of the older generation and the Europeanvalues of their children. According t..) the five books, the 1980s wereturbulent times for Turkish youth. Economic fluctuations at home andabroad as well as changing dynamics in the relationships betweentoday's Turkish parents and their children were among the sources ofupheaval. Two charts and two figures supplement the text and an11-item bibliography is included. (DB)

  • FIVE CONTEMPORARY NOVELISTS' VIEWS

    OF GROWING UP TURKISH

    IN THE 1980's:

    A LITERARY SOCIOLOGY

    Frank Andrews StoneProfessor of International Education

    Occasional PapersTurkish Studies Series

    Number Five

    ISBN 0-918158-236

    Prepared for Presentation at theMiddle East Studies Association of North America

    Annual Conference,Beverly Hills, CA,November, 1988

    THE ISAAC N. TAUT WOELD EDUCATION CENTERBox U-93, School o. Ed6cationThe University of Ccnnecticut

    Storrs, CT 06268

    -1988-

    2

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    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

    The works of fiction analyzed in this study wereobtained during a two week visit in Turkey as a guestof the Faculty of Education, Hacettepe University,Beytepe, Ankara for an international symposium on"The Place and Function of Faculties of Education inTurkey in Light of Current Events," November 17-19, 1986.I want to especially thank the Dean of the EducationFaculty, Professor Dr. Rifat Onsoy, for the warm hospit-ality that I received, as well as the many colleaguesand friends who made my days in Ankara so pleasant.Among them I must especially thank Professor Dr. FerihaBaymur, Professor Dr. Bozkurt GOvenc, Professor Dr.Ethem Ozgtven, and Docent Dr. M. Vural TOrker.

    This trip to Turkey was funded by a grant fromThe University of Connecticut Foundation whose supportis gratefully acknowledged. I was also invited to spendsev'ral days at Euphrates (Firat) University, Elazig, tosee this campus, get acquainted with faculty and students,and give a colloquium. The generous hospitality of theFirat University Rector, Professor Dr. Arif Caglar, andthat of the Dean of the Faculty of Technical Education,Professor Dr. Kemal Gucluol made the days in centralAnatolia especially worthwhile.

    My than..s are also due to Professor Dr. Kamuranclient' who graciously obtained needed supplementarydocumentation. It was Bay Haydar Gofer, emeritusTurkish Literature teacher at the American School inTarsus, who first interested me, and hundreds of hisstudents, in modern Turkish literature back in the1950's and 1960's. I certainly owe a debt of gratitudeto Haydar Bey for the pleasures of this long-terminterest.

    Dr. Frank A. StoneProfessor of International

    EducationThe University of ConnecticutStorrs, CTSeptember, 1988

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  • FIVE CONTEMPORARY NOVELISTS' VIEWSOF GROWING UP TURKISH

    IN THE 1980's:A LITERARY SOCIOLOGY

    Many writers of contemporary fiction portray socialperspectives on the pages of their published works. Fre-quently they focus on current concerns and issues inthe case of the five works by Turkish authors that willbe examined in this study the central theme is of grow-ing up Turkish in the mid-1980's. The interpretationsof the uaturing experiences of Turkish children and youngpeople come from 1163 pages of text produced by fivenovelists. All of the books were published during a fouryear period: one each in 1983, 1984, and 1985; and two in1986.

    Aside from the general interest in their dominanttopic among the Turkish reading public, it can t beclaimed that these five popular works of literatu..e areparticularly representative or typical. Two were issuedby well known publishing houses, Remzi and Varlik; otherscame from smaller presses. One of the authors is quiteramous in Turkey. Fakir Baykurt is a graduate of one ofthe former Village Institutes, who wrote and publishedsome thirty-two books prior to the novel that will beanalyzed here.

    Only one writer of the five is a woman, GiltenDayioglu, and she achieved literary recognition for aprevious book titled Geride Kalanlar (Those Who RemainBehind), which has been translated into four foreignlanguages. Another writer, Emin colasan, is a talentedjournalist with a flare for the unusual and humorous.Hip work that will be studied here is probably bestconceived of as semi-fictionalized reporting. It was abest seller in the fall of 1986 when I was in Ankara,being widely read and talked about.

    Where there are Middle East Studies Programs atcolleges and universities that include Turkish languageand literature, there is likely to be a need for appro-priate materials in Turkish for the students to read anddiscuss. Literary sociology can be an applied disci-pline in such situations. Purcell remarks that:

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    The problem that the teacher faces ishow best to sensitize the students so thatthe literature is properly understood andappreciated from the point of view of thetarget culture and if, indeed, there isneed to pay any attention to all culturalfacets in the work.l

    Purcell goes on to identify four categories thatdescribe the cultural aspects of a piece of literature.The work may communicate "authentic culture," by whichis meant a presentation of the target culture in a mannerthat members of that culture would recognize as beingtypical of their daily lives and experiences. A pieceof fiction, according to Purcell, may also be "acult-ural" if its portrayal of the culture is insignificantor very slight. Aside from having been written inTrrkish, works of this type are "universal" and mighteasily have taken place in other cultural settings.The items being investigated in this inquiry wereespecially selected as conveying Turkish perspectiveson a common theme, so they should not be "acultural."

    They may, however, be a "burlesque of culture"if aspects of the target culture have been exaggeratedor ridiculed. Stereotypes may have been created orfun poked at the foibles of the writer's society.Similarly, it is quite possible for literature tofeature the "deformation of culture" when its depictionof the target culture is patently at variance with thenorm. This may have been done with either artisticintent or as propaganda. We must, therefore, carefullyexamine the five texts in hand, so that we can recog-nize how Turkish growing up is being communicated inthem. This will enable instructors who choose toteach these works to help their students interpretthem.2

    Other processes can also be applied when teachingmodern Turkish literature, and some of them will bedemonstrated in this mini-study. Muyskens, for example,presents a half dozen possibilities that were identif-ied by Daniel Cardenas.

    1. Discussing the significance of thetitle.

    2. Summarizing statements of the maintheme.

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    3. Exploring the surface plane (semantics)and the content of the work.

    4. Discovering the metaphorical plane of thework.

    5. Analyzing the grammar and externals (metrics).

    6. Discussing the perceived lasting valueof the work.3

    Additional approaches to teaching and studying a bodyof literature such as the one we are examining are suggest-ed by Kramsch. She recommends some activities prior toactually reading the novels. These might include buildinga common background of knowledge, defining the topics thatare likely to be empnasized, discussing the period in whichthe action takes place, and speculating about who wereintended to be the book's reading constituency. She alsorealizes that some necessary vocabulary may have to betaught so that the students won't become frustrated whenthey tackle the texts. Also, score basic facts aboutTurkish culture and society can be assembled in order tocreate what Kramsch terms "islands of understanding."

    Other pre-reading procedures might incluae brain-storming about the conceptual associations in Turkish thatthe students will be encountering. Discussions can alsolead toward attempting to predict how the key topics mightbe developed in these works of literature. The studentscan then get involved in schema building at first hypo-thetically and layer by testing out what they anticipatedas they read the texts. Examples of schemata are dis-covering key words employed by the authors to indicatespecial meanings. Similarly, illustrations of motifs andimages can be identified. Regularities in content, form,or sound can be traced. Parallels and contrasting per-spectives in the various author's works can also be exam-ined.4

    Modern Turkish literature, however, cannot be fullycomprehended oy non-Turks simply by applying the conven-tional tools pf literary analysis, hermeneutics, andsemiotics. Kramsch, for instance, argues that it is alsonecessary to phenomenologically understand any literaturethat was prod'iced within another society, written in aforeign language, by transactional means. The writer'sdiction, on the one hand, conveys a whole cultural gallaxyof shared beliefs, intentions, and values that the readermust be prepared to decode and internalize if meaning is

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    to be achieved. On the other hand, it is the privilegeof all readers to interpret texts in ways that are per-sonally meaningful to them. Thus, a process of negoti-ating meanings is inescapable because the literature mustbe read bifocally. Both the world of discourse to whichit belongs and the reader's own authentic life-world haveto be recognized.5

    Several interesting examples :Jr Lh9 dynamics ofOttoman society that persist modified forms in modernTurkey are presented by Shaw. He de3crites the typicalview of the purpose and structure of the state and soc-iety as a "Cycle of Equity." The chief functional groupscomprising Ottoman society are identified, and to someextent they are still visible on the contemporary Turkishscene. Divisions by residence, religious practice,occupation, and gender are discussed, and these havecurrent counterparts. Most arresting is Shaw's descrip-tion of the characteristic Turkish perception of personalrelations and preferred behaviors.

    Individual behavior was closely bound bythe concept of an individual had, or "bound-ary," which was determined by a combinationof one's family, position, religion, class,rank and wealt.i. Within this had the Ottomanwas relatively free . . . But beyond it hecould not go except at the peril of trans-gressing on the had of another . . .6

    We will be encountering some explicit references tothis notion of had in the modern Turkish literature beinganalyzed. Several other key cultural concepts alsomentioned by Shaw are intisap, " . . . a tacit relation-ship established by mutual cops2nt between a powerfulindividual and a weaker one," and intikam (revenge).Instances of these will be encountered in the texts, too.

    It hasn't been possible to conduct a lield studyof the impact these five books had on their readers.Several appeal to have been popular, being reprintedonce or twice. It must be kept in mind, however, thatTurkish publishers often issue hooks in fairly smalleditions. C8laqan's Yalcin Nereye Koquvor?, on the otherhand, was in its thirteenth printing in the fall of 1936and seemed to be "the talk of the town" at that time.

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  • Chart One

    Pre readies Processes

    Blilding some common background knowledge

    .110.1.111101111*

    Textual Analysis

    Explicating the significance of the title

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    Examining Cultural Aspects of the Text

    Acultural

    Applying key Facetsof the Turkish Social Structure

    "Cycle of Equity"

    Process of Negotiating Meanings

    Shared beliefs, intentions, andvalues in the target culture

    The reader's own authenticlife-world and experience

    Functional stratification

    Authentic

    The lasting values of the work

    Assembling facts about socio-culturaldynamics in the target society

    A PARADIGM OF LITERARY SOCIOLOGY PROCESSES

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    Most of the books for this inquiry were purchasedat bookstores in Yeni;shir, Ankara. One, Yavuz's KorkununBedeli, was given to me by the owner of a conservative,Islamicist appearing, bookstore on the main street of theAnatolian city of Elazig.

    It would have been desireable to have obtainedreviews of the five books in Turkish literary journals.Doing so wasn't feasible, however, due to the time con-straints under which I was working. This study, there-fore, will not be a full sociology of literature aimedat tracing the various influences on the writers and theirworks, and, in turn, studying Ole impact their works havehad on the reading public in Turkey and abroad. Rather,the present goal is to provide a small literary sociologyabout growing up Turkish in light of the contents of thefive works of recent fiction.8

    The books will be examined in their order of publi-cation, beginning with the novel that first came out in1983.

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    Korku'nun Bedeli (The Price of Fear)

    Ibrahim Ulvi Yavuz

    1983

    The Islamicist perspective from which this novel iswritten is implied in the book's title. The "fear" inthis case is generated by what the author believes areefforts to impose western secular materialism on MuslimTurks. Bedel is a word that has been borrowed intoTurkish from Arabic, with rich value associations. Itwas, for example, the term for the sun that used to bepaid in earlier eras in order to purchase exemption fromOttoman military service. ..i could also mean compensa-tion formerly given to military officers in place ofrations.9

    Semantically, therefore, this title conveys theappearance of more trrditional Turkish diction. Itsuggests that the writer is concerned about what heregards as the multiple costs of passive acquiescenceto the imposition of western modernism and secularmaterialism. The novel, thus, is a polemic for an Islam-ic ideology that has some commonalities with the "moralmajority" and Christian fundamentalism in the UnitedStates.

    The plot of this work of fiction opens on a rainyday in a neighborhood bakery located in an interior town.A pious, sincere, hard working, lower middle class baker,Selim Efendi, reflects on his life and goals.

    Sometimes he would ask himself,"Why this work, this struggle? Why am Iworking myself to this extent?"

    Then his children came before his eyes.Kemal studying in the lycee, and Serdar beingeducated in philosophy (at the university.)

    Well, it was then that he understoodwhy he worked; why he put up with the fatigue.These trials were all for them . . . in orderto educate them and make men of them. It wasfor them that he was being crushed, for themthat he felt sorrow. When he reflected thatthe ordeals that he sometimes had to undergowere for his children's future, the pain wouldbecome less. When he brought to mind thehappy days that were being anticipated when

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    his offspring would cross over the thresh-olds of their positions (in society), in asingle breath he'd forget his tiredness andbe at ease.10

    Readers begin to recognize more specifically thenature of the confrontation that is the central themeof the novel in this dialogue, which quickly followsthe father's musings.

    How happy he had been when Serdar hadregistered at the University. His eyes filledwith joy, he had curiously asked Kemal:

    "What does philosophy mean, son?"

    Kemal, after a moment of confusion,tried to express what was on his mind.

    "It's a discipline that examinesthe meaning and realities of life. Inother words, that's what professionalphilosophers do," he had said.

    Selim Efendi could only be amazedat the answer his son had given him.

    "Allah: Allah: How did Serdar everchoose this school? He always said he'dbe a doctor."

    "It isn't in his hands, Father."

    "Why not?"

    "Wherever the score that he got onthe (entrance) examination entitles him,only there can he enroll. It's a questionof chance . . . " 11

    This segment of the conversation indicates the ten-sions that still exist between European disciplines, suchas philosophy, End the traditional Islamic sciences. Atthe same time, the father is encountering the Turkishproblem of too feu opportunities to enroll in themost desireable branches of higher education preparingfor prestigiol;s professions, such as medicine. Thenormal role of parents being the guides and mentors oftheir children has here been reversed. It is the son

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    who must explain what philosophy is to his father. Theyouth, again, must interpret to the parent what causedhis older brother to enroll in this program of study.Thus, it is not merely the introduction of modern fieldsof study that is at issue, but much more fundamentallythe nizam (order or regularity) of the society itself.

    Subsequently Selim Efendi receives a letter fromSerdar, his son who is now away at the university. Theyoung man writes:

    Dear Father,

    I don't know what I can write to you all.Studying in this large city is very difficult.We are living through frightening events everymoment. Due to boycotts and fights everydaywe can't go to class. I try to be a spectatorto what's going on. But as you'll recognize,that's hard when you're right in the middle.As a matter of fact, I can do so only withdifficulty. They are always trying to forcea person into a group. If you resist, you'refaced with life-threatening dangers . . .12

    Here the author is introducing the turmoil thatexisted at the Turkish universities during the 1970's.The letter suggests how the conflicts were radicalizedinto extreme right and left wings. Youths from conser-vative families in the interior of the country, likeSerdar, found themselves directly in the line of fire.They could often find no middle ground. The universityauthorities were unable to cope with the turmoil andmeaningful studies were disrupted for years on end.

    The manner in which these social struggles reacheddown into local lycees is also portrayed in this novel.The character involved is a pious instructor who teachesTurkish literature. He is Fevzi Ogretmen (Teacher Fevzi)who tries to discuss current events and ethics in hisclasses. Some of his students become irritated,challenging his authority. They call out, "Is thislesson philosophy? Or is it literature?" and "We don'tneed to hear any sermons." 13

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    When the teacher attempts to bring the class backto order, he is reported to the principal. The schooladministrator castigates the teacher for not stickingstrictly to the formal syllabus. Eventually, teacherFevzi is exiled from the lycee. He is punished by beingdemoted to middle school teaching and transferred to amuch less desireable post. A few of his former students,including Kemal, come to the bus station to see theirteacher off. Their farewell gift to him is a beautifulcopy of the Holy Koran.

    The pace of the plot quickens as readers followevents taking place at the university in the city, aswell as in the hometown. Tensions mount as Serdarconfronts the dominant forces around him. At last heis reduced to becoming what he had originally abhorreda secular materialist, himself. He adopts a dissolutelifestyle.

    The younger brother, Kemal, whose name means moralattainment and maturity, on the other hand, maintainshis Muslim way of lifr He says his prayers, gives alms,keeps the fasts, and reads his Holy Koran.

    Eventually Serdar comes to his senses, recognizint,the evils of secularism. At great personal danger hereturns to his Islamic roots. re lands in jail, however,while at the same time his father, who is ill, has cometo a hospital in the city. Ayse Hamll, the m:ther andwife, running back and forth between the prison andhost : 41, confronts a demonstration being held by students.She asks one of the young people,

    "My child, what's this crowd?"

    "We're marching, auntie."

    "What is the march about?"

    "It's the devrimciler (revolutionaries)."

    Ayse Hanim, looking very naively at the personopposite her (replies).

    "Degermenci (millers)? What do theywant?" 14

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    This pure and simple woman of the people simplycannot comprehend the ideological clash in Turkishsociety that she is witnessing. When she realizesthe young people's intentions she exclaims, "MayGod forgive! In other words, those are leftists."The youth with whom she had been speaking replies ina single word, "Yobaz! (religious fanatic)" The novelends with Selim Efendi dead, his elder son now well awareof the ideological danger that he narrowly escaped from,and the younger soh dutifully comforting his mother.

    Serdar articulates the position of the writer ofthis polemic.

    Today's young people are being raisedwith deficient faith and education. Theseyouths who don't know why they are studying,and who are bores lacking ideas and ideals,are trying to accomplish by pouring out intothe streets what their empty heads failed towin them.

    The young man now wants to convey a principle to otheryouths of his generation.

    Killing (even) one human being is likemurdering a whole society, and gaining oneperson f9 society is gaining an entiresociety. 1)

    This statement is made with an interesting play on twowords for society: cemiyet, and toplum. One is fromArabic,the other new Turkish. One is Islamic, theother secular. The writer, thus, seems to be envision-ing the possibility of a new, healthier relationshipbetween the Turkish Muslim heritage and modern trendsin Turkey.

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    Aile Savavlarl (Family Struggles)

    Bekir Yildiz

    1984

    This novel is the third of a trilogy that began withEvlilik Sirketi (The Marriage Corporation) followed byHaikaii KOie (slave of the Wedding Band, literally, RingedSlave T: These earlier works deal with husband and wiferelationships in Turkey and when the men left their wivesfor long periods of time in order to work as Europeanguest workers. The third novel, however, takes place inone of the Asian suburbs of Istanbul.

    Yildiz's choice of the word says* in the title ofthe book suggests that its central topic isn't a couple'sconflicts and disagreements. If this were the dominantnotion, the author doL-tless would have preferred the wordkava. In this context sava* implies a more fundamentalstruggle of eAeavoring to surmount fears and frustrationsin order to fulfill a relationship even through disputes.As the reader gets into this novel, it will become apparentthat one of its themes is "growing up" in several senses.Young adults are trying to cope with commitments in asegment of Turkish society that puts them under consider-able strain. The husband is haunted by a Muslim moralityhe observed in his mother that he cannot live up to. Hisquandry is communicated through verbal sparring and astream of consciousness approach that includes flashbacks.

    The novel's topic is symbolized by an illustrationof two swords and heart shaped shields on the cover. Theshields are torn and patched. One sword is broken. Theother appears to remain intact. Although their wieldersare nowhere to be seen in Cue picture, the inference isthat the conflict has raged between traditional Islamicand the secular modern cultures.

    The story begins with the husband being awakened ona autumn morning by the ezan calling the faithful toprayer.

    Allah0 ekber, Allah0 ekber . . .Eshed0 enla ilahe illallah . . . Hayye alelFelah, hayye alesselah. 16

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    God is Great! God is Great!I testify that there is no god but God.I bear witness that Mohammad is God'sprophet.

    The familiar sound brings to his mind the memoryof his pious mother who died in an old house near theseaside, but was a person from the interior of Turkeya girl of the bozkir or Anatolian steppe. The storksfly back to their desert homes in autumn, he recalls,and he imagines that they carried his mother back toher cultural and religious rrigins. He reflects on thedistance in faith between the believers of her generationand his.

    The man s wife wakes up. While the husband stilllies in bed he can perceive her brushing her teeth andsystematically getting dressed in preparation for goingto work. This is his second marriage, and he recallsan encounter with his first wife.

    In my first marriage, we decided whetheror not to give birth or put to death together.

    "I'm pregnant," she'd say.

    "If you wish, you can have an abortion,"I'd reply.

    "As a matter of fact, I was also thinkingabout having an abortion," she'd say.

    That evening when I returned home, I'dunderstand that another of our children hadbeen killed from her pinched mouth, and theashen color of her face. 17

    At that tine they didn't pay much further attentionto the matter because there were already children in thehome. But now, in his second marriage, the man no longerhad his children with him. In other words, symbolically,the piety of *he past had been killed, he was alienatedfrom what he had been able to produce, and the potentialfor a new generation reeved to have been lost.

    The novel is written in a stream of consciousnessstyle with almost staccato sentences. Word plays aremade between the conservative diction of traditionalIslam and the purged modern form of Turkish spoken by the

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    new Turkish intelligensia. There are flashbacks whenour protagonist imagines that he could have intervenedin order to prevent his mother's, or his unborn child-ren's, deaths. The reader encounters his submergedguilt.

    A little example of Yildiz's writing style isdisplayed in these opening lines of Chapter Three.

    I got out of the minibus near theKadikoy dock. Why had I left home? Wherewas I going to go? I forgot for a second.That hour of day was the time when everybodywould be at work. But the streets, the squares,were full of people. Was today a holiday? Orhad a struggle broken out, instead? Hundreds,thousands of people, whole households, oldand young, were being run around everywhere,here and there . . 18

    Readers, thus, begin to realize that the theme ofthe novel is lack of direction and faltering commitments.The old has slipped away and the potential new was killedbefore it could even be born.

    The male character's wife is a wage earner, workingas a cashier in a bank. She tries to be a hommaker onher off-hours. Both she and her husband remain namelessthroughout the book. Her husband is unable to meet allof the expectations for a male and husband and father inhis society. This may be the submerged reason that makeshim so ambivalent about having children with his secondwife. Motherhood. he seems to be implying, would ful-fill her wumanhood while still leaving him a shell of aman.

    The novel ends in a sterile hospital. The wife hashad a miscarriage. The husband again remembers his mother'sdeath. Walking out of the hospital he knows that he ison the margin of life. He is unable to be what he thinkshe ought to be.

    Is this a burlesque or deformation of culture? Ibelieve that many Turks must regard Yildiz's surrealismas such. Yet a profound cultural disjuncture is power-fully portrayed in this novel. Concerning our topicof maturing and growing up, this work of fiction raisesquestions in its readers about how young people can copewith today's social expectations.

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  • Figure One

    BULGARIA

    ORrezir'Edirne

    istanir4i.sannir, IS

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    18

  • 16

    Yalcin Nereye Koquyor? . . . (Where's Yalcin Running?)

    Emin c8laqan

    1985

    This title suggests that the story will be about ahyper-active entrepreneur, as indeed it is. The sub-title,taken from one of the hero's advertizements, heightensone's first impressions. It reads:

    Bendeniz 18 yaqinda Banker Yalcin

    Paraciklari Bana Emanettir Halkin . . .

    (Your humble servant eighteen year old bankerYalcin, The people's savings are to me a sacredtrust . . . )

    This is a neat play on diction and images. A subtle dashof youthful genius and humility are conveyed. There isalso a recognition that the investors are likely to berisking their relatively modest life savings. A mood oftrustworthiness is generated by the word emanet that issteeped with the notion of the faithful discharge of one'sduty, and in Ottoman times was the term for an officialagency receiving or paying out government funds. 19

    The book is written in the style of an autobiography,based, stpposedly, on letters written by young YalcinDogan, a teenager who began his working career as one ofthe lads who runs orders for tea and coffee in an officebuilding. The place he was working was the Iller Bankasi(Provinces Bank) in Turkey's capital city, Ankara.

    The author, Emin Olaqan, explains in a foreword thatthe book presents the first reminiscences of Yalcin Dogan.These are to be followed by a second volume. colagandeclares,

    Yes, my dear reader, what Yalcin Dogan,who was born in 1962, has published in thisvolume in 1985 (is) when he is twenty-threeyears old and sentenced to twenty-five years(in prison) . . . In this first book you'llread what happened to Yalcin when (he was)seventeen and eighteen and what he thenexperienced. Yalcin (has had) a great adventure,a great story . . .

    19

  • 17

    What happened to him hasn't occurred evento a cooked chicken. . . As for what helived through when nineteen and twenty yearsof age, I'll relate them to you in thesecond book.20

    From beginning to end, as I've tried to suggest inthe translation, the tone is informal. The style is thatof a journalistic narrative. The word bol, for example,is repeated twice in one phrase and intimates that some-thing is too large, over abundant, or exaggerated. Thesame word is used in such sayings and proverbs as "bolyiyen bel bel bakar," (He who squanders hit money is leftempty-handed.) and "bol keseden at" (to make extravagantpromises.) 21 Thus, even before the tale begins, readershave become aware that it will have a picaresque flavor.

    The story quickly introduces a bushy-tailed lad tothe reader who can comment about himself, "Since my child-hood I was a devilishly smart kid . . . I was born onFebruary 17, 1962." 22 Yalcin is the son of Ali Dogan,a government emploree who works as a driver - a rathermenial job. Due to his duties, the father was often awayfrom home. At their small flat in Ankara's Varlikdistrict awaiting the father's ret'Ln would be, besidesYalcin, two older brothers, an wider sister, and theirmother. Yalcin attended the Ziya Gokalp ElementarySchool, and even when he was only in the fourth gradewas already trying to earn a little extra money withonescheme or another.

    Yalcin recalls getting along fairly well with hisfather, and readers learn that his mother was thefather's fourth wife. The toy loved her a lot, and triedto help her with small aidounts of money, without hisfather being aware oi it.

    When in middle school Yalcin was in a cooperativeeducation program working all day and then studying inthe evenings, so it took five years for him to graduate.He then enrolled at the Evening Commercial Lycee, buthe wasn't able to continue in this high school levelprogram. Already Yalcin's social climb from relativepoverty to quickly acquired wealth had begun.

    20

  • 18

    The rest of the book is a fascinating account ofthis youth's development and meteoric rise. He is de-livering liquid refreshment orders for a little teastand at sixteen, always keeping his eyes and ears openfor possible means of advancement. Next, he's the managerof the Bimbo Hamburger Shop after having answered an adplaced by one of the partners who own this business. Thisindividual, Cihan Bey, whose name suggests an opening ontoa wider world, shows the lad how to run a hamburger place.The man becomes Yalcin's sponsor, forming an intisaprelationship. The lad is leaping over his earlier boundsor had, not only in fact, but even more so in his ownimagination, as this little episode at the shop portrays.

    The woman after a bit came and askedme to give her a light for her cigarette.I lit it immediately.

    "My name is Fato* . . . What's yours?"

    "Yalcin . . . I'm the manager here."

    "Oh, really? I've never seen you herebefore."

    "That's because I'd gone to Europe . . .I just got back."

    "Do you know a foreign language?"

    "Of course . . . I know French andEnglish "

    "Oh, how nice . . . " 23

    It is evident from this dialogue that Yalcin hasbrcome a talented her who knows how to promote himself.All the other workers in the shop obserxe his encounterwith this stylishly dressed female customer. They regardhim as being suave and sophisticated. He is now in aposition to sponsor underlings, himself.

    The Bimbo position is suddenly terminated when afight among the customers causes breakage and lands Yalcinin jail. He is accused of having failed to control thealtercation, so, although he really wasn't atfault, thelad spends some time in prison. Nobody rushes to gethim released. Behind bars for the first time, he becomesaware of the rightist and leftist political movementsthat were struggling for control of the society at thistime. It is assumed that if a young person is in troublethat he must be connected with one extreme or the other.

    21

  • 19

    When he's finally free again, Yalcin has to go backto the tea stand, but he has learned a valuable organi-zational lesson. He quickly restructures the operation,saying,

    It's very important to have a groupthat will back you up in any place ofbusiness. Whatever's going to be doneought to be done with that close-knit group.If you try to run the business all byyourself, you'll burn. The person who'sin the leadership position must make aplan, and the group behind him must give(it) their support. 24

    It is at about this point that Yalcin recognizes theneed for venture capital if the business is to expand. Hegets into a discount grocery business. He then finds outthat people are making a business of providing short termloans at exorbitant rates of interest. These, of course,are shady deals that are illegal, but that aspect doesn'tdeter our hero. Little by little Yalcin borrows to payoff his earlier loans, and then becomes the lender - amuch more powerful role.

    He models his operation on that of a very experiencedfemale money lender, and soon has set up a corporationwith the legitimate sounding name of yaliia Ticaret (YalcinCommercial Enterprises) which later becomes Yalcin Holding(Yalcin Holding Company). The whole scheme is completelyfinanced by revolving loans and deposits made by individ-uals seeking quick profits.

    Yalcin links himself up with a retired militaryofficer, a former Colonel, Cemal Akcan, who lends acumenand respectability to the young man's loan business.Their relationship is another instance of intisap. Soonthe young entrepreneur is prospering. He has a luxur-ious social life. He can afford to travel in a chauffeurdriven limosine. His place of business appears to bevery affluent and he has hired a suave female secretary.He is able to arrange a desireable marriage for himselfand has the last word in an engagement party.

    Questions, however, begin to be raised about whetherMuslims can take interest on loans. Then after twenty-two months and fifteen days of affluence, the bubblebursts. Ever mounting debts finally catch up with Yalcin.His investors go to the police and the authorities close

    22

  • 20

    down the operation. Amazingly, the older people whowere equally involved in the scheme are all able todisassociate themselves from it. As the book ends,Yalgin is the "fall guy."

    Is this authentic or burlesque? Probably the answerto this query depends on the reader's perspective. Thebook certainly isn't a case of cultural deformation, asmuch evidence could be gathered to prove. The authorhas gone to great lengths to verify the account and makeit appear valid. Does it also function on a symboliclevel, not only being concerned with a oung person'sstruggles to get ahead, but possibly also those of themodern sector of the Turkish society, itself? If thiswere true, it would help to explain the book's popularitybecause on its pages segments of society that usuallyare submerged or above critique are portrayed humorouslyand exposed.

    2 3

  • 21

    Figure Two

    Map of the Federal Republic of Germany showingthe location of the communities in which the Turkish"guestworker" immigrants in the novels settled.

    24

  • 22

    Koca Ren (Great Rhine)

    Fakir Baykurt

    1986

    The novel is set in the city of Duisberg, locatedclose to Dilsseldorf and Essen in West Germany. The book'stitle is a reference to Duisburg's position on the bankof the Rhine River, and also projects water imagerysuggesting the Turkish experience of beilg aliens whoare marginal to the deep and huge "river" of Germanculture. The word, koca, is hard to translate into Englishbecause it connotes something that is ancient, large. andfamous. 25

    As readers begin this narrative, a Turkish "guest-worker" extended family is going to the Dusseldorf Airport,wh-Ich is about twenty miles from their place of residencein Germany. The Mother, Hacer Hanim, is flying back toAnkara in order to visit her home village in Anatolia.Salim Efendi, the father, has accompanieu his wife to theairport, along with his son-in-law, Mustafa, Mustafa'swife, Aydan, and their three year old child, Cihan. Theother children in Salim's family are seven year old Fatih,and his older brother, Adem, who is fourteen. Adem isthe central character of the novel. Seven Turks are thussqueezed into a small German Taunus automobile, along withmounds of luggage containing gifts that the mother isbringing back to their kin in the homeland.

    The parents know very little German, so the conversa-tion is all in Turkish. Mustafa also isn't completely athome in the second language, therefore it is Adem, whoattends a German school, who does most of the translating.The excess baggage is a problem, so Mustafa arranges fora working class Turkish couple to take several suitcas'son their tickets. They are travelling for the sad purposeof bringing back to their Turkish village for burial theremains of their fourteen year old son who died in Germanyof jaundice. The family avoids telling their mother thatthe dead boy's coffin will be on the same plane that she'llbe flying on. Mustafa says to Salim Efendi,

    "Don't raise any questions, I told youThey are friends from our Velbert (a communityclose to Duisberg). They're bringing a coffinback. They've had a death. They've no luggage.

    25

  • 23

    I'll give one of the pieces of (excess)baggage to each of them. They'll turnthem over to my mother in Ankara. Butdon't tell her 'they're transporting acoffin.'"

    "Where's the coffin? On thisplane?"

    "(It's) on this airplane: Butdon't say so. She's afraid! I spoke to

    26the friends, and they also won't tell her."

    This incident conveys images of an Anatolian villager'ssuperstitions and fear of evil omens. It also symbolicallyjuxtaposes a fourteen year old Turkish boy who has died ofwhat ought to have been a controlabie disease with fourteenyear old Adem. Adem will struggle with other types ofcontagion as he emerges as the hero of the novel growingup Turkish in a foreign society.

    Koca Ren consists of twenty-nine chapters presentingaspects ofKUem's maturation as a Turk growing up in Germany.The boy is caught up in a cultural clash, for example, onhis fourteenth birthday. The Turkish custom for reckoningage adds a year. Rather than having his fourteenth birth-day, he's "finishing his fourteenth year." And he wondersif his family will celebrate his birthday, as is done inGermany, but not in rural Anatolia. Adem thinks to himself,

    He didn't even celebrate his birthdayin this Germany to which he had come a ion,time after his worker father 'in order tostudy in better schools.'

    He was completing his fourteenth (yearaccording to Turkish custom). After sevenyears of studying and studying in Turkey andGermany he'd only gotten to the sixth grade.He was being truant today. He was going tohave had mother tongue and religjon lessonsin the afternoon. He didn't fins anythingworthwhile in the words of his Turkish teacher,Sadik Toprak, they gave him no pleasure. Histhoughts of school were that due to his mother'sand father's wishes he had put up with a lotof discomfort in the mother culture (Turkishsubjects). From now on he wouldn't take part(in them). He was escaping, untying the bonds.He wouldn't go to the afternoon classes. He'djust go to the ones in German. 27

    2f

  • 24

    The alienation communicated in Adem's ruminationscomes through loud and clear. Caught in a bilingual andbicultural web, he isn't succeeding very well with anyaspect of his schooling. Yet, much as he wishes to doso, he can't completely assimilate German culture. Hisdilemma is not only being caught between Turkish andGerman ways, but also between Christian and Muslim life-styles. Eventually Adem cries out,

    "Oh, great Rhine: I won't study inthat school' Oh big Rhine, it's enough:Rhine, I want to ask you a question: Where,oh where are you coming from? Where, oh whereare you going to? How are the schools whereyou came from? Are the teachers good whereyou've gone? What is the width, depth, andheight of their loneliness? When they talkabout Deutsche Geschichte (German culture)can you faintly recognize it? Were thosereally good times? Won't there be any good timesat these schools? More correctly, great Rhine,won't there be any good times (at all)? . . .

    Readers encounter many issues of adolesence in Koca

    Ren. The relations between boys and girls, especiallyTurkish lads and their German female contemporaries, areamong these. One of Adem's friends, Ali, attributes theTurkish gender mores to Islam.

    . . . It's the Arab influence. Priorto accepting Islam, we were a free and healthysociety. Many, many inhibitions came withIslam. On the other hand, as an individualI'm not opposed to Islam. But I also can tcome out against freedom. If they ask,"What is the most valuable thing in my life?"

    I say, "Freedom!"29

    The boy's concerns at other points in the novel includehaving to adhere to Muslim die dry inhibitions in Germany,the living conditions of the Turkish minority in Germ.ny,and confronting cultural bigotry. Discrimination is bhownby a female classmate who, when Adem is ordered to sit nextto her by the teacher, whispers, "You really don't takebaths. You stink like dea- meat all the time, okay?" 30His discomfort constantly causes Adem to rebel and mis-behave. Even the Ger-,sa teachers also share their society's

    anti-Turkish prejudices.

    27

  • ilMIFIIMIII I

    25

    Due to their menial jobs, lack of fluency in German,and unawareness of the proper procedures in their adoptedcountry, the Turkish parents can't intervene on behalf oftheir children. They often have strained and confrontation-al relations with the German school personnel. Even whenthe Turkish teachers who have been assigned to the Germanschool try to interpret the German being spoken at aparent's meeting, they are faced with a culture chasm.

    The German parents can't understand why few, if any,working class Turkish mothers attend school functions.Adem's father is at a loss to comprehend why the Germanfaculty are having any difficulty maintaining order intheir classes.

    . . . I and my wife together willgive you our signatures; let them beat ourAdem: Without any blows our children won'tbe afraid of their teachers. They'll justpass away the time with them. They won'tstand up when they're ordered to stand.They won't study their lessons. They won'tdo their homework. . . .31

    Other moral issues such as family relations and havinga baby or seeking an abortion also come up. The boy, Adem's,pereception of having been caught in between the German andTurkish cultures persists throughout the book. At the con-clusion of the novel an older TulKish friend drives himto his neighborhood in Duisburg and drops him off. Kenanis in a hurry and he drives off without ever finding outwhat was on Adem's mind. Thus, the lad reflects on hisneed to have had somebody in whom he could confide.

    Addressing the reader, Adem exclaims,

    What's within me, outside of me, I'vetold as they were. I haven't laid all ofmy troubles on you, don't worry: I'll pourout all of my joys to you. That's it fornow. . . . Farewell for the time beingI say to you, Great Rhine: 32

    The author, in other words, implies that by communicatingthrough the narrative and plot of the novel, this characterhas been able to become somewhat reconciled to his situ-ation.

    28

  • 26

    Geriye Donenler

    (Those Who Go Back)

    Gulten Dayioglu

    1986

    DayloAlu selected a title for this collection ofshort stories to_mirror that of her earlier boll( calledGeride Kalanlar (Those Who Stay Benind). There are layersof semantic implications of the word, geri, which suggestsbackward and underdeveloped, as well being or staying back.The sub-title on the book's cover is "Aden Almanciya cikmi*-sa." This is difficult to directly translate into Englishbecause ad conveys the multiple means of one's name orappellation, one's fame and reputation, and an enumerationor counting. As used here, it seems to consciously be aparallLi to the idiom, "adin kotilye gikmi*sa" (if you'vegotten a bad reputation), so it suggests that children andyoung people are being stereotyped and labeled for havinglived in Germany.33 The illustration on the cover of thebook shows a valise with leather straps. Behind it is atransistor radio/tape recorder. There is a water jug infront of the type used in Anatolian villages. Decals ofthe German and Turkish flags are attached to the luggage,heightening the intercultural impression.

    Nine short stories comprise the core of this work,with a final section that reports on "Interviews withFamilies and Youths." The data from these informants aregrouped into two chapters. The first is titled, "Is Stay-ing or Returning the Hardest?" The second is called, "OurGirls Who have Come Back from Germany." The authorexplains that she conducted both series of interviews inorder to form the bases of her short stories. The topicsdiscussed by the informants, therefore, are supposed tosuggest the themes of her stories. They are also similarto the themes in Koca Ren, for that matter. Their flavorcan be recognized by listing a dozen of the topic head-ings.

    Turkish Babies Who have German Nannies

    A Robotlike Lifestyle

    After a Rigorous Work Regime, Emptiness(ConcerninF, women who were employed inGermany, but return to Turkey to beinghousewives.)

    29

  • 27

    Why Do Children Treat Us Coldly andHesitantly?

    (Strained intergenerational relations)

    I Wore a Coat in Germany, Here I WearBaggy Work Pants

    (Differences in female roles and garb)

    Why Do the Germans Want the Turks Out?

    We Couldn't Learn Either a Trade or aProfession

    My Mother Speaks Turkish, I Speak German

    In Order Not to be Humiliated in a Co-Educational Class

    Let My Daughters Learn to Live According toTurkish Culture

    Our Teacher Helpeu Us to Get Along Wellwith One Another

    After Coming Back Here, My Mother becameDepressed and My Father Got Even

    More Authoritarian34

    Themes that parallel these topics are central inDayioglu's short stories. The lead story, for example,is called "Men Ertfirk" (Ertdrk, a pure Turkish boy'sname meaning, literally, "Turkish male," with an ear ring.)This title succinctly communicates a fundamental culturalclash. The traditional gender differentiation in Turkeyprecludes boys from conforming to the western adolescentcounter cultural custom of wearing a decoration in oneear.

    It becomes evident as the plot of this story unfoldsthat between a Turkish father and his son it is not merelythis outward symIlD1 that is amiss. Kenan, a Turkishteacher who has b en appointed by his government to teachthe mother tongue and culture to guest workers' childrenremarks that:

    . . . Our streets (in the homeland)are very different from those here. Childrenover there are constantly under everyone's eyes.Most customs, traditions, love, respect, andcursing are learned in the streets. The streetgames that they play, even, are part of thechildren's personality formation.J5

    30

  • 28

    He means that their normal town or village setting re-inforces Turkish children's Turkishness, while in Germanytheir surroundings threaten it.

    Perceptions about parental authority and child raisingdiffer between Germans and Turks. Yakup, a Turkish workingclass parent, remarks, as he blows the smoke from hiscigarette out of his mouth.

    "Isn't the child mine? If I beathim or :ove him, what's that to a German?They can't turn out to be my son's owners,even if I break his bones, he'd have tofall in behind me and go back to the village.Over there I would have known Dow to make aman out of him," he muttered.30

    The radical disjuncture in child rearing among Turkishparents in Germany comes to a head in this story when theson, Erturk, sasses his father, Yakup. The father declareshe'd rather see his son dead than rebellious and dis-respectful. Their confrontational dialogue leads up toErturk saying to his father unthinkable things from thepoint of view of conventional Turkish behavior.

    After Yakup threatens to take him back to the Anatolianvillage from which he came, Erttirk becomes abusive. Heregards his father as an ignorant peasant who is makingunreasonable demands on him.

    The father, Yakup, recounts his clash with ErtOrk.

    "I blew my top. 'You,'I said, 'Have you lostyour senses? Can somebody tear their fingernailsout of their flesh, or cut off their nose fromtheir face? You're Turk. Your homeland isTurkey. What are you saying, 'I'll apply forGerman citizenship?' Don't you have any commonsense at all?". . .

    The son, with an insidious smile, replies,

    "To hell with you, Dad: You can't takeme back against my will. If you try to forceme with beatings, I'll report you to the YouthBureau." 37

    31

  • 29

    The impass between father and son has deepened untilthey can no longer even talk with each other. The storyends with the boy's decision to become a naturalizedGerman. When asked to at least explain his motives tohis father, Ertdrk tosses a cassette tape to the Turkwith whom he has been speaking. He says, "My conversa-tion with you is on this tape." He implies that hisfather can listen to the recording if he wants to findout what his son is thinking.

    Symbolically, the imposition of the latest technologyonto what might have been an intimate parent/son relation-ship conveys the depth of the alienation that has occurred.The subsequent short stories in this collection conveyother similar episodes of disjuncture between the twocultures and generations.

    32

  • 30

    Findings and Conclusions

    Three of the five narratives are set in Turkey, twoin Germany. The Turkish settings are urban: an interiortown, Ankara, and a suburb of Istanbul. The German lo-cations are also urban, but the characters in these worksof fiction contrast their present contexts in Germanywith the Anatolian villages from which they and theirfamilies have come.

    According to these five authors, growing up Turkishcan especially be illustrated in the male experience.There are some references to female maturation, but inthe pieces of literature that we have examined thegender focus is male dominant. Thus it is often male"rites of passage" that an.. portrayed as being contro-versial. It is especially relationships among fathersand sons that are in tension. Even in several cases whenabortion is the issue, which might seem to be primarilya women's dilemma, it is portrayed largely from the malepoint of view. There is one case where the tensions arebetween an older and younger son, the older lad havingtemporarily conformed to the morality of his peers whilehis younger brother continues to adhere to a Muslim life-style. This is a reversal of the traditional male siblingroles in Turkish society.

    The cultural conflicts of growing up Turkish appearto be tnree dimensional in these books. There is a funda-mental clash between adhering to traditional Islam oradopting modern Turkish behavior, which has more secularvalues. Another tension exists in the socio-politicalarena between ideologies of the Right and Left. Therightist views contain some fascist and nationalist over-tones, and emphasize capitalism and free enterprise. Thoseof the Left are socialist, envisioning a radical restruct-uring of contemporary Turkish society in order to shiftthe current locus of power. The third plane of conflictparticularly exists for the millions of Turkish "guest-workers" and their families who lived for years and, inmany cases, decades as a minority in Germany or some otherEuropean society. Here the struggles are between therural Anatolian root values of the older generationwhich their children often regard as ignorant or super-stitious and the European ones of their children, manyof whom assimilated the dominant cult,re around themduring their formative years.

    33

  • 31

    Education is a popular topic in these books, ofteninformal or nonformal, as well as formal schooling. Theperception of these authors is that the informal social-ization of the home often comes into conflict with whatis subsequently taught at school. This seems to be thecase, as they see it, not only in Germany, where thereare obvious differences in language and values betweenhome and school, but almost eqt3lly in Turkey, itself.Here too, the language of one's parents and family circledoesn't employ the same diction as that of formal in-struction used in lectures and textbooks at school.This is more than simply a diffezence in dialect, butreflects divergent technologies and axiologies as we'l.

    According to these writers, the 1980's are a turb-ulent time for Turkish youth. This is doubtless due,in part, to economic fluctuations at home and abroadthat generate many changed conditions. Also, it seemsto be due to newly emerging relationships among today'sTurkish parents and their children. Even with thepersistent economic problems of Europe and Turkey, theyoung people perceive themselves to be freer withgreater socio-economic mobility. Their actions, asportrayed in these books, demonstrate that they are lesshemmed in by conventional stratification and roleboundaries.

    Chart Two

    ANATOLIANLIFESTYLE

    RIGHTISTIDEOLOGIES -4

    TRADITIONALISLAM

    SECULARMODERNISM

    LEFTISTIDEOLOGIES

    EUROPEANLIFESTYLE

    Dimensions of the Tensionsbetween the Turkish Generations

    34

  • 32

    NOTES

    1John M. Purcell, "Cultural Appreciation throughLiterature," Foreign Language Annals 21(1),February, 1988, p. 19.

    2Ibid., pp. 20-21.

    3Judith A. Muyskens, "Teaching Second-LanguageLiteratures: Past, Present and Future," TheModern Language Journal 67(4), Winter, 1983,177776.

    4Claire Kramsch, "Literary Texts in the Classroom:A Discourse," The Modern Language Journal 69(4),Winter, 1985, pp. 359-361.

    5Ibid., p. 361.

    6Stanford Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire andModern Turkey. Volume One: The Empire of the Gazis:The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire, 1280-1808. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976,p. 166. All of Chapter Five concerns the Ottomansocial dynamics. See pp. 112-166.

    7Ibid., p. 166.

    8Olcay Onertoy, nrk Roman ve OykOst. CumhuriyetD8nemi. Ankara7nrkigrIq Bankasi, KultUr Yayinlari,1984 contains essaysabout three of the authors whoseworks are examined in this study: Fakir Baykurt,pp. 126-131, 266-268; GOlten Dayioglu, p. 318; andBekir Yildiz, pp. 199-201, 304-305. Emin Colaganand Ibrahim Ulvi Yavuz are not included, and noneof the texts included in the present inquiry areanalyzed.

    9Redhouse Yeni TOrkce-ingilizce Sftluk. Istanbul:Redhouse Press, 1968, p. 146.

    10Ibrahim Ulvi Yavuz, Korkunun Bedeli. Istanbul:amil Yayinevi, 1983, pp. 5-6.

    35

  • 11

    12

    13

    14

    15

    16

    17

    18

    19

    20

    21

    22

    23

    24

    25

    26

    27

    28

    29

    30

    33

    Ibid., p. 6.

    Ibid., p. 9.

    Ibid., pp. 20-21.

    Ibid., p. 210.

    Ibid., p. 220.

    Bekir Yildiz, Aile Savaslari. Istanbul: VarlikYayinlari, 19847T. 5.

    Ibid., p. 9.

    Ibid., p. 23.

    Redhouse, p. 337.

    Emin Olasan, Yalcin Nereye Kosuyor? Istanbul:Milliyet Yayinlari, 1985, p. 8.

    Redhouse, p. 190.

    colasan, Yalcin, p. 14.

    Ibid., p. 34.

    Ibid., p. 52.

    Redhouse, p. 669. The definitions of koca inTurkge Sozln, Altinci Baski, Ankara, Ttirk DilKurumu Yayinlari, 1981, p. 499 are: 1. Btlyilk,onemli derecede btlytik. 2, Kocaman. 3. Ihtiyar,yasli.

    Fakir Baykurt, Koca Ren. Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi,1986, p. 15.

    Ibid., p. 25.

    Ibid., p. 30.

    Ibid., p. 38.

    Ibid., p. 84.

    36

  • 31

    32

    33

    34

    35

    36

    37

    34

    Ibid., p. 120.

    Ibid., p. 312.

    Redhouse, pp. 11 f.

    GOlten Dayioglu, Gerie Donenler. Istanbul: AltinKitaplar Yayinevi, 1986, pp777g-240.

    Ibid., p. 14.

    Ibid., p. 16.

    Ibid., p. 25.

    17

  • 35

    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Original Works in Turkish

    Baykurt, Fakir Koca Ren. Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1986.312 p.

    plapan, Emin Yalcin Nereye Kopuyor? . . 3ntictincti Baski.Istanbul: Milliyet Yayinlari: 44, 1985. 241 p. +twenty-three illustrations.

    Dayioglu, Gulten Geriye Donenler. Istanbul: AltinKitaplar Matbaasi, 0117-7TO pp.

    Yavuz, Ibrahim Ulvi Korkunun Bedeli. Ikinci basks.Roman Serisi, iki. Istanbul: Saran Yayinevi, 1983. 227 p.

    Yildiz, Bekir Aile Sayaplari. Nandi basim.Istanbul: Varlik Yayinlari, Sayi 121, 1984. 143 p.

    Supplementary Materials in Turkish

    Onertoy, Olcay Cumhuriyet Donemi Turk Roman ye Oyktisq.Ankara: Turkiye Ip Bankasi Ktilttir Yayinlari, GenelYayin No. 250, Cumhuriyet Dizisi No. 13, 1984.332 p. + ekler.

    Tezcan, Mahmut Yurt Dipindan Donen Genclerin Uyum Sorunlari.Egitim Sistemi ye Topluma Uyum. Ankara: Engin Yayinevi,1987. 80 p. + kaynaklar ye ekler.

    Supplementary Materials in English

    Kramsch, Claire "Literary Texts in the Classroom: A Discourse,"The Modern Language Journal 69(4), Winter, 1985, 356-366.

    Muyskens, Judith A. "Teaching Second Language Literatures:Past, Present and Future," The Modern Language Journal67 (4), Winter, 1983, 413-423.

    Purcell, John M. "Cultural Appreciation through Literature,"Foreign Language Annals 21(1), February, 1988, 19-24.

    Shaw, Stanford J. History of the Ottoman Empire and ModernTurkey. Volume One: Empire of the GLais. The Rise andDecline of the Ottoman Empire, 1280-1808. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1976. 297 p. + maps, bib-liography and index.