Discussion Paper Series - 6 · 2019-11-09 · Discussion Paper Series - 6 Aajeevika - Livelihoods...

Discussion Paper Series - 6

Aajeevika - Livelihoods in Rajasthan:Status, Constraints and Strategies for Sustainable Change

ARAVALI

(Association for Rural Advancement through Voluntary Action and Local Involvement)

The analysis and policy recommendations of this Paper do not necessarily reflect the views of theUnited Nations Development Programme, its Executive Board or its Member States.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The Aajeevika research study would not have been possible without the efforts and ideas of numerous peopleranging from villagers, to experts and of course the study team itself. In particular ARAVALI would like toacknowledge its gratitude to Sudrak, for critical inputs into the core study team. It would also like to thankHiralal Sharma of Sahyog, A.K.Chaurasia of BAIF, Laxman Singh of GVNML and Ramchandra Barupal ofUMBVS for logistical help and support in conducting fieldwork.

ARAVALI would also like to thank all the villagers of Shobhji ka Guda and Ovra in Dhariawad, Kothya andBhairoopura Ojha in Bundi, Rathora and Kelawa in Jaisalmer and Gagardu and Malyawas in Dudu for theirenthusiastic support and participation during the field survey. Support from Government officials in all blocksis also gratefully acknowledged.

Thanks are also due to the team of Research Associates including Amod Khanna, Krishnavtar Sharma, GhulabNoor Khan and Meera Shrivastava for their insightful contribution and to the dedicated team of ReseachAssistants including Narayan Meena from Sahyog, Tej Singh and Ramgopal from GVNML, Mahavir Prasad andSuwa Lal from BAIF and Umardin Meher, Magaram and Dinesh Meghwal from UMBVS for their help duringthe field work. Special thanks go out to Neelima Khetan of Seva Mandir, Surjit Singh of IDS, Jaipur and VirenLobo for helpful comments on a draft version of the study report.

ARAVALI would especially like to thank K. Seeta Prabhu, Head, HDRC, UNDP for providing the opportunityto carry out this research and Suraj Kumar, HDRC, UNDP for his support and involvement at each stage of thestudy. Thanks are also due to V.Srinivasan and Ritu Mathur of UNDP for their unfailing support and assistancein the course of the study and to Ananya Ghosh Dastidar, Delhi University for her help in editing this versionof the Aajeevika research study.

Finally ARAVALI would like to express a deep sense of gratitude to Sudhir Katiyar and Rajiv Khandelwal ofSudrak, Udaipur and Sachin Sachdeva, Mukul Kumar, Jai Pal Singh, Lokesh Gupta, of ARAVALI and theentire team at ARAVALI, Jaipur and Sudrak, Udaipur for their critical inputs and untiring efforts in making thisstudy possible.

PROLOGUEPROLOGUE

Livelihood is an oft-used term with many different connotations. The Aajeevika study considers livelihoods asa composite of entitlements and capabilities that determine the existence of a household, as it analyses howrural livelihoods are changing and diversifying in rural Rajasthan.

Based on extensive fieldwork carried out in four development blocks in the State, the study reviews the chieflivelihood strategies and the main livelihood sectors in the region. In particular, it analyses livelihood optionsbefore the poorest sections of the rural community and provides a set of recommendations for promotingsustainable livelihood options across the State.

This paper is based on one of the studies commissioned by HDRC, as a follow-up to the State HumanDevelopment Reports, to have a deeper understanding of the livelihood situation in various States.

ARAVALI is a development support organisation initiated by the Government of Rajasthan to promoteinnovation in development and greater collaboration between the government and non-government organisations.

iv

PREFACEPREFACE

The State of Rajasthan, located in the northwestern region of India, occupies eleven per cent of total land areain the country, and shares an international boundary with Pakistan in the west. Sandy plains, mostly arid andinfertile, constitute about sixty per cent of State area in the north and west, while the south eastern part is morediverse consisting of hilly ranges, wide vales and fertile table lands.

Population in the State is over fifty six million (Census, 2001), population density being high in the eastern andcentral regions and extremely low in the desert regions in the west. Development indicators are poor, with highinfant mortality rates (89) and with substantially lower literacy rates, especially female literacy (20.4 per cent)compared to the rest of India. Total fertility rates (4.6) are high resulting in high decadal growth rates ofpopulation in the State.

Indeed Rajasthan, a predominantly agricultural State, with over seventy seven per cent of the total populationresiding in rural areas, is among the poorer States in the country today.

To capture the diversity of livelihood conditions across the State, the Aajeevika study covered four develop-ment blocks in Rajasthan, each representing a larger socio-ecological region of Rajasthan (viz., the TribalSouth, the Desert West, the Irrigated East and the Semi-Arid North Central zones), with a view to identifyingimportant livelihood options and constraints facing different segments of the population in each region.

The study attempts to understand how rural livelihoods are changing and diversifying in rural Rajasthan andwhat factors determine access to new and productive livelihood opportunities for different sections of therural population, especially the poor. Apart from reviewing the chief livelihood strategies and identifying themain livelihood sectors, the study focuses especially on livelihood options before the poorest sections of therural community, as it explores various measures that can facilitate the rural poor in achieving successfulsustainable livelihoods.

A set of recommendations are provided for improving livelihood options in rural Rajasthan, where a novelsuggestion made is that the State should foster the development of Resource Centers for facilitating migrationout of rural areas. For, increasingly migration is becoming an important livelihood strategy for a significantproportion of the rural population in many areas in the State.

Finally the study proposes a set of measures for operationalising some of the key recommendations aimed atimproving the rural livelihood scenario in the state, identifying the main stakeholders and setting out theguidelines of an action agenda for implementation.

It is hoped that this report would be found useful by both governments and NGOs in undertaking livelihoodplanning for Rajasthan.

v

CONTENTSCONTENTS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1

I THE AAJEEVIKA STUDY : ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORKAND METHODOLOGY 2

Concepts and Definitions 2

Methodology 4

II RURAL LIVELIHOODS : AN OVERVIEW 7

Main Occupational Categories 7

Important Livelihood Strategies 8

Chief Livelihood Sectors 10

III RURAL LIVELIHOODS : A REGIONAL PROFILE 19

Livelihood Patterns Across Four Socio-Ecological Regions 19

Changes and Sustainability of Regional Livelihood Patterns 25

IV ACCESS TO PRODUCTIVE LIVELIHOODS : SOCIAL REALITYAND GOVERNMENT POLICY 28

Factors Governing Access to Productive Livelihoods 28

Rural Poverty Alleviation : Role of the Government 37

V IMPROVING RURAL LIVELIHOODS : LESSONS ANDKEY INTERVENTIONS 44

Lessons and Best Practices 44

Recommendations for Improving Rural Livelihoods 46

Operationalising Key Interventions 51

VI CONCLUSION 61

vi

TECHNICAL NOTES 63

STATISTICAL ANNEXURES 64

Table 1 Occupational Classification of Workforce across Regions 64

Table 2 Changes in the Occupation Profile of Male Workers over the Last Decade 65

Table 3 Important Sources of Household Income 65

Table 4 Proportion of Poor Households across Regions 65

Table 5 Important Sources of Household Income for Poor Rural Households 66

Table 6 Extent of Irrigation across Regions 66

Table 7 Incidence of Leasing and Mortgage of Land across Regions 66

Table 8 Share of Animal Husbandry in Household Incomes of Different Economic Classes 67

Table 9 Migration across Regions 67

Table 10 Land Holding Size for Different Communities 67

Table 11 Distribution of Irrigated Land Among Major Communities 68

Table 12 Comparative Contribution of Different Sources to Household Incomes ofDifferent Castes 68

Table 13 Literacy Rates across Regions 68

Table 14 Electricity Connections in Dhariyawad and Bundi 69

Table 15 Road Networks in Three Blocks Surveyed 69

Table 16 Progress of SGSY in Two Aajeevika Study Blocks 69

Table 17 Indicators of Material Well Being across Regions 70

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 71

vii

ABBREVIATIONSABBREVIATIONS

BDO Block Development Officer

BPL Below Poverty Line

CGWB Central Ground Water Board

EAS Employment Assurance Scheme

FO Farmers’ Organisation

IGNP Indira Gandhi Nahar Pariyojna

IRDP Integrated Rural Development Programme

ITI Industrial Training Institute

IWMI International Water Management Institute

JRY Jawahar Rozgar Yojana

MP Member of Parliament

MLA Member of Legislative Assembly

NABARD National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development

NRM Natural Resource Management

PA Promoter Agency

PDS Public Distribution System

PHED Public Health Engineering Department

PIM Participatory Irrigation Management

PS Panchayat Samiti

PWD Public Works Division

RSEB Rajasthan State Electricity Board

SC Scheduled Castes

ST Scheduled Tribes

SGRY Sampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana

SGSY Swarnajayanti Grameen Swarozgar Yojana

SGWD State Ground Water Department

SHG Self-Help Group

WUA Water Users Association

viii

GLOSSARYGLOSSARY

Aajeevika LivelihoodsBhils A scheduled tribe communityBishnois A peasant casteDangi Patels A peasant casteDhakars A peasant casteCharnoi PasturelandsDhaba An informal food stallGram / Grameen VillageGram Sabha General body comprising all adult inhabitants of a villageGujars A peasant casteGwar Cluster BeansHamaali Physical labour involving loading- unloadingJagirdari A system of land tenureJats A peasant casteKharif Monsoon cropKhatedari Land recordsMahakaal Conditions of extreme droughtMeenas A peasant casteMeghwal A scheduled caste communityMeos A peasant casteMers A minority communityMoong Green gram; a kind of pulseNahar CanalPanchayati Raj Term referring to the system of local self-governance in villagesPanchayat An administrative unit comprising of a few revenue villagesPariyojna ProgrammePatidar A peasant castePucca Paved or made of concreteRabaris A traditional rural communityRabi A winter cropRaikas A traditional rural communityRajputs Traditionally a warrior caste, now mostly engaged in agricultureRozgar EmploymentSadak RoadSamiti Committee or AssociationSampoorna CompleteShramik Kendra Centre for LabourersSuthars Caste of CarpentersSwarnajayanti Golden jubileeSwarozgar Self-EmploymentYojana PlanZila Parishad The district level administrative unit

1

Executive SummaryExecutive Summary

The Aajeevika livelihood study under-takes a detailed analysis of the problemsfacing rural livelihoods acrossRajasthan. An extensive field survey wascarried out in four blocks, each from adifferent socio-ecological region, repre-senting the diversity in livelihood op-tions and constraints facing the ruralpopulation in the State. The survey, car-ried out from September 2002 onwardswas spread over a period of ten months.

The study provides an overview of therural economy of Rajasthan, assessingthe overall livelihood scenario in the Stateand identifying the chief livelihood op-tions available to various sections of therural community. In particular, the im-portant livelihood sectors are studied andthe main livelihood strategies adopted,especially by the poorest sections of therural population, are reviewed.

Based on a detailed analysis of the find-ings from the field surveys and from anassessment of overall employment sce-nario in the State, a set of recommen-dations are suggested for improving live-lihood options, especially for the poor-est and most vulnerable segments of therural community.

To begin with, this paper sets out themethodology and framework adoptedfor analysing the current status, con-straints and opportunities regarding ru-ral livelihoods, followed by an overviewof the rural economy. This is followed

by an appraisal of the primary livelihoodsectors and strategies adopted by vari-ous groups across different socio-eco-logical regions in the State.

Next, there is a brief discussion of themain factors that govern access to pro-ductive livelihoods across rural areas. Inthis context, the role of the governmentinitiatives in addressing the problem ofincome generation in rural areas is re-viewed. This analysis clearly points tothe need for rethinking rural poverty al-leviation in the State.

Thereafter, a set of recommendations isprovided for strengthening livelihoodoptions especially for the rural pooracross Rajasthan, along with suggestionsfor operationalising key recommendationsby identifying the primary stakeholdersand specifying the broad guidelines for anaction agenda for implementation.

An important finding from the Aajeevikastudy is that even at the current conjunc-ture, caste identities and access to so-cial and political networks are importantfactors governing access to productivelivelihoods. In this context there is animportant role for education in helpingindividuals overcome such barriers andconstraints. In addition, the study iden-tifies migration as another importantstrategy, used especially by the backwardand poor sections in the rural economy,to gain access to productive livelihoodsand break away from social oppression.

An important findingfrom the Aajeevikastudy is that even atthe currentconjuncture, casteidentities and access tosocial and politicalnetworks are importantfactors governingaccess to productivelivelihoods

2 AAJEEVIKA - LIVELIHOODS IN RAJASTHAN

The Aajeevika Study : Analytical Frameworkand Methodology

The Aajeevika Study : Analytical Frameworkand Methodology

SECTION I

The Aajeevika study explores the currentlivelihood scenario across regions in ru-ral Rajasthan. The Human DevelopmentReport for Rajasthan (2001) critiquedthe main livelihood and employmentsectors in the State and underscored theneed for rigorous analysis of livelihoodgeneration and for rethinking the strat-egy for strengthening livelihoods inspecific regions and especially forvulnerable groups in the State. TheAajeevika study addresses precisely theseconcerns by undertaking a comprehen-sive field based research study carriedout from September, 2002 onwards fora period of ten months.

1.1 Concepts and Definitions

The working definition of livelihoodsadopted for the study follows Scoones(1998) : “A livelihood comprises the capa-bilities, assets (including both material andsocial resources) and activities required for ameans of living. A livelihood is sustainableif it can cope with and recover from stress andshocks, maintain or enhance its capabilitiesand assets, while not undermining the naturalresource base.”

With this broad, inclusive definition oflivelihoods, the study has adopted a ho-listic approach for assessing rural liveli-hood options, based on the sustainablelivelihood model developed by the In-stitute of Development Studies(Scoones, 1998). This model locates

development of livelihoods in a holis-tic setting, incorporating the natural andsocio-political context and its interplaywith the overall institutional andorganisational framework, which to-gether determine the livelihood profilesof individuals and communities. Itthereby provides a much broader focusthan conventional analyses of separateeconomic sectors.

At the very outset an important distinc-tion is made between livelihood re-sources and livelihood strategies.

Livelihood resources refer to the basicassets which rural people and familiespossess for pursuing different livelihoodstrategies; these are not limited only tomaterial assets like cash or land or live-stock, but also include skills, social net-works and natural infrastructure. In par-ticular, for this study, livelihood re-sources include :

Natural Capital : soil, water, geneticresources, etc.

Financial Capital : cash, savings, pro-duction tools and infrastructure.

Human Capital : skills, knowledge,physical well being, etc.

Social Capital : social networks, af-filiations and associations.

Political capital : level of politicalconsciousness, extent of political net-works, etc.

The Aajeevika studyexplores the currentlivelihood scenarioacross regions in ruralRajasthan

3

Livelihood resources are used in vari-ous combinations to pursue livelihoodstrategies. There are three main clustersof livelihood strategies practised by therural people :

Agriculture Extensification and In-tensificationLivelihood DiversificationMigration

The Aajeevika study uses this classifica-tion while appraising livelihoods at thehousehold, village, block and State levels.

Agriculture Extensification andIntensification

Agriculture extensification occurs withthe bringing in of new lands under cul-tivation and productive use and this pro-cess is aided by access to tools and tech-nology and also via land reforms. How-ever, at the current conjuncture, thescope for bringing new land under culti-vation is limited.

In the context of the predominantlyagrarian rural economy in the State, in-tensifying land use through enhanced in-vestment on and application of technol-ogy, capital and labour is common, espe-cially for those who have already attaineda basic threshold level of food security.Agriculture intensification under semi-arid and rainfed conditions in the State isprimarily led by increased access to irri-gation. Given supporting infrastructurewith respect to improved varieties ofseeds, fertilisers, and marketing facilities,improved irrigation can be an importantfactor underlying the transformation ofexisting enterprises in the crop and live-stock sectors into surplus driven, com-mercially viable entities.

Livelihood Diversification

The importance of livelihood diversifi-cation is accentuated by the increasingpressure on land and water resources andthe increasingly unfavourable returns toagriculture leading to poverty. As such,people are constantly attempting to di-versify out of farming into more lucra-tive activities to reduce the risk of agrar-ian livelihoods. This may involvespecialisation into secure, full time oc-cupations or even into part-time andcasualised activities with low returns andlow security to make ends meet. The lat-ter, while essential for ensuring survival,are also associated with increasing pov-erty and vulnerability.

In Rajasthan, diversification is widelyevident. However, diversification is notequally feasible in all regions, withgreater scope for diversification into al-lied agro-led sectors in high potentialagricultural areas. Further, opportuni-ties for diversification are negotiatedlargely on the strength of capital andinvestment abilities.

Migration

Migration is becoming an increasinglyprevalent livelihood strategy, pervadinglarge sections of the rural population indepressed, low-endowment areas. Migra-tion may be voluntary or involuntary,seasonal or permanent and its effects onlivelihoods can vary considerably. Remit-tances may be used for basic family main-tenance or sometimes even for invest-ment in farming.

Migration for wage labour is commonacross Rajasthan and it takes manyforms. In particular, construction, min-ing and quarrying and casual labour

The Aajeevika Study : Analytical Framework and Methodology

Migration is becomingan increasinglyprevalent livelihoodstrategy. Migrationmay be voluntary orinvoluntary, seasonalor permanent and itseffects on livelihoodscan vary considerably


District : JaipurBlock : DuduVillages : Gagardu and Malyawas

District : BundiBlock : TaledaVillages : Kothya and Bhairoopura Ojha

District : JaisalmerBlock : PokhranVillages : Rathora and Kelawa

District : UdaipurBlock : DhariyawadVillages : Ovra and Shobh ji ka Guda

opportunities in high potential areas ofDelhi and Gujarat attract large propor-tions of the casual labour work-force inthe State.

1.2 Methodology

1.2.1 The Sampling Process

The Aajeevika study intensively coveredfour development blocks, in four differ-ent districts across the State, each dis-trict representing a larger socio-ecologi-cal region of Rajasthan.

The State was divided into four separatezones on the basis of agro-climatic char-acteristics, development of industrial ac-tivity, and development of irrigation :

The Tribal South

The Desert West

The Canal Irrigated East

The Semi-Arid North Central Regions

Sample districts and blocks within anagro-climatic zone and villages within ablock were selected with a view to en-sure that these represented the distinc-tive characteristics of the overall region.Presence of NGOs was another criterionused to select blocks within each region,since this research was carried out in closepartnership with such NGOs.

One district was chosen from each ofthe four zones and one block was se-lected from each district. Two villageswere chosen from each block and de-tailed household surveys were carriedout in each village, covering a total oftwo hundred and eighty households inthe four blocks.

The following table specifies the dis-tricts, blocks and villages chosen forthe study, along with distinctive fea-tures of the agro-climatic zone thatthey represent.

Selected Districts, Blocks and Villages from

Four Agro-Climatic Zones of Rajasthan

Semi-Arid North CentralHigh level of urban and industrialmigrationLarge non-farm sector employmentpotential because of urban proximity

Canal Irrigated EastIntensive farming system with highincidence of irrigation.

Desert WestRepresenting arid desert conditionsExtensive farming with high incidenceof livestock and artisan work

Tribal SouthRepresenting typically hilly and rainfedconditions with pockets of irrigation.Predominantly tribalLow rural non-farm sector potential

The Aajeevika studyintensively coveredfour developmentblocks, in four differentdistricts across theState, each districtrepresenting a largersocio-ecologicalregion of Rajasthan

5

Block Review

The primary unit of analysis was theblock (panchayat samiti). In each dis-trict the aim of the block review wasto identify :

Key economic activitiesKey socio-political characteristicsImportant socio-economic and powerrelationsA spatial map of key markets, infra-structure, and sites of production

Village Studies

The village studies had two stages :A general village census: A minimumset of data was collected for each andevery household in the village, whichgenerated reliable information abouttwo factors that guided subsequentstudy, viz. socio-economic differentia-tion and livelihoods.

Detailed household level data collec-tion: Thirty to forty-five householdswere selected from each village for indepth study of institutional and eco-nomic change. Further, thirty detailedcase studies were compiled, capturingdifferent aspects of livelihood strate-gies adopted by households across ru-ral Rajasthan.

In each village households were selectedin such a manner that they reflected :

The proportion of the major castesin the villageThe poor and the non-poor in the ra-tio of 6:4

1.2.2 The Analytical Tools

Two separate indicators, viz. ‘occupationstatus’ and ‘household income’ were usedto assess livelihood status and strategies.An income criterion was used to identifypoor households within each village andincome and asset criteria were used toidentify the poorest among the poor.

Occupational Status: This indicatesthe economic activity that the personwas engaged in throughout the year. Asit is common to find the same personengaging in more than one activity dur-ing the year, two responses were col-lected – primary occupation and second-ary occupation. Primary occupation waswhat the worker did for most of the yearthat is more than 183 days. Secondaryoccupation was what the worker did fora shorter period.

The definition of occupational statusand occupational categories (with somechange) were the same as that used inthe Census1.

Household income: This was used toassess livelihood strategies adopted atthe household level.

Household income was tabulated acrosssix main categories :

AgricultureAnimal husbandryWage labourHousehold industryOther income (comprising a variety ofactivities in the non-farm sector)Migration

1 For each occupational category changes in the share of workforce have been computed on the basis ofcomparison of the Aajeevika survey results with Census figures for 1991. The associated problems ofcomparability and how these are sought to be resolved are discussed in the Technical Notes (p.63).

The Aajeevika Study : Analytical Framework and Methodology

Two separateindicators, viz.‘occupation status’ and‘household income’were used to assesslivelihood status andstrategies


Expenses incurred for carrying out anactivity were subtracted from total in-comes from the activity to arrive at netincomes. E.g., if during cultivation, seedwas purchased from the market; its costwas subtracted from the total output;whereas, if in-house seed was used, itscost was not accounted for and grossoutput was valued.

Therefore the livelihood status of house-holds is gauged using two categories ofinformation, viz., information on primarylivelihood activities adopted and incomefrom all such livelihood activities fol-lowed by households.

Identification of Poor Households:Exact definitions of poverty lines are anissue of serious academic debate and es-tablishing a poverty line is beyond thescope of the Aajeevika study. Rather, ‘rela-tive poverty’ is a matter of far greater con-cern, viz., identification of households whoare worse off in comparison to others, foranalysis of their livelihood strategies.Broadly the criteria used for identifyingpoor households was based on size of land-holding, animal holding, ownership of puccahouse and organised sector job.

In general all households with incomesless than Rs.20,000 are counted amongthe rural poor.

The study uses two criteria for identify-ing the poorest of the poor householdsin rural areas :

An income criterion : those with an-nual incomes less than Rs. 10,000per annumAn asset criterion : those with landholding below a certain minimum,where this minimum level (usuallythe cut off point for small farm-ers) varies from region to regionas follows :

2 hectares, in the Tribal South andSemi-Arid North Central regions4 hectares, in the Desert West1 hectare, in the Canal Irrigated East

The Aajeevika study therefore, has con-sidered livelihoods as a composite ofentitlements and capabilities that de-termine the existence of a householdand explored the constraints actingupon both these aspects of poor house-holds in rural Rajasthan, in order togenerate options for promoting sustain-able livelihoods. It has undertaken adetailed field study to evaluate theground reality regarding livelihoodprospects and constraints faced by dif-ferent sections of the rural population,especially the poor.

The criteria used foridentifying poorhouseholds was basedon size of landholding,animal holding,ownership of puccahouse and organisedsector job

7

Rural Livelihoods : An OverviewRural Livelihoods : An Overview

SECTION II

This section examines the current sta-tus of livelihood and employment inrural Rajasthan. The main occupationalcategories in rural areas, primary liveli-hood strategies followed by the ruralpeople and important livelihood sectorsin the State are discussed in turn.

2.1 Main OccupationalCategories

The working population is divided intofive categories. The current situation andmain trends regarding each of these cat-egories across regions in Rajasthan arediscussed below.

Owner Cultivation: This continues tobe the predominant form of employ-ment in the State in all regions (Table 1,p.64). However there has been a rapiddecline in the proportion of populationengaged in agriculture, especially in theTribal South and Semi-Arid North Cen-tral regions, while this proportion has re-mained stable in the Canal Irrigated Eastand the Desert West (Table 2, p.65).

Between 1991 and 2002, the proportionof male workforce engaged in agricul-ture and allied activities declined byforty-five percent in the Tribal South andby twenty-nine per cent in the Semi-AridNorth Central region (Table 2, p.65). Inthe Tribal South there appears to be alarge outflow from the cultivator cat-egory to migration, a phenomenon whichholds for the Semi-Arid North Central

regions as well. However diversificationis more advanced in the North Centralregions, with non-farm activities emerg-ing as an important alternative to agri-culture based livelihoods in these areas.

Animal Husbandry: This is a signifi-cant occupation in all areas, engaging thehighest proportion of workforce in theSemi-Arid North Central region and thelowest in the Tribal South. A reasonablyhigh proportion of the workforce areengaged in animal husbandry in theDesert West.

The share of workforce engaged in ani-mal husbandry has remained stable andchanged only marginally in three of thefour zones covered. Only in the DesertWest has this shown significant increase,from four to ten percent. However inpart this may reflect under enumerationin the Census or over enumeration inAajeevika survey.

Agriculture Labour : This constitutesthe highest share of workforce in theCanal Irrigated East, employing just un-der a fifth of the population at 18.9 per-cent and it is also significant in the Semi-Arid North Central zone.

Interestingly, agriculture labour is almostnegligible in the Tribal South. This isbecause the incidence of landlessness inthis area is low and the majority ofhouseholds own some land. However inmost cases the landholding size of

There has been a rapiddecline in theproportion ofpopulation engaged inagriculture, especiallyin the Tribal South andSemi-Arid NorthCentral regions


households is quite meager, so that agri-culture in this area is mainly subsistenceoriented and does not generate muchsurplus or employment.

Non farm Sector Activities2: Thenon-farm sector is most vibrant in theSemi-Arid zone around Jaipur andAjmer where it employs over a fifth ofthe workforce at 21.8 percent (Table 1,p.64). It is far less significant inthe Desert West and in the Eastern re-gions and it is almost negligible in theTribal South.

The share of workforce involved in mis-cellaneous non-farm activities has reg-istered a steady increase in all areas, ex-cept the Desert West, indicating a gen-eral increase in the extent of diversifi-cation in the rural economy of the State(Table 2, p.65).

Migration: This emerges as a signifi-cant activity in all regions except theCanal Irrigated areas, which in fact at-tract in-migration. It is highest in theTribal South, where over a quarter ofthe workforce migrates. It is also sig-nificant in Desert areas and in the NorthCentral zone.

Migration, however, is not a recognisedcategory in the National Industrial Clas-sification (NIC) followed by the Cen-sus. As such, evidence regarding its in-creasing importance in rural livelihoodportfolios, especially in the tribal areasin South Rajasthan is gathered fromhousehold surveys, personal interviewsand case studies conducted duringAajeevika fieldwork3.

2.2 Important LivelihoodStrategies

Analysis of household incomes from dif-ferent sources reveals the importance ofalternate livelihood strategies across ru-ral areas in the State. The study confirmsthat agriculture extensification and in-tensification, diversification into non-farm activities and migration were themain livelihood strategies adopted byhouseholds in various combinations indifferent regions. In particular, the live-lihood strategies adopted by the poor-est rural households are reviewed, in thecontext of their access to certain basiclivelihood resources.

The Aajeevika survey identifies six mainsources of household incomes :

AgricultureAnimal husbandryWage labourHousehold industryOther incomes (including activities inthe non-farm sector, other than mi-gration)Migration

2.2.1 Livelihood Strategies of RuralHouseholds in General

Agriculture remains the single mostimportant source of household in-come in most regions in the State. Infact, over half of household incomeis from agriculture Canal Irrigated Ar-eas, accentuating the importance ofthe activity in the region. The TribalSouth is an exception, where on aver-age agriculture accounts for just over

2 This refers to all non-farm activities, other than those undertaken during migration.3 In fact, it appears that the Census may not be able to capture accurately the occupational status of workers

undertaking migration. See Technical Notes (p.63)

The share of workforceinvolved inmiscellaneous non-farm activities hasregistered a steadyincrease in all areas,except the Desert West,indicating a generalincrease in the extentof diversification in therural economy of theState

9

a quarter (26.5 per cent) of householdincomes (Table 3, p.65).

Agriculture wage labour is an importantsource of household income in all ar-eas, except the Tribal South.

Animal husbandry is an importantsource of supplementary incomethroughout the State, accounting forabout fifteen per cent of household in-comes across all regions (Table 3, p.65).

Other incomes also feature in all areas,varying from being less important in theTribal areas (less than ten per cent ofhousehold incomes) to much more im-portant in the Desert areas (about eigh-teen per cent of household incomes)(Table 3, p.65).

Incomes from household industries isof some significance in two areas, viz.,Semi-Arid North Central and the DesertWest, but is extremely low in the TribalSouth and virtually non-existent in theagriculturally developed areas in theCanal Irrigated East.

Migration is the predominant source ofhousehold income in the Tribal South anda significant source in the Desert Westand Semi-Arid North Central regions. Itaccounts for over two-fifths of totalhousehold incomes in the Tribal Southand about twelve per cent in the NorthCentral and Desert zones (Table 3, p.65).However it is virtually non-existent in theCanal Irrigated East where agriculturebased livelihoods dominate – less thanone percent of household incomes inthis region come from sources relatedto migration.

2.2.2 Livelihood Strategies of PoorHouseholds

Incidence of Rural Poverty: The pro-portion of rural poor is around twentypercent in three of the areas covered4,the exception being the Semi-Arid NorthCentral region, where the poor consti-tuted only nine per cent of the total ru-ral population (Table 4, p.65).

The high incidence of poverty (twentysix percent) in the Canal Irrigated areasis surprising, given the relative agricul-tural prosperity of this region comparedto the others. It appears that this islargely because of the absence of diver-sification among the poor and their al-most complete dependence on local ag-riculture labor markets, where wage ratesare low due to overcrowding.

Analysis of Household Incomes: Ananalysis of the sources of householdincomes gives important insights intothe livelihood strategies of the poor(Table 5, p.66).

The dominant source of income ofpoor households in three out of the fourareas was local wage labour. In the CanalIrrigated Areas, the share of wage la-bor accounted for almost seventy percent of household incomes and hov-ered around the half way mark in theSemi- Arid and Desert areas. Incomefrom this source was lowest in theTribal South, where local wage optionsare very limited.

In fact agricultural income from owner cul-tivation was the single most importantsource of income (at 31.6 percent) for

4 This refers to the poorest of the poor in rural areas who were identified in the course of the Aajeevika usingan income and an asset criteria. The methodology used for identifying the poorest households is described inSection 1.2.2 above.

Rural Livelihoods : An Overview

The dominant sourceof income of poorhouseholds in threeout of the four areaswas local wage labour


the poor in the Tribal South, where in-cidence of landlessness is low. Incomefrom agriculture is lowest for the poorin irrigated areas where landlessnessis high.

However in the Tribal Areas, eventhough the distribution of land is even,holding sizes are small, so that agricul-ture is subsistence oriented and incomefrom agriculture is low. As such thepoor, who have no choice but to remaindependent on agriculture, remain pov-erty stricken.

Animal husbandry is another importantsource of income, especially in tribalareas where it accounts for over a quar-ter of household incomes. Share of ani-mal husbandry is also significant in thecanal irrigated areas at 18.1 percent, butnegligible in the Desert West and thesemi-arid zones, where household industryis far more important.

The other category of income from nonfarm activities, classified as “other in-comes” is important in all, except the ca-nal irrigated areas.

Notably, income from migration ac-counts for a low share of household in-comes for the bottom poor. The TribalSouth Region is an exception, wheremigration accounts for a significantsource of income even for the poorersections of the population.

This finding, that the contribution ofmigration to the livelihoods of thepoorest is significantly lower than therest of the population, analysed laterin the study, seems to indicate that thebottom poor are actually unable to mi-grate and often remain trapped in pov-erty for that reason.

Access to Livelihood Resources: Thepoor households have extremely lowendowments of human and physicalcapital (primarily land and water).

Human capital primarily refers to presenceof skilled, employable workers in thehousehold and a family with surplus la-bor can send some of its members towork outside to augment family in-comes. For instance, traditional skillslike carpentry command a premium inurban areas, while skills acquiredthrough training and education also playa crucial role in acquiring stable, main-stream job opportunities. However typi-cally the poorest families are unable tosend out members, instead these aredependent on local labour marketscharacterised by low and highlycasualised wages.

On the other hand, land is the most im-portant physical capital for rural liveli-hoods, but the poor are either landlessor have only small and marginal landholdings, inadequate for meeting theneeds of the family. Rather, the overallinfrastructure and economic capital baseof the area tend to have a much morecrucial bearing on the potential for eco-nomic activities for the poor. For in-stance, good infrastructure and eco-nomic base of the surrounding areas isone of the key reasons for the relativelysmall proportion of poor households inthe rural areas of the Semi-Arid NorthCentral region.

2.3 Main Livelihood Sectors

This section appraises the main liveli-hood strategies across rural Rajasthanby adopting a sectoral approach. In par-ticular the relevance of agricultural

The overallinfrastructure andeconomic capital baseof the area tend tohave a much morecrucial bearing on thepotential for economicactivities for the poor

11

extensification and intensification, ani-mal husbandry and migration as viableoptions for the rural population acrossthe State are discussed here.

2.3.1 Agriculture

Agriculture Extensification: Rajasthanunderwent an agriculture extensificationprocess immediately after Independenceand once again in the seventies, after theintroduction of tractors. Independenceand the passage of the Rajasthan Ten-ancy Act in 1956 did away with theshackles of feudalism and released landfor cultivation by all sections of soci-ety. Emergence of tractor cultivation inthe seventies led another drive for in-creasing land under cultivation. In par-ticular, the extensification process wasremarkable in the Desert West, wherehuge stretches of land, hitherto coveredwith scrub, were brought under the trac-tor plough.

However there are indications that thisprocess has now come to an end. Thereis little land left for extensification andeven village commons have been en-croached upon. Many desert areas havebeen converted into agricultural landand the area under cultivation is unlikelyto show any further increases.

Agriculture Intensification: Despitelow rainfall, many parts of Rajasthanhave witnessed a process of agriculturalintensification. Among the four agro-ecological zones studied, agriculture in-tensification is widespread in the Semi-Arid North Central and Canal IrrigatedEast. Even in the other two areas, thereare pockets of agriculture intensifica-tion. Thus commercialization of agricul-ture seems feasible even in rain-fed

conditions provided certain other con-ditions are favorable.

The process of agriculture intensifica-tion must be understood with referenceto parameters like incidence of irrigation,share of cash crops in the cropping pat-tern, use of agriculture implements andfarm machinery, and changes takingplace in tenurial relations. Each of theseissues are considered in turn.

Irrigation is one of the basic precondi-tions for the process of intensification.Irrigation makes it possible to double theproductivity of land by taking a secondcrop and it has an important protectiverole in case of monsoon failure, which iscommon in the State. Significant propor-tions of cultivated land are now underirrigation in different zones of Rajasthan(Table 6, p.66). Irrigation is almost onehundred percent in the canal irrigated ar-eas and over a third of cultivated land isunder irrigation in the North Central andTribal Zones; only in the Desert West isirrigation is still very limited.

Average size of irrigated landholdingsalso varies considerably across areas,being higher in the Canal Irrigated (1.5hectares) and the Semi-Arid (1.2 hect-ares) areas, which have witnessed agreater incidence of intensive agricul-ture. Average size of irrigated landhold-ing is lowest in the Tribal South (0.3hectares), reflecting the smallness ofaverage landholdings in the region,whereas the situation appears to besomewhat better in the Desert areas (0.8hectares), no doubt owing to the effectsof the IGNP.

Agriculture intensification is also accom-panied by cultivation of cash crops.


There is little land leftfor extensification andeven village commonshave been encroachedupon. Many desertareas have beenconverted intoagricultural land andthe area undercultivation is unlikelyto show any furtherincreases


While traditional cultivation involvesproduction for self-consumption, com-mercial agriculture is more market ori-ented, involving crops that will fetch agood return in the market.

In the regions with high incidence ofintensive agriculture (Canal IrrigatedEast and the Semi-Arid North Centralregion) the proportion of Kharif acreage5

under cash crops exceeds sixty percent,whereas it is as low as fourteen percentin the Tribal South where agriculture isfar more poorly developed.

Surprisingly, even in the Desert West thisacreage is high at forty three percent,which indicates that commercial agricul-ture is possible even in desert climatesif other conditions are favorable. In par-ticular, a high incidence of cash crop-ping in the desert is possible by sowinggwar, which grows well even with verylittle rainfall.

Use of agricultural machinery like trac-tors, threshers, and harvesting combinesis quite common in areas which havewitnessed a high degree of agriculturalintensification. In fact, in most parts ofRajasthan, except in the Tribal South,ploughing by bullocks has been almosttotally replaced by tractor ploughing.Only in the tribal areas where the ter-rain is hilly and landholdings are smalldoes bullock ploughing still survive.

Harvesting combines are beginning to beused for harvesting wheat in the Canalareas and in all areas with good irriga-tion facilities and high wheat acreage,even though most combines still comeall the way from Punjab.

Increasing commercialization of agricul-ture in rural Rajasthan has been accom-panied by changes in tenurial practices.Abolition of jagirdari in the post inde-pendence period and promulgation ofRajasthan Tenancy Act in 1956 had ledto resumption of khatedari rights byowner peasants. However the nature oflarge-scale owner cultivation is nowchanging and a number of patterns arevisible. The profile of the lessor, wholeases out land, the lessee, who leasesin land, as well as the terms of agree-ment are all undergoing change.

The various types of owners who leaseout their lands include :

Feudal owners, who do not cultivateland as it is considered demeaning,rather they let it out on lease. MostlyRajputs and other forward castes comeunder this category. However this isbeginning to change as more andmore Rajput families are beginning totake up cultivation.Service class owners, who also lease outland because the landowner holds afull-time job in the organized sector.This class of owner lessor is increas-ing as more and more medium to largerung farmers in rural Rajasthan getaccess to organized sector jobs.Labour tenancy, where the landownergives out the labor component in to-tal and negotiates an agreement for afixed share of output, a practice com-mon in intensively irrigated areas.Reverse tenancy, where a small farmerleases out land to a bigger landownerwho owns a tractor and wishes to

5 A similar analysis for Rabi was not undertaken. Wheat is the main Rabi crop in the surveyed villages, servingas a subsistence as well as cash crop, depending on prevalent area-specific and household-specific conditions.

In most parts ofRajasthan, except in theTribal South, ploughingby bullocks has beenalmost totally replacedby tractor ploughing

13

increase the size of his operationalholding. This practice is becoming in-creasingly common in rural areas ofthe State, especially in the agricultur-ally prosperous areas.

The profile of the lessee is also chang-ing, with agriculture becoming intensive,requiring greater infusion of capital :

the traditional lessee mainly brought in la-bor powerreverse tenancy has meant the entry of anew class of lessee - these are big landowners who seek to lease land to en-hance their scale of operations.it is now increasingly difficult, if not al-most impossible for the landless and the poorpeople to undertake tenancy, an optionthat seems open only for the mediumlevel landholders.

Terms of agreement are also undergo-ing change and a variety of agreementsare in place, in keeping with variationsin agro-climatic endowments of the dif-ferent regions.

The traditional agreement made for anequal sharing of expenses and harvestedoutput, with labor being the responsi-bility of the tenant. A major change nowis that owners prefer to give out landson a fixed rent basis, thereby passing onthe entire risk to the tenant6.

As for mortgages, farmers normallymortgage their land only under extremeeconomic duress, when no other optionis open. This is an extreme form of ten-ancy where the farmer loses control overland for an extended period, till he

repays the loan. Normally interest is ser-viced by occupancy by the lender,whereas at other times the lender maylet the owner retain the occupancy, inwhich case the owner becomes a tenanton own land.

The incidence of leasing and mortgageof land is different across the study ar-eas (Table 7, p.66):

tenancy is more widespread in areaswhere agriculture intensification ishigh, viz. the Semi-Arid North Cen-tral and Canal Irrigated Eastincidence of mortgage is highest inTribal South, a commentary on theprecarious nature of agriculture live-lihoods in the region and the poor sta-tus of tribal farmers.

2.3.2 Animal Husbandry

Main Characteristics : Animal hus-bandry is of special significance as a ru-ral livelihood strategy because it can playa crucial drought proofing function in thecontext of specific agro-climatic condi-tions in the State. While crop output isseverally affected by the failure of mon-soon and is a regular occurrence7, milkproduction does not decline by the sameproportion. Milk cooperative dairieseven report an increase in milk procure-ment with the onset of drought, whichhappens because farmers tend to maxi-mize their attention to this source of live-lihood under drought conditions. How-ever, drought also has a severe impacton animal husbandry with increasing fod-der prices leading many farmers to even

6 Where tenancy arrangement is actually a labor contract, with other inputs being the sole responsibility of theowner, a finely worked out share of total produce is offered, depending upon the overall economic environment.

7 According to a local saying, only one in four years is a good crop year. For the rest of the time crop productionis affected to a varying extent due to shortage and untimely nature of rainfall.


Animal husbandry is ofspecial significance asa rural livelihoodstrategy because it canplay a crucial droughtproofing function inthe context of specificagro-climaticconditions in the State


abandon their animals. Nevertheless,productive animals are rarely abandoned,rather drought leads to the jettisoning ofthe unproductive stock.

In terms of livestock reared, there aretwo main types of practices.

First is the milk animal based economywhere the animals reared are cows andbuffaloes. While Rajasthan was a tradi-tional cow area, recent years have seenincreasing ingress of buffaloes.

The second is the small ruminant, sheepand goat based economy.

In case of larger animals, animal hold-ing is generally proportional to land hold-ing, while in the case of smaller rumi-nants, goat ownership is very commonamong the poor, though generally, onlysmall numbers are reared. On the otherhand, sheep are generally reared in largeherds. For smaller ruminants, there existtraditional communities who rear theseanimals in large numbers in most partsof Rajasthan, like the Gujars in the NorthCentral and East and Mers, Raikas,Rabaris in the North and Western parts.

Impact on Household Income Sta-tus: An important finding from theAajeevika survey has been the signifi-cance of animal husbandry in the liveli-hood profile, across agro- climatic zonesin rural Rajasthan, from the Tribal Southto the Desert West and from the CanalIrrigated East to the Semi-Arid NorthCentral regions(Table 8, p.67).

The importance of animal husbandryemerges clearly both from the occupa-tional classification of the work force and

as well as from the analysis of house-hold incomes.

Household income analysis indicatesthat the contribution of animal hus-bandry is around fifteen percent all overRajasthan, varying from a low of 13.5percent in the Tribal Areas to a high of17.8 percent in the Semi-Arid zone.

Occupational classifications from Cen-sus, 1991 (the last census for which thisdetail is available) put population en-gaged in animal husbandry and otherland based activities like forestry andfisheries, at only 1.9 percent. In contrastthe Aajeevika household survey esti-mates proportion of workers engaged inthis sector ranging from a high of 12.7percent in the Semi-Arid areas to a lowof 6.3 percent in the Desert areas8.

While animal husbandry plays a crucialrole, its importance is tempered by thefact that the rich benefit more from ani-mal husbandry than the poor. Howeverthere is significant variation across dif-ferent regions, as evident from the sharesof animal husbandry in annual house-hold incomes for different economicclasses (Table 8, p.67).

In general, for the rural poor (i.e., thosewith annual household incomes less thatRs.20,000), a lower share of total house-hold income comes from this source inall regions, except the Tribal South,where the share of income from animalhusbandry is slightly higher for the poorthan for the rest of the population.

For the poorest classes (i.e., those withannual household incomes less than

8 Taking into account the male bias of the census and comparing Aajeevika survey results for the malepopulation reveals that a high proportion of male workers are engaged in animal husbandry, ranging from 9.7percent in Desert areas to 1.6 percent in Tribal South.

While animalhusbandry plays acrucial role, itsimportance istempered by the factthat the rich benefitmore from animalhusbandry than thepoor

15

Rs.10,000), the share of income from hus-bandry is even lower in two regions - Semi-Arid North and Desert West - whereas inthe Tribal South and the Canal IrrigatedAreas, a higher share of household in-comes comes from this source.

For the Tribal South increased share ofincome of the poor from animal rearingis explained by the constraints faced bythe rural poor. Mostly these sections areunable to migrate from the area and aretherefore dependent on supplementaryincome from animal husbandry. In Ca-nal Irrigated Areas, on the other hand,prevalent conditions favor rearing ofmilk animals even by the landless, asfodder is cheap.

Ultimately a higher share in householdincome does not imply higher absoluteincome levels, as the base incomes forthe general population are two to threetimes that of the rural poor.

2.3.3 Migration

Main Characteristics : Large parts ofArid and Semi-Arid areas of Rajasthanhave a tradition of migration duringyears of drought, for as crops dry up andfail, everyone is forced to look for work.In years of extreme drought, locallyknown as mahakaal, entire householdsand villages would migrate in search offood and fodder and local folklore andliterature is rich with vivid descriptionsof movements of people and cattle onaccount of drought9.

While drought definitely increases mi-gration, with the increasing reach of theWelfare State, extreme effects such as

exodus from villages no longer occur. Infact, migration is no longer simply adrought induced phenomenon. Increas-ingly it is becoming integral to the workcycle of thousands of rural males, whomigrate to augment household incomesand this is occurring even among casteswho normally do not undertake wagelabor. As communication networks im-prove and even remote villages becomeaccessible by road and transportation,migration is becoming a regular featureof the rural economy in the State.

The nature of migration and motivationto migrate differs across regions andacross different segments of the popu-lation. For instance, in the Tribal South,migration is almost universal amongsttribal families in view of the total lackof local livelihood opportunities. In thesame areas, non-tribals also migrate, butfor other reasons, e.g. in search of bet-ter opportunities. In the Desert West,families with small land holdings, belong-ing to scheduled castes and tribes mi-grate the most, and other communitiesundertake opportunity-driven migrationin search of better incomes. In the Semi-Arid zone with a significant non-farmsector, migration is more a result of pullfactors, with people migrating mainly toaugment their earnings. Only in the Ca-nal Irrigated East does migration appearnegligible (Table 9, p.67).

Metropolitan economies of western In-dia generate a stable and high demand forlabor which is met by the migrating popu-lations from the State. For instance, theTribal South is the traditional catchment

9 ‘- teen mahakaal, jad ma na poot mila na paachha’, goes a Marwari saying. There are three years of extremedrought (in a century) when the mother and the son separate never to meet again.


Migration is no longersimply a droughtinduced phenomenon.Increasingly it isbecoming integral tothe work cycle ofthousands of ruralmales, who migrate toaugment householdincomes


area for supply of manual laborers toGujarat. With increasing demand for la-bor the boundaries of this catchment areahave been expanding further north andinclude not just Udaipur and Dungarpur,but also the Rajsamand, Bhilwara andChittorgarh districts.

While migration is undertaken by allsegments of the population, householdslower down the social order are morelikely to migrate than others, as it pro-vides an escape from the local milieuof social and economic oppression. Forinstance, in the Semi-Arid North Cen-tral areas, migration provides an oppor-tunity for castes lower down the socialhierarchy to move out and augmenttheir incomes.

Migration is almost exclusively a malephenomenon in Rajasthan, with thehousehold survey results showing femaleworkers comprising less than four per-cent of total migrants. Also the over-whelming majority of migrants is in theage group of twenty to forty years as mi-grant labour is expected to perform someof the hardest physical tasks. Thus onlythe young and robust are able to get ab-sorbed. Evidence from blocks such asDhariyawad suggests that even childrenas young as 14 years migrate with mi-grant shepherds from western Rajasthan.

Remittances and Impact on House-hold Economy : Generally when migra-tion is undertaken under conditions ofdistress because no other options areavailable locally, incomes from migrationare used to support household consump-tion. In these cases there is no capitalformation in the migrant’s household,which continues to remain mired in

poverty. Migration of tribal males fromSouth Rajasthan is of this “brink of sur-vival” nature.

In the same region, migration by non-tribal peasant communities is not under-taken under conditions of distress, butwith a view to exploit the improved op-portunity cost of their labor in other ar-eas. In these cases, incomes earned andsaved from migration are invested inagriculture or other enterprises at home.

Analyis of income patterns of the poor-est households (Table 5, p.66) showsthat there remains a very poor segmentwhich is not able to migrate, as migra-tion requires a certain level of humanand financial capital. Also householdsshould be in a position to spare labourfrom the daily chores of the household.Therefore migration is an option beyondthe reach of the poorest classes in therural areas.

The proportion of income remittedhome is high in all the areas studied(Table 9, p.67). However, the bulk ofthe remittances tend to be used up forconsumption. In fact, only sixteen per-cent of respondents in Dhariyawad(Tribal South), twenty-five percent inDudu (north central region), and fortypercent in Pokhran (Desert West) re-ported using remittances for invest-ments at home, mainly on farm equip-ment and assets. In addition, such earn-ings are also often used to repay loansincurred in the past.

The remittance from migration shouldbe viewed in perspective of the fact thatmost often it is not easy to save fromthe meager incomes the migrant popu-lation earns from wage labour. For they

The proportion ofincome remitted homeis high in all the areasstudied. However, thebulk of the remittancestend to be used up forconsumption

17

incur major expenses related to lodging,boarding and travel, while food expensesconstituted the highest proportion oftotal expenditure during migration in allthe survey areas.

Problems faced in migration : Migra-tion is a problem-ridden option for thepoor and distressed.

Given the highly casualised nature ofthe labour markets that the migrantworkers enter, security and stabilityof employment is minimum. Mostmigrants are able to find only casualemployment and there are long peri-ods during which they are laid off.Lack of work is aggravated in timesof drought, when urban and industrialcentres are flooded with migrantlabour.Hard manual labor and low dietary in-take lead to a host of health relatedproblems. The migrant workers oftenhave to work long and difficult hoursand may face serious exposure andrisk to life and limb. As a result offrequent sickness and injury, healthrelated expenditures go up and thereis a decline in the ability to maintaina working life.Generally male adults are forced tomigrate alone and they leave respon-sibilities at home, which remain un-attended, thus affecting and disrupt-ing family life. Further, the demandsof agriculture related work at home,force migrant workers to travel to andfro, from their workplaces to theirhomes several times in the course ofa year. In fact, on an average mi-grants may be making as many as fourto six trips home every year, which

considerably increases the expendi-tures they incur.

From the overview of the rural economyat least three major trends regarding thechanging pattern of rural livelihoodsbecome apparent.

First, the contribution of land based pro-duction to rural livelihoods is steadilydecreasing in significance and stability.This is borne out by the rapid decline inshare of workforce in agriculture andrelated occupations in the tribal (45 per-cent) and the semi-arid zones (29 per-cent). In fact even for the other two re-gions, the share of agriculture in house-hold incomes is not as high as suggestedby the occupational classification regard-ing its share in employment. Also thisshare is declining and in particular forthe rural poor, the contribution of landbased livelihoods, to total householdincome is quite low as compared to therest of the population.

Second, it appears that even though di-versification opportunities are available,the rural poor are only able to diversifyinto activities marked by low returns andlow security. While household incomesfrom non-farm sources are important forthe rural poor in the Semi-Arid NorthCentral and Desert West (accounting forjust over a third of total incomes), in theother two regions this proportion islower at around ten per cent.

This study indicates that typically newlivelihood options for the rural poorlie at the lower end of a changing andgrowing economy, either in traditionalskill based occupations (like hair cut-ting, earthen pot making, flaying ofdead animals and even fortune telling),


It appears that eventhough diversificationopportunities areavailable, the ruralpoor are only able todiversify into activitiesmarked by low returnsand low security


or in new occupations in retail sale,like selling vegetables or vendinghousehold items like bangles. Better-off sections within the rural economyare able to access more formal andstable job opportunities in the govern-ment and army.

A third important emerging trend is thatmigration is playing an increasingly im-portant role in the livelihoods of rural

poor, in all except the Canal IrrigatedAreas. However, there remains a verypoor segment which is unable to migrate.This is because migration requires a cer-tain amount of capital, both financial(e.g., investment in travel) and social (interms of networks that allow people toaccess jobs in distant markets). The verypoor, who have access to neither, remaintrapped in poverty.

19

Rural Livelihoods : A Regional ProfileRural Livelihoods : A Regional Profile

SECTION III

This section highlights a number of in-teresting differences in patterns of ru-ral livelihoods across Rajasthan andanalyses how these can be explained interms of variations in region-specificendowments of livelihood resources andopportunities. In particular, livelihoodoptions available to the rural poor (whoare mostly landless or at best, marginaland small farmers) in each region areanalysed in the light of the specific con-straints faced by them.

In what follows specific livelihood pat-terns in each region are discussed. Theprincipal occupation categories used forthe analysis are: agriculture, animalhubandry, wage labour, householdindusty, non-farm activities (other thanmigration) and migration.

3.1 Livelihood Patterns AcrossFour Socio-EcologicalRegions

3.1.1 Tribal South

The household surveys for this regionwere carried out in two villages (Ovraand Shobh ji ka Guda) in the Dhariya-wad block in Udaipur district.

Important Livelihood Strategies

Agriculture intensification in theTribal South is low and limited, exist-ing in isolated pockets wherever mi-cro-irrigation has been developed

through investments in groundwaterextraction. However, this intensifica-tion process is mainly led by the non-tribal peasantry.Animal husbandry is also a rela-tively minor income source for thetribals. Again it’s primarily the non-tribal peasantry with agriculture sur-plus, who are able to undertake ani-mal husbandry as an economicallyviable activity.Local wage labor generation in thearea is low, as the agriculture sector isdepressed.There is virtually no industrial activ-ity with the potential to generate lo-cal employment. As such there is neg-ligible diversification in non-farmsector activities in the Tribal South.Poor agriculture, weak infrastructureand access and low development ofthe service sector together indicatethat diversification has not occurredin this area.Migration has become the pre-dominant source of income for theregion as a whole and for the tribalcommunities in particular. Typicallythe workforce originating from thisarea undertake casual wage labor inthe unorganised, labor-intensive ac-tivities (such as mining, hamaali andconstruction work) in Rajasthanand beyond.

Migration has becomethe predominantsource of income forthe region as a wholeand for the tribalcommunities inparticular


Livelihood Options for the RuralPoor

The Tribal South region presents a spe-cial case in that these areas have veryequitable land holding and landlessnessis very low. In fact according to theAajeevika survey, almost eighty eightpercent of farmers come under the cat-egory of marginal and small farmers andthere are practically no large farmers (seeTable below), with the few medium farm-ers present generally hailing from uppercaste groups.

However the contribution of agricul-ture to family incomes is quite lowacross the Tribal region. In the courseof the survey, no alienation of land wasobserved, but the share of agriculturein total household incomes seems to bedeclining.

This is mainly because of the extremelymeager land holdings, which continue tobe operated because of lack of alterna-tive employment opportunities in theregion. In particular low overall incomeslower the opportunity cost of femalelabour who, for a variety of reasons, of-ten cannot migrate as the males do, andhence continue to work the land.

Indeed agriculture in the Tribal areasplays a secondary role to other sourcesof livelihoods, mainly migration. The

Agriculture in the Tribal South

Category Number Average Per hectare Per hh Share of agricultureof farmer land holding income income in hh income (in %age)Landless 3 0 0 10327 0

Marginal 53 0.61 8363 22828 22

Small 16 1.38 6128 23973 35

Medium 6 2.71 3631 70627 14Source: Aajeevika household survey

importance of migration in this area isunderscored by the fact that almost twothirds of the families report migrationand almost one half of total family in-come is derived from this source. In par-ticular tribal families are more likely tomigrate than non tribals, even thoughaverage income from migration fortribals tends to be lower than for thenon tribals.

3.1.2 Semi-Arid North Central

The household surveys for this regionwere carried out in two villages(Gagardu and Malyawas) in the Dudublock in Jaipur district.


A high degree of agriculture intensi-fication is observed in this region.

Introduction of cash crops (at timesfor markets as distant as Mumbai)has been the main driving force be-hind this intensification process.Cash cropping has overtaken thetraditional subsistence-based cropproduction systemThere have been remarkablechanges in sharecropping and tenur-ial arrangements. For instance, re-verse tenancy has begun to featureas a fairly common practice. Otherfeatures of agriculture in the region

Low overall incomeslower the opportunitycost of female labourwho, for a variety ofreasons, often cannotmigrate as the malesdo, and hence continueto work the land

21

10 The only exception is marginal farmers, but this finding may be discounted due to the smallness of thesample size.

Agriculture in Semi-Arid North Central Region

Number Average Per hectare Per hh Share of agricultureof hhs land holding income income in hh income (in %age)

Landless 12 0 0 14990 3Marginal 6 0.6 2436 20935 7Small 9 1.2 1100 23299 5Medium 17 2.7 1161 35513 9Large 22 6.8 1889 41357 31Source: Aajeevika household survey

Rural Livelihoods : A Regional Profile

include mechanization and inten-sive mining of the limited ground-water available.Agricultural intensification is prima-rily led by the affluent peasantcastes, some of whom have alsodiversified into other sectors and areable to plough back surpluses ontheir lands.

There has been significant diversifi-cation in this region, evident from thefairly high incidence of service sec-tor (transportation, small manufactur-ing, repairs, hotel and catering activi-ties) activities and formal employ-ment in government and private sec-tor jobs. Essentially the presence ofan affluent peasantry and the proxim-ity of the region to major urban cen-tres provide the overall context fordiversification. However, mainly thericher sections are able to diversify athigher ends of the economy, while thepoor are unable to diversify beyondlocally available, low-value options.Migration is also significant in thisregion, and is primarily fuelled by theeasing out of small and marginal farm-ers from agriculture and householdindustry due to rising investment costsand poor returns. On the demand side,

the proximity to major urban and in-dustrial centers offers a range of op-portunities for wage labour on a regu-lar basis. As such migration in this re-gion is less casualised and not distressdriven as in case of the Tribal South.


There is evidence to suggest that smallerland holdings are not sustainable in theSemi-Arid North Central zone.

Returns per hectare from agriculturetend to increase with size of landholding in the area10 (see Table below).Also the share of agriculture inhousehold incomes increases withholding size.Even for medium-scale farmers onlya small proportion of total householdincomes comes from agriculture,whereas this share is substantial forthe larger farmers.This region has seen increasing inci-dence of reverse tenancy (with largerland and tractor owners leasing inlands of small farmers for cultivation)and the process is strengthened by theample availability of wage labour inthe surrounding areas.

There has beensignificantdiversification in thisregion, evident fromthe fairly highincidence of servicesector (transportation,small manufacturing,repairs, hotel andcatering activities)activities and formalemployment ingovernment andprivate sector jobs


The main factors that tend to make smallholdings unviable in this region are asfollows:

High returns from cultivation of cashcrops like moong and peas making itprofitable for large owners to aggres-sively pursue a policy of increasing thesize of operational holdings.Typically the high returns in Semi-Aridcash crop agriculture are also accom-panied by high risks (in event of fail-ure of monsoon). As such most oftencommercial agriculture is not a viableoption for smaller farmers with lowerrisk-taking capacities.Alternative employment opportunitiesand high wage rates tend to make itprofitable for small and marginal farm-ers to shift out of agriculture and takeup more remunerative options.

Migration in this region is lower than inthe Tribal South, nevertheless the inci-dence of migration in the Semi-AridNorth Central area is significant, affect-ing a third of the total number of house-holds surveyed.

There is not much difference betweenthe average land holding sizes of migrantand non-migrant households, in fact itis slightly higher for migrant households.However the proportion of scheduledcaste families migrating is higher thanother communities and average incomefrom migration for the scheduled castemigrant families is also significantlyhigher than for other migrant households.

3.1.3 Desert West

The household surveys for this regionwere carried out in two villages (Rathoraand Kelawa) in the Pokhran block inJaisalmer district.


In this region agriculture extensi-fication has occurred on a large scalein the recent past, aided by the onsetof tractor cultivation which hashelped in the opening up of new landson a large scale, including pasturesand fallow lands.Agriculture intensification in theDesert West has been very limited ex-cept in two kinds of smaller pockets.First, in the command area of theIGNP canal and second, in areaswhere tube well based irrigation hasbeen initiated. In fact wherever irri-gation has been made possible, farm-ers have changed over to cash cropslike gwar or chillies.Traditionally animal husbandry, par-ticularly in smaller livestock likesheep and goats has been the main-stay of the desert economy. However,a number of changes are occurring inthe nature of livestock rearing and itseconomy. Animal transhumance re-mains a regular feature, though adver-sities surrounding it are becomingmore complex. Increasingly, smallerherds are becoming unviable and onlylarger herd owners are able to survivethe market.Diversification in the Desert West isalso significant as borne out by thehigh shares of “other income” and“household industry” in household in-comes (Table 3, p.65). This is some-what surprising, as the engine ofgrowth is not immediately apparent.In fact both agriculture and industryare poorly developed in the desert re-gion and the high income from othersources is mainly due to remittances

The incidence ofmigration in the Semi-Arid North Central areais significant, affectinga third of the totalnumber of householdssurveyed

23

Source: Aajeevika household survey

in the form of army pensions andrentals from local transport. In par-ticular the latter is significant, as thevast distances in the desert regionsneed good means of transportationeven for basic necessities like water.Migration out of the Desert West ar-eas is also quite substantial and is di-rected not only towards the agricul-turally well-endowed region of theIGNP command area and Punjab, butalso to other urban and industrial re-gions for wage labour. As in the otherregions, migration is distress drivenamong the poor and opportunity in-duced among others.


Evidence from the Aajeevika householdsurvey suggests that the small land hold-ings continue to provide a stable liveli-hood option in Desert areas.

In the Desert West, unlike in the Semi-Arid zone, per hectare returns actu-ally tend to fall with an increase inland holding size (see Table below).This is a fairly common phenomenonin Indian agriculture and is mainly in-terpreted as being the result of higherlabor inputs by small landholders.In this area the share of agriculturein total household incomes contin-

Agriculture in the Desert West


Landless 4 0 15025 0Marginal 11 2.2 884 11303 17Small 16 5.6 887 18023 27Medium 18 9.3 617 13662 42Large 19 24.0 468 31537 36

ues to be a function of land holdingsize and increases with increase in thesize of holdings.

The stability of small-scale agriculturein the area can be traced to the follow-ing factors:

Low scope for cash crops and com-mercial farming makes it impracticalfor large farmers to pursue land ag-grandizement practices at par withthose in the semi arid regions.Given the relatively high availabilityof land, a further increase in size ofoperational holdings is not an imme-diate concern of the larger farmers.Lack of alternative employment op-portunities for small and marginalfarmers, makes them adhere to theiragriculture holdings for longer.

Finally, in the desert areas the incidenceof migration is significant affecting aroundone sixth of the total number of house-holds. The village listing of householdshowever indicated that over a third of thehouseholds were involved in migration.

Unlike in the Semi-Arid areas, land hold-ing of migrant households is significantlylower than that of non-migrant house-holds.

A point of similarity is the higher inci-dence of migration among scheduledcaste and tribe families. In this context


The small landholdings continue toprovide a stablelivelihood option inDesert areas


the numerically small community of Bhilsin the west deserve special mention –almost all the Bhil households migrateevery year. However income from mi-gration for the scheduled caste and tribefamilies is significantly lower than thatof the other migrant families.

3.1.4 Canal Irrigated East

The household surveys for this regionwere carried out in two villages (Kothyaand Bhairoopura Ojha) in the Taledablock in Bundi district.


In this region, agriculture intensifica-tion is the overwhelmingly dominantlivelihood strategy, primarily led bythe widespread coverage of canal ir-rigation and development of ground-water resources. There is a high de-gree of mechanization of agricultureand a near complete shift in favour ofhigh value, commercial crops based onhigh cost inputs.Animal husbandry is an important sec-ondary source of income across allsections of the population, includingthe poor. In fact a sound agriculturalbase is what makes animal husbandrya viable option across this region.Diversification is also high across theregion, again principally led by a welldeveloped agricultural sector.

Local wage labor generation is highand reasonably stable in terms of wagerates and demand. As such, there isnegligible out migration from this re-gion and the Canal Irrigated East infact, attracts in-migration.


The Aajeevika survey results indicate thatrelative incomes from agriculture arehigher for large land owners, whose perunit returns are higher mainly becauseof the highly capital intensive nature offarming.

While comparative returns are lower forthe smaller land owners, in absoluteterms these returns are fairly high, sothat even small holdings are viable inthis region.

However, apart from viability of smallscale agriculture, lack of opportunitiesin the non-farm sector is another factorthat compels smaller land holders toadhere to their land.

Returns per unit of agricultural land arealso high. In fact, per hectare returnsfrom agriculture are high for the mar-ginal land holders, decreasing thereaf-ter for small farmers, only to increasewith further increase in land holdingsizes, for medium and large farmers (seeTable below).

Agriculture in Canal Irrigated East


Landless 15 0 0 11451 0Marginal 28 0.5 8493 13843 31Small 12 1.6 5411 23904 37Medium 5 2.9 9498 35183 77Large 9 4.7 11521 69800 78Source: Aajeevika household survey

In the Canal IrrigatedEast, animal husbandryis an importantsecondary source ofincome across allsections of thepopulation, includingthe poor

25

Household incomes are also highly cor-related with the size of land holding,with the share of agriculture in totalhousehold income increasing with hold-ing size. This share is around a third forthe small and marginal farmers andaround three quarters for the mediumand large land holders.

However, the incidence of landlessnessis high in the Canal Irrigated East, whichis often the case in areas that developintensively with irrigation andmechanisation in agriculture.

Finally, there is virtually no migrationout of the Canal Irrigated East. In factthe region even attracts migrants fromother areas, which often serves to de-press agricultural wages in the area.

3.2 Changes and Sustainabilityof Regional LivelihoodPatterns

Having outlined some of the importantlivelihood strategies across regions, thissection now comments on the nature ofchanges in these livelihood patterns andon the sustainability of such changes.

3.2.1 Changing Pattern ofLivelihoods

Comparison of the Aajeevika surveyfindings with the Census figures for199111 reveal that the Tribal South andthe Semi-Arid North Central regionshave exhibited the most change in termsof occupational profile (Table 2, p.65).

The share of agriculture and allied oc-cupations declined by forty five percent-

age points in the Tribal South and bytwenty nine percentage points in theSemi-Arid North Central regions over thepast eleven years12.

However the underlying reasons for themarked change in the two areas differ :

In the Semi-Arid North Central re-gion, change is led by a rapidly grow-ing non-farm sector mainly becauseof the presence of clusters of eco-nomic growth in nearby towns andalong the national highway thatpasses through the region. A buoy-ant agriculture and well-establishedanimal husbandry add to this, takingthis region far ahead of the others interms of economic indicators.The reasons underlying extremechanges in the Southern Tribal areasare altogether different. The fallingshare of workforce in agriculture inthis region is primarily due to the rap-idly increasing demand for wage laborin the urban and rural areas of Gujaratand the consequent rise in opportuni-ties for migration.

In contrast, occupational profiles inthe desert areas do not reveal signifi-cant changes. This is an area with arecent history of agriculture extensifi-cation, with marginal lands beingbrought under the plough over the lastthree decades. However the livelihoodprofile indicates declining importanceof agriculture, with opportunities fordiversification, including migration in-creasing gradually.

11 For issues relating to problems of comparability between Aajeevika survey results and Census figures, andhow these are sought to be resolved, see the explanatory notes in the Appendix.

12 In part, this sharp decline may be attributed to methodological issues, but even then this is a sizeable declinegiven the short period under consideration.


In the Semi-Arid NorthCentral region, changeis led by a rapidlygrowing non-farmsector mainly becauseof the presence ofclusters of economicgrowth in nearbytowns and along thenational highway thatpasses through theregion


The Canal Irrigated Eastern area seemsto be the most stable in terms of occu-pational profile. Both occupational andlivelihood portfolios indicate a stableand well developed agriculture. Indeedsome changes are taking place in the re-gion but this is mostly linked to thegrowth of agriculture related businessopportunities.

3.2.2 Sustainability of LivelihoodOptions

The livelihood framework adopted forthe Aajeevika study asserted that a live-lihood strategy is sustainable if it does

not lead to an irreversible deteriorationof natural resources and it is able toovercome the effect of sudden changes.

As such the sustainability of the majorlivelihood strategies is explored in thetable below, where available livelihoodoption for each region are classified asbeing of high, medium or low potentialbased on an appraisal of the existing eco-nomic and natural environments.

Finally attention is drawn to an impor-tant factor, viz., the viability of agricul-ture, especially for the poor, small andmarginal farmers.

Sustainability of Livelihood Strategies across Rural Rajasthan

Strategy

Agricultureintensification

Diversification

Migration

Area wherepursued

Canal irrigatedeast

Semi-aridnorth central

Desert West

Semi aridnorth central

Tribal South

Semi aridnorth central

Sustainability

Medium

Medium

Medium/low

High

High/Low

High

Analysis

Water availability from Chambal canals may be declining on a longterm basis as result of water harvesting structures coming up in theupstream parts of MP. If true, this will

increase conflict between head and tail end farmersforce the system to find a new equilibrium

Groundwater potential tapped fully and most parts have turnedcritical. However as surrounding areas continue to develop as a resultof further growth in nearby economic clusters, reverse tenancy mayincrease, concentrating land in hands of a few large farmers.

Intensification in desert is taking place in two areas – IGNP andtube well areas. However sustainability in both cases is in doubt.Low arrivals in IGNP areas have already led to reduction of landrates and a certain amount of de-settlement (where settled peoplehave gone back). Sustainability of tube well irrigation is also in question.

The surrounding economic clusters – Jaipur city, marble and weavingcluster at Kishangarh, and the NH – all seem poised for furthergrowth.

Demand from destination areas is likely to grow thus ensuring thatmigration will continue. However the social and human costs ofmigration are very high in terms of the toll it takes upon family andsocial life and the health of the individual. This adds an element ofunsustainability.

For the same reason as mentioned under diversification.

A livelihood strategy issustainable if it doesnot lead to anirreversibledeterioration of naturalresources and it is ableto overcome the effectof sudden changes

27Rural Livelihoods : A Regional Profile

In terms of contribution of agricultureto the livelihoods of poor households itwas found that by and large

Agriculture is an unstable, non-remu-nerative enterprise for small landhold-ers in the Semi-Arid North Centralparts of the State.It is a stable, but low return livelihoodoption for the resource poor in theDesert West

It remains viable in the Tribal Southmainly because of lack of alternativeopportunitiesOnly in the canal irrigated conditionsof the east does agriculture become aviable enterprise for small and mar-ginal land holders.


Access to Productive Livelihoods : SocialReality and Government Policy

Access to Productive Livelihoods : SocialReality and Government Policy

SECTION IV

This section explores the wide range offactors that influence and impinge onthe choice of new livelihood options. Inparticular the role of a number of socialand political factors is analysed, alongwith the importance of two specific fac-tors, viz. access to education and infra-structure, that are widely accepted asimportant in influencing access to pro-ductive livelihood opportunities. This isfollowed by an appraisal of existing gov-ernment programs meant to address theproblem of rural poverty and sugges-tions for rethinking official poverty alle-viation strategies.

4.1 Factors Governing Access toProductive Livelihoods

In what follows, the importance of en-dowments of various categories of live-lihood resources is assessed and in lightof this, the forces explaining changingaccess to employment opportunities areexplored. This is followed by a specificanalysis of two important factors widelyperceived as having significant influenceon livelihood choices, viz., educationand infrastructure development.

4.1.1 Livelihood Capitals inRajasthan: A SociallyDetermined Reality

The resource base of a region on whichlivelihood development takes placecomprises a number of different capi-tals, viz., Natural, Human, Social andPolitical capitals and the distribution ofthese different capitals varies across dif-ferent communities.

For the purposes of this analysis threesocio-economic categories have beenidentified13:

The lowest strata comprising of thescheduled caste and scheduled tribescommunitiesThe intermediate strata comprisingthe intermediate castes and the lowerstrata of the peasant castes;An upper strata comprising the threesavarna castes and the locally domi-nant peasant castes.

The following discussion focuses on howaccess to different livelihood capitals isgoverned by socio-political factors likecaste, kinship and political ties.

13 While the first two categories parallel the castes classified under the statutory definition of the scheduledcastes and tribes and other backward castes, these are not congruent. This is because in each strata a numberof castes are included on the basis of their political strength rather than simply their socio-economic status.For instance, the Meenas in north central and east Rajasthan have been enumerated under intermediate castes;Jats have been included in the upper section for this study by this criterion.

The resource base of aregion on whichlivelihooddevelopment takesplace comprises anumber of differentcapitals, viz., Natural,Human, Social andPolitical capitals

29

Natural capital

Land, water, and animal resources arethe principal components of naturalcapital considered. How these natu-ral resources are distributed and howthat affects livelihood choices are ex-plored here.

Historically the distribution of land inIndia has been skewed and communityspecific. This pattern is reflected inRajasthan also. However, with the excep-tion of the canal irrigated areas, the Statedoes not have high landlessness, as in caseof a number of other States. However,within this near universal land holdingpattern, holding size is highly correlatedto caste and community status (Table 10,p.67). Holding size tends to be largest forthe upper castes in all areas, except theTribal South, which is characterised byrelatively homogenous societies.

The unequal nature of land distributionis further accentuated by differentiatedaccess to water and irrigation. Histori-cal patterns of settlement ensured thatpeasant communities settled in areaswith better surface and groundwater. Infact prior to Independence rulers ofprincely States often invited peasantcommunities from other areas to settlein their area with a view to augment theirown State incomes. Naturally the newcommunities were allocated land withaccess to water14.

This trend continues in more recent timesas well. New areas have been covered bycanal irrigation, where typically the bet-ter off sections manage to purchaseland at the head-end of the canals. This

has been the case with IGNP in westernRajasthan where, following the align-ment of the main canal, rich farmershave purchased land along its course. Inthe eastern areas of Chambal commandarea also, there has been an influx of well-to-do Sikh farmers from outside the Statewho have managed to build up sizeableland holdings.

This trend was clearly visible in areaswhere the Aajeevika field work was con-ducted (Table 11, p.68) :

In the Shobji ka Guda village inDhariyawad block, the small but rela-tively wealthy peasant community ofDangis had access to better land, ly-ing in the downstream areasIn the Taleda block of Bundi districtin the Canal Irrigated East, the bestareas lying around the main river flow-ing through the region are occupiedby the peasant caste of DhakarsIn the Semi-Arid North Central region,upper caste communities have almostsixty-nine percent more land than thescheduled caste farmers; while this ra-tio is 2:1 in the tribal areas.

There are also strong community linkedpatterns to livestock rearing inRajasthan. The State has traditional pas-toral communities whose chief sourceof livelihood is derived from livestockhusbandry. This is the case with Gujarsin central and eastern parts and Rabari,Raika, and Mers in the western parts.

In some cases, changing land use pat-terns have led to pastoral communitiestaking to farming. However the commu-nity-wise patterns of livestock continue

14 This trend led to settlement of Jat communities in the northern parts and Patidar communities in the southernparts of the erstwhile State of Mewar.

Access to Productive Livelihoods : Social Reality and Government Policy

The unequal nature ofland distribution isfurther accentuated bydifferentiated access towater and irrigation


to hold, particularly in the case of smalleranimals like sheep and goats, whilemilch cattle holding is generally corre-lated to agriculture prosperity.

Human capital

Human capital is a key and critical re-source in the negotiation of livelihoodchoices and opportunities. In a tradition-ally unequal society, education is ex-pected to upgrade human skills and helppeople break out of the traditionalstrangleholds of poverty and discrimi-nation. Yet even today access to educa-tion continues to be highly dependenton caste status.

While some communities have made useof education and accessed new oppor-tunities, others have lagged behind. Forexample the Rajput community has takenup government jobs in large numbers, ashave the Meenas of central and eastRajasthan, who have used education andreservation to move into governmentjobs. On the other hand, the Bhils andMeenas of South Rajasthan have not beenable to adequately access educationalopportunities and have been unable tojoin the new and emerging sectors ofeconomic and political life.

The Aajeevika study confirms that themaximum number of years an individualis able to attend school is highly corre-lated to the caste status of the family.Castes lower down the social ladder havelower years of education, even thoughwithin this overall reality, there is sig-nificant differentiation across regions:

Differences between castes in termsof educational attainment are highest

in Canal Irrigated East and lowest inthe Semi-Arid North Central, reflect-ing the level of income inequality,which is lowest in the Semi-Arid re-gions and highest in the Canal Irri-gated areas.Scheduled caste communities havebeen catching up with the other castesin terms of education - in two of thefour areas studied, viz., the DesertWest and the Semi-Arid North Cen-tral regions, the difference betweenthe two communities is quite small.On the other hand, the Desert Westareas offer an interesting case study.Marked by generally low levels ofschooling, there is little difference be-tween the upper caste Rajputs and thescheduled caste and tribes groups.Further, the latter fare even betterthan the intermediate caste of Mers,a minority community.The minority peasant castes in theState are noted for their low educa-tional levels, which to some extentalso keeps them isolated from themainstream. In fact in many ways,Mers parallel the case of Meos, anotherminority peasant caste settled at theother extreme in the Alwar-Bharatpurregion of Mewat.

Social capital

Social, community and kinship net-works play an extremely important rolein determining livelihood opportunitiesand outcomes.15 The primary social net-works in Indian society exist along castelines. The ability to work together forcommon economic objectives is whattransforms social networks into social

15 This is true even in advanced economies even though these are played out differently.

In a traditionallyunequal society,education is expectedto upgrade humanskills and help peoplebreak out of thetraditionalstrangleholds ofpoverty anddiscrimination. Yeteven today access toeducation continues tobe highly dependenton caste status

31

capital. Nearly all Indian castes havesome system of traditional social orga-nization. However in most cases theorganization remains restricted to socialissues as a forum for resolving commu-nity conflicts and disputes and does notmove on to addressing economic or de-velopment issues.

The Aajeevika study confirms that castesand communities with an ability to bondand coalesce for economic objectives aremore likely to progress :

An example is the comparison be-tween the Dhakar community withthat of the Meenas in the Taleda blockof Bundi district. The Dhakars havea high degree of cooperation amongthemselves and they have been ableto diversify well across a range ofbusinesses, mainly because commu-nity members can easily come togetherand enter into partnership deals forgenerating capital for business. How-ever this is not the case with Meenasand except for individuals who havebeen able to secure government jobs,they continue to adhere to farming.Oral testimonies and discussions re-veal the importance of social net-works, especially in new and high-riskventures for the poor viz., migration.The migration of Suthars (traditional

wood workers) from Pokhran is a casein point. With growing urbanisationand increasing demand for wood workin cities, suthars have migrated in largenumbers, with nearly all of them head-ing for areas around Pune inMaharashtra, which indicates the highimportance of kinship patterns in ex-plaining migration trends.

The caste-wise pattern of livelihoods in-dicates the different livelihoods followedby different caste groups in the surveyareas (Table 12, p.68) :

Overall it is found that land-based live-lihoods like agriculture and animal hus-bandry are more important for uppercaste communities in all the areas.Diversification into non-farm basedactivities and migration are com-paratively more important for thelowest strata of the scheduled castesand tribes.The position of intermediate casteslies between these two choices andvaries across regions depending uponthe special socio-economic conditionsprevalent in these regions.

In fact the livelihood strategies beingadopted by various caste and commu-nity groups can be approximated in thetable below.

Livelihood strategy – Caste Linkage

Caste Livelihood strategyUpper castes Intensification of agriculture

Diversification into agro-businessGovernment jobs

Intermediate castes MigrationArtisan castes DiversificationPoor castes Wage labor

MigrationDiversification



Oral testimonies anddiscussions reveal theimportance of socialnetworks, especially innew and high-riskventures for the poorviz., migration


The data also throws up some interest-ing regional contrasts with respect tolivelihood strategies adopted by differ-ent communities :

In the Semi-Arid zone, agricultureemerges as the dominant livelihoodsource for the forward castes, for thescheduled caste population migrationaccounts for over half of total house-hold incomes, whereas, other sourcesare more important for the interme-diate caste groups.In the Tribal areas there is not muchvariation in livelihood strategiesacross different communities, exceptfor the fact that animal husbandry ismore important for the non-tribalpeasant castes settled in the area.In the Desert area, cultivation isequally important for all three com-munities. However animal husbandryis important for the Muslim and up-per caste communities while it occu-pies a lower position for the sched-uled caste population. Wage labor isimportant for both Muslims and sched-uled castes, who also derive a signifi-cant part of their income from non-farm sources. In this area migration ismost important for upper castes.In the Irrigated areas, by contrast, cul-tivation is the most important sourceof income for the upper and interme-diate caste groups and wage labor forthe scheduled caste sections.

Political capital

Politics plays a critical role in livelihooddevelopment at many levels. Communi-ties and areas that are politically wellconnected ensure significant benefits forthemselves. At the societal level politics

is the task of distribution of societalassets and naturally enough the morepowerful sections try to secure maxi-mum benefits for themselves.

Electoral politics has seen a gradualwidening of the social base of thecommunities that actively participateand demand benefits in return. Priorto Independence, all power was in thehands of the ruling feudal elite. Sincethen politics has gradually “openedup” as more and more communitieshave been mobilized around politicalissues and identities.

A relatively new feature in Rajasthanhas been the active participation of casteassociations in raising political demands.In older times caste associations seldomintruded into political issues, because ofthe essentially local nature of the castebased organizations. Caste organizationswere normally restricted to a certainnumber of villages in regions populatedby members of the caste.

This feature has begun to change, espe-cially for the more politically aware andnumerous castes, who have gone on toform State level and even nation-wideorganizations. The statewide organiza-tions often have very explicit politicalagendas and at times are promoted forprecisely this reason. One arena wherecaste organizations have been very ac-tive in Rajasthan is reservations in jobs.

Social and political life in the Rajasthanvillages is governed by the dominantpeasant castes, which are present in largenumbers and have maximum access toland, the main productive resource inrural areas. As in the rest of the coun-try, these were the first castes to enter

Electoral politics hasseen a gradualwidening of the socialbase of thecommunities thatactively participate anddemand benefits inreturn

33

the electoral arena and challenge the he-gemony of the old ruling elite. Mostrural areas of Rajasthan have one ormore such castes :

Jats, Rajputs, Gujars and Minas are thedominant castes in the Desert WestRajputs, Jats, Mers, Bishnois dominatethe Semi-Arid North Central regionsMeenas and Gujars are most powerfulin the Canal Irrigated EastLocal tribes and Rajputs form integralparts of society in the Tribal South. Thisis the only area where social organiza-tion is not governed by caste hierarchiesof traditional Hindu society.

However with the passage of time, moreand more castes and communities havebeen mobilized politically, includingthose at the lowest rung of caste hierar-chy. Findings from the Aajeevika fieldsurvey reveal that while there are be-ginnings of political mobilization by themost oppressed castes, viz., the sched-uled castes everywhere, its pace variesacross regions. This section of societyhas been mobilized to the maximumextent mainly in north central region.

Given the social reality, political polar-ization in rural areas mostly occursalong caste lines. Naturally numericallylarge castes tend to dominate, therebyleaving out numerically smaller castesfrom effective political participation.

Finally, apart from access to differentcategories of livelihood capitals, theadoption of specific livelihood strategiesis strongly influenced by the overall eco-nomic scenario. In particular, locationnear clusters of economic growth is con-ducive to development of the non-farmsector, as for instance, was observed in

case of the study block of Dudu, in Jaipurdistrict in the Semi-Arid zone.

4.1.2 Factors Affecting Changes inthe Pattern of Livelihood: TheRole of Education and RuralInfrastructure Development

In the light of the discussion above, it isimportant to understand what factorsinfluence the changing pattern of rurallivelihoods in the context of a growingeconomy with new opportunities arisingin different sectors across regions. TheAajeevika study indicates that, caste sta-tus, kinship networks, the overall eco-nomic environment and political cloutare some of the most important factorsaffecting these changes.

Kinship networks and political connec-tions play an important role in livelihoodtransformation. The area where thismatters most is the entry into highlyprized government jobs, as these jobs arethe ultimate aspiration for most people.While there is a formal system of recruit-ment, in reality political connections to-gether with kinship networks can wieldconsiderable influence.

Political clout can also be useful in ac-cessing public finance, as was the casewith the heritage hotel scheme of theRajasthan government that benefitedowners of old palaces and forts. Theimportance of kinship networks in di-versifying livelihoods in the non-farmsector, especially in establishing or ex-panding business networks by poolingfinancial and other resources has alreadybeen discussed.

In what follows, the role of two specificfactors, viz., education and rural infra-structure development, are considered


Caste status, kinshipnetworks, the overalleconomic environmentand political clout aresome of the mostimportant factorsaffecting the changingpattern of rurallivelihoods


in turn, mainly because these are widelyperceived as being instrumental in de-termining access to livelihoods and increating and strengthening existing live-lihood opportunities. In particular theseare seen as important enabling factorsthat can potentially help individualsovercome important socio-political con-straints in gaining access to productivelivelihood options.

Education

Education plays a critical role in liveli-hood development, opening up new vis-tas of employment and improving returns.

There are major differences in educationlevels across the State (Table 13, p.68).Overall literacy rates are higher in NorthCentral and Irrigated Eastern regions,areas that perform better economically,and lowest in the Tribal South, which isone of the poorest areas in the State. Theonly exception is the Desert West regionwhere the rural community lags behindin education despite being compara-tively better off economically, owing tosocio-cultural factors.

Education is also a great leveler. Thescheduled caste communities, whichhave been most depressed socially andeconomically, have made major strides

in education. While they still lag behindthe dominant castes in rural areas, thereis evidence to indicate that in a numberof areas, they are gradually closing thegap. This holds immense potential forsocio-economic change.

Enhanced education is not likely to leadto economic equality immediately, aseconomic opportunities are mediatedthrough a complex web of legal politi-cal systems that remain under the con-trol of the dominant castes. Howevereducation leads to increasing politicalawareness and mobilization, which inturn makes it possible to challenge theexisting status quo and seek a better deal.This can be seen happening in thePokhran block, a remote and highly feu-dal area in the Desert West, where theMeghwal community has begun to resistthe centuries old exploitation by thedominant Rajput class.

Comparing average household incomesand education levels (measured by lit-eracy rates) in different regions revealsthat the blocks with higher literacy lev-els also have higher household incomes(see Table below). The Tribal areas arean exception, for these have literacyrates below Desert areas, even thoughhousehold incomes are higher16.

16 Extensive migration in the Tribal South explains the relatively higher levels of cash incomes for householdsas compared to the Desert West.

Literacy rates and household incomes

Tribal South Semi arid Desert West Canal irrigatedNorth central East

Literacy rate 31 60 42 57

Annual household 22,621 30,897 19,381 23,918income (Rs.)


Education plays acritical role inlivelihooddevelopment, openingup new vistas ofemployment andimproving returns

35

The relationship between household in-comes and education can be seen at theindividual level also by relating house-hold incomes with the maximum edu-cation level of an individual in thehousehold17. Comparing years of school-ing for the poor households with thatfor the non-poor clearly shows that thelatter have higher years of schooling forall the regions.

Average maximum years of schoolingfor different regions are indicative of theeconomic status of the region, with yearsof schooling for the economically bet-ter off regions being higher than yearsof schooling for comparatively poor re-gions. The better off Canal Irrigated andNorth Central regions have almostdouble the years of education (averageyears of schooling over eight) than theless developed regions in the TribalSouth and Desert West.

Therefore there is a positive correlationbetween education and household in-comes from various sources, observedacross regions, communities and indi-vidual households. Better off regionshave almost double the number of yearsof education than the less developed re-gions; poor households have fewer yearsof education than richer households andthe better off communities have higheryears of education than the compara-tively backward communities.

However this correlation by itself doesnot establish that education will lead tobetter economic opportunities. It sim-ply means higher income levels are gen-erally associated with higher educationlevels, which in turn may open up newer

income augmenting opportunities foremployment.

Infrastructure Development

Infrastructure plays a critical role in live-lihood development of any area and thekey components of infrastructure thatwere investigated under the Aajeevikastudy included electricity and roads.

Given the uneven development of infra-structure across the State, it is generallyfound that the more developed areas alsohave better infrastructure. Comparison ofinfrastructure indices for the surveyblocks also revealed the same picture.

Each aspect of infrastructure surveyedis considered separately below.

Electricity : This is a critical resourcerequired for development of both farmand non- farm sectors. While electricityis absolutely essential for industrial ac-tivities, even agricultural development inmodern times is impossible without it. Forone, falling water tables mean that irriga-tion by diesel pump sets from open wellsis no more feasible. In fact open wells havedisappeared from many farming areas andbeen replaced by deep borewells whichrequire submersible motors that can onlybe run by electricity. Even Canal Irrigatedareas like Bundi have seen a rush for in-stallation of bore wells.

The electricity network in the study areais varied (Table 14, p.69), gives figuresfor electricity connections for differentuses in two of the blocks surveyed) :

Electrification has expanded rapidlyin the surveyed block in the TribalSouth, but domestic connections

17 The maximum years of schooling for the family is equivalent to that of the individual in the family with themaximum number of years of education.


There is a positivecorrelation betweeneducation andhousehold incomesfrom various sources,observed acrossregions, communitiesand individualhouseholds


remain relatively few and use of elec-tricity for purposes of agriculture orindustry is quite limited.In the Semi-Arid North Central regionthere has been extensive electrifica-tion and its use is high in both domes-tic and agricultural sectors.In the canal irrigated zone, electrifi-cation has been extensive, but the re-lease of agriculture connections hasbeen very limited. Going by the sizeof potential demand, the number ofconnections is actually quite low incomparison to other areas.

Roads : The importance of roads in trig-gering regional economic developmentis well recognized. In this respect find-ings from Aajeevika survey highlight in-teresting differences in road networksacross rural Rajasthan (Table 15, p.69) :

The Dhariyawad block in the TribalSouth has a reasonable network ofroads (two Major District Roads,seven Through Roads and fifteen LinkRoads), and its coverage by road hasgrown in recent years. In fact all GramPanchayat headquarters and villageswith a population of over one thou-sand are connected with a road ofsome kind. A Core Network Plan forroad expansion has been preparedbased on the location of marketswithin the block. This plan will en-sure road connectivity to two hundredand twenty-four villages with a popu-lation of more than one hundred andfunds for the construction of roadswill be made available through thePrime Minister Gramin Sadak Yojana,the Central Road Fund and the MP/MLA Local Area Development Fund.

A second case study of the Pokhranblock in the Desert West reveals themany challenges for public infrastruc-ture and development imposed by thedesert conditions and terrain. Beingpart of a border district with a con-tinuous presence of army and airforce personnel, Pokhran has a goodnetwork of roads. The national high-way bisects the block and given thegood network of roads, movementacross the district within and beyondPokhran is reasonably fast. The pat-tern of village settlement howeverpresents a far more serious challengein establishing connectivity since typi-cally villagers live in isolated farmsin distant hamlets that are not con-nected by roads. In fact these diffi-culties in access have strongly influ-enced the reach of public services andfacilities such as health and educationin the block.

It was hypothesised that the develop-ment of infrastructure which increasespeople’s access to the external economyand environment (such as roads, com-munication linkages, rural transport) arelikely to play a crucial role in reductionof poverty and access to livelihood op-tions. In general while there exists a re-lationship between infrastructure devel-opment and overall economic status ofan area (for instance, the more devel-oped areas of Semi-Arid North Centraland Canal Irrigated East have better in-frastructure development), this studywas not able to gather sufficient data toprove the link conclusively.

The analysis in this section indicates thatactual choice and availability of livelihood

The importance ofroads in triggeringregional economicdevelopment is wellrecognized

37

options, even in a modern diversifyingeconomy, continues to be determined bysocial and caste identities and inequities.This is largely true, with a minor qualifi-cation. Livelihood strategies being pre-determined by social and caste identities,is especially true for natural resource-basedlivelihoods, for the distribution of naturalcapital is highly caste specific. And theinequities in the given distribution imposea major constraint on the poorer sections.

4.2 Rural Poverty Alleviation:Role of the Government

The government plays an important rolein influencing access of the rural popu-lation, especially the rural poor, to live-lihood options. In this context theAajeevika study reviews the existing ru-ral poverty alleviation strategies of thegovernment and underscores the needfor a fresh approach towards rural pov-erty alleviation programmes18.

4.2.1 Existing Approaches forImproving Livelihoods of theRural Poor

Poverty alleviation has been one of thekey objectives of the Indian State sinceIndependence and current efforts inthis direction could be classified undertwo streams :

First, creating enabling conditions forthe poor to live gainfully and honor-ably in a differentiated and stratifiedsociety like ours. It consists of an ar-ray of social legislation that seeks to

promote and protect interests of thepoorest sections of the society. Therange of legislation varies from posi-tive discrimination policies in govern-ment, to labor laws that ensure decentworking conditions for labourers inthe unorganized sector.Second, implementing programmesthat tend to benefit the rural poor di-rectly. Direct programmes may be fur-ther sub-divided into three categories:

Those which make foodgrains avail-able through the Public DistributionSystem outlets at subsidized pricesThose that provide relief to the ru-ral poor by creating opportunities forwage labour employmentThose which attempt to improve in-come levels of the rural poor by pro-viding them with assets which couldbe used for income generation.

The way they are structured, the firsttwo categories aim at ensuring food se-curity and at providing relief to the ru-ral poor, respectively; while the third,specifically aims at lifting them abovethe poverty line.

Each of these three direct programmesof the government is discussed in detail.

Public Distribution System (PDS)

The State seeks to provide subsidizedfoodgrain to all families below the pov-erty line (BPL) through an extensivepublic distribution system and everypanchayat has a designated ration shop.

18 In this context it is clarified that the Aajeevika study analyses different sources of livelihoods for the ruralpoor, but assessing the effectiveness of the government’s poverty alleviation strategies in detail is not aprimary objective of the study. However such programmes do affect available livelihood options of the ruralpoor. Therefore the basic functioning of these programmes in rural Rajasthan is briefly reviewed and a fewproblem areas highlighted, and a few suggestions made for rethinking strategies for better addressing the issueof rural livelihood promotion.


Poverty alleviation hasbeen one of the keyobjectives of the IndianState sinceIndependence


However the PDS has been critiqued onseveral grounds. For instance, the mostcommon complaint relates to bad target-ing of the poor households. Anotherimportant drawback associated with thePDS has been the requirement of bulkpurchases, which makes purchases bythe poor difficult and forces them to ap-proach private traders who sell food-grains in small quantities.

In fact, except for Kerala and AndhraPradesh, where a major share of thefoodgrain requirements of the poorcomes from the PDS, in most otherStates the poor procure only a small frac-tion of their overall requirement fromthis source.

Nevertheless all such operational weak-nesses apart, the PDS is a well-inten-tioned programme aimed at providingfood security for the poor.

Employment GenerationProgrammes

Currently the main government ruralemployment generation scheme is theSampoorna Grameen Rozgar Yojana(SGRY). Earlier incarnations of employ-ment guarantee schemes like the JawaharRozgar Yojana (JRY), Employment Assur-ance Scheme (EAS) and the Food forWork Programme were merged into theSGRY in 2001. From the early 1980sthese schemes have been looked uponas major instruments of poverty allevia-tion. Further, the regular employmentgeneration scheme was also supple-mented by drought relief works thatwere launched in different parts of theState in 2002.

However, not much has been achievedvia the programmes in terms of poverty

alleviation in a sustainable manner.While wages earned from these prog-rammes have definitely brought succorto the poor, their contribution to house-hold incomes can only be termed asmarginal and incidental.

Typically physical works, approved bythe Gram Sabha, are undertaken as partof the scheme, where the Gram Panchayatis the implementing agency and has toaccomplish the approved works, com-bining labor and material costs in theratio of 75:25. Under the scheme, themain works undertaken by GramPanchayats are related to construction ofrural roads, river works, de-silting andso on.

One problem area relates to the ‘typeof works’ chosen under the scheme.Most projects are temporary in naturewhich fail to create permanent assetsand infrastructure in the village. Further,the ceiling of twenty five percent onmaterial costs (which has now been re-laxed) militated against long-term infra-structure creation, which could substan-tially benefit rural livelihoods even af-ter completion of the project.

These programmes were designed withthe intention of providing basic mini-mum subsistence and temporary em-ployment opportunities to the poor andso fail to address the longstanding ob-jective of removing poverty.

Poverty Alleviation Schemes

Currently the main poverty alleviationscheme is the Swarnajayanti GrameenSwarozgar Yojana (SGSY), which cameinto operation in 1999, coalescing dif-ferent programmes related to incomegeneration. Under this programme

While wages earnedfrom employmentgenerationprogrammes havedefinitely broughtsuccor to the poor, theircontribution tohousehold incomescan only be termed asmarginal andincidental

39

there is provision for the involvementof individuals, as well as for Self-helpGroups (SHGs) formed by the ruralpoor, to seek financial assistance (bothcredit and subsidies) for undertakingproductive activities.

The scheme was inspired by the goodperformance of NGO-sponsored SHGsin taking up income generating activi-ties. However it has not taken off alongexpected lines even two years after itsintroduction. This is largely due to thefact that it still follows the earlier IRDP(Integrated Rural Development Plan)-mode of targeting the individual poor,as borne out by data generated in thecourse of this study.

In two of the blocks surveyed, only afew groups were able to get any supportfrom the government (Table 16, p.69).While a large number of groups werereported to have been formed, only twogroups in Dhariyawad and just fourgroups in the Taleda block were givenloans for productive purposes. In fact inthe Taleda block, of the three hundredand fifty-nine projects for which loanswere disbursed, SHGs undertook onlyten, while the remaining were taken upby individuals.

4.2.2 Poverty AlleviationProgrammes: A Critique

An important point worth stressing isthat the trajectories of the poverty alle-viation programmes are usually decidedwithout keeping in view other sectoralefforts operative in the area. In fact, “thestrategy of IRDP has been questionedon the grounds that it is isolated fromthe main growth process in terms of re-source allocation, technology as well as

sectoral development strategy; it is notplanned along with other programmes ofarea or sectoral development; it is ahousehold based programme and theschemes are not integrated with the de-velopment needs or resource base of thearea” (Vyas et al., 1999, pp.181).

Thus it would appear that poverty alle-viation programmes of the IRDP genrehave limited potential for eradicatingpoverty as they do not consist of a se-ries of directed efforts targeting the sameset of households. Rather these have be-come separate programmes, which arenot run in conjunction with a series ofother initiatives whose ultimate targetsare addressing specific need of the eco-nomically week. Operational problemsrelated to programme implementation,such as shortage of credit, inadequateunderstanding of the requirements of thepoor, lack of adequate technical support,lack of marketing opportunities, inap-propriate selection of activities etc. allspring out of this basic flaw.

Further, ARAVALI has been associatedwith a study on DWCRA (Developmentof Women and Children in Rural Areas)self-help groups, which brought out spe-cific operational issues affecting the pro-cess of economic empowerment ofgroups (ARAVALI, 1999):

Lack of proper guidance and steward-ship for women’s groups while takingup enterprisesWomen’s groups depended mainly oncaptive markets and lacked market-ing strategies which could give thema competitive edgeThere was no attempt to explore eco-nomic diversification opportunities intrade and service sectors.


The trajectories of thepoverty alleviationprogrammes areusually decidedwithout keeping inview other sectoralefforts operative inthe area


The main constraints found in theDWCRA programme are generic in na-ture and will be faced by any programmeor project on micro-enterprise develop-ment. The new government programmeSGSY faces similar problems.

Ultimately income generation is a com-plex activity, which requires setting upof a high degree of strategic linkagesacross different support structures.Therefore such programmes can effec-tively address the problem of rural pov-erty in the long run only when the poorare made more capable of undertakingindividual enterprise or when support-ive agencies provide them with the nec-essary training, market and credit link-ages. In fact the IRDP has been moresuccessful with the poor who are rela-tively close to the poverty line and lesswith those who are lower. This is borneout by a study conducted in the North-ern and Eastern districts of Rajasthan(Gyanchandani et al.,1987).

This serves to underscore the fact thatthe destitute and the considerably poorhouseholds need special attention and apatient, long-term approach, rather thanthe urgency, immediacy and target-ori-entation associated with these govern-ment programmes.

Recent research based on twelve vil-lages in two Southern districts ofRajasthan indicates that over eightyper cent of households escaping pov-erty, managed to do so without gov-ernment assistance (Krishna, 2003).This was possible due to income di-versification, with at least one familymember taking up additional occupa-tion in the informal sector, where jobs

were mainly facilitated by contactswith friends or relatives in the city.Those who relied on agricultural in-comes have invariably remained poor.

The study concludes that, “people in thisregion have overcome poverty mostly asa result of their own initiatives and withthe help of their relatives and friends.Government assistance – or even assis-tance from any other external parties,including NGOs, business houses, andpolitical parties - has very little to dowith these results… programmes of di-rect assistance account collectively fora relatively small fraction of householdsescaping poverty” (Krishna, 2003, pp.538). The author therefore, suggests re-orientation of such programmes, wherein particular he is emphatic about theimportance of provision of informationregarding job opportunities via employ-ment exchanges.

Even as the Aajeevika study broadlyagrees with this argument, it should alsobe stressed that the poverty alleviationprogrammes can actually become moreeffective if handled with greater caution,planning and sensitivity towards the spe-cific needs, capabilities and endowmentsof the poor. A few specific suggestionsin this direction are made below.

4.2.2 Rethinking PovertyAlleviation

The findings of the Aajeevika study pointto the need for thinking afresh on cur-rent approaches to poverty alleviation.

A Few Concerns

The existing approaches to poverty alle-viation are based upon the concepts ofrural regeneration and reconstruction,

The destitute and theconsiderably poorhouseholds needspecial attention and apatient, long-termapproach, rather thanthe urgency,immediacy and target-orientation associatedwith these governmentprogrammes

41

with the basic objective being to promotelocal employment generation and to dis-courage migration and urbanization. Thelatter is evident from the complete lackof focus on the needs of the large num-bers of rural poor who regularly migrateto cities in search of work.

The conceptual underpinnings of thisline of thinking may be traced back tothe Gandhian concept of self-sufficientvillage republics. However the villagesand the encapsulating environment havesignificantly changed since then. It maybe argued that traditionally also, villageswere never autarchic and conditionshave changed tremendously since thetime of Gandhi. Villages are far moreintegrated with the wider economy thanever before, a fact which has direct im-plications for approaches to poverty al-leviation. This study emphasizes pre-cisely such issues while thrashing out astrategy for rural poverty alleviation.

Within the overall ambit of rural regen-eration, a variety of State initiatives cur-rently exist, which can be classified intothe following categories :

Approaches based on natural resourcemanagement (NRM) and develop-ment (e.g., irrigation and watersheddevelopment)Approaches based on micro enterprisedevelopment (e.g, the IRDP followedby the SGSY schemes)Approaches aimed at wage laborgeneration

The findings of the Aajeevika survey in-dicate that while the last one continuesto be extremely relevant, the effective-ness of the first two is a moot point.

Generally, the micro-enterprise develop-ment approach has not delivered. De-spite huge investments in income gen-eration and micro-enterprise promotionschemes like IRDP and now the SGSY,their impact on the ground has been lim-ited. While several clusters of micro-enterprises are flourishing, the majorityof the State sponsored micro-enterpriseshave failed. As such the search for theideal package that will promote entre-preneurship amongst rural poor contin-ues, despite the unenviable track recordof most schemes launched so far.

The usefulness of investments in NRMfor the poor has also been limited due tothe vagaries of weather, or due to lowaccess of the poor to natural capital, ordue to bad targeting of projects. TheAajeevika study also shows that the shareof land based livelihoods has been de-clining in the rural livelihoods portfolios,and more so for the rural poor. However,investments in land based activities canstill benefit the poor indirectly throughadditional food security in the long run,and via wage labor availability in theshort and medium term.

Over the past decade or so, the contri-bution of migration to livelihoods of therural poor has also been highly signifi-cant in certain parts of the State, whichpoints to the need for projecting migra-tion as a sub-sector that needs immedi-ate attention and follow-up.

This also raises questions regarding theusefulness of heavy investments onNRM, which do not yield returns overthe short run (as it depends on rainfall,pressure of human population on re-sources and a host of other factors). In


Villages are far moreintegrated with thewider economy thanever before, a factwhich has directimplications forapproaches to povertyalleviation


the recent past such investments in cer-tain resource deficit areas of the State,proved insufficient for meeting subsis-tence requirements of the poor in theshort run. The subsequent income gapwas met with earnings from migrationand from other employment generationprogrammes of the government (includ-ing drought relief work). However ulti-mately there can be no gainsaying thefact that investment in NRM has a sig-nificant role in improving the ecologicalniches, in which people live and earntheir livelihoods.

A New Approach

The Aajeevika study suggests a new ap-proach to poverty alleviation which en-visages making the most of newly avail-able opportunities, while consolidatingthe natural resource base which is themain foundation for livelihoods of therural people. This approach strives totake care of both the short–run subsis-tence requirements of the rural poor aswell as the long-run need for improvingand maintaining the sustainability of theecological locales in which people live.

This approach recognises that the ma-jority of the rural poor enter the eco-nomic mainstream as wage workers,rather than as ‘entrepreneurs’. And itaims at helping the rural poor gain new,competitive advantages in the new eco-nomic order, instead of keeping themengaged within the rural areas and intheir poor communities, independent ofthe urban mainstream. It envisages meet-ing short-run livelihood requirements bycreating local wage labour opportunitiesand facilitating migration alongside. Formigration is largely a product of the lack

of local opportunities for gainful em-ployment, and of the dynamism of thenew economic order which opens upspace for the rural workforce to be en-gaged in the industrial metropolis.

As such this new approach seeks to pro-mote linkages of the rural poor with thewider economy, and it strives to achieveimproved food security and local em-ployment, without compromising theemergent need of looking upon wagelabour as a key resource of the poor andmaking the most of it.

The Aajeevika study also showed thatthere remains a very poor section in ru-ral areas, which is not able to access wagelabour opportunities away from home.The specific needs of this category ofthe poor must also be addressed via lo-cal wage labour generation and appro-priate social security schemes which canbe accessed by them.

The new approach also stresses the needfor continued investment in rural natu-ral resources infrastructure which remainsimportant even for the small and mar-ginal farm families, for whom migrationis mostly involuntary in nature. This callsfor targeted investments in NRM, whichare clearly directed towards improvinghousehold food security and diversifica-tion, rather than being subsumed in apackage of overall and generalised NRM,as was the case earlier.

In particular the Aajeevika study suggeststhree main strands of future action :

It stresses that wage labour, migrationand urbanization be rendered into apositive opportunity for thoseamongst the rural poor who have fewother options.

Investment in NRM hasa significant role inimproving theecological niches, inwhich people live andearn their livelihoods

43

It highlights the need for ensuringa minimum livelihood support forall those who are unable to migrateowing to poor capabilit ies andendowments.

It stresses the need for targeted andcritical investments in natural resourcemanagement for improving food se-curity and agriculture diversificationamong the rural poor.



Improving Rural Livelihoods : Lessons and KeyInterventions

Improving Rural Livelihoods : Lessons and KeyInterventions

SECTION V

In this section the lessons and best prac-tices from the analysis of the livelihoodsituation across the regions and commu-nities are identified. Within this broadoverall framework, two sets of specificrecommendations are formulated, in-volving suggestions for enhancing rurallivelihoods in general and for improvingthe livelihoods of the rural poor, in par-ticular. Each set of recommendations isdiscussed below and thereafter concretesuggestions are made for operationa-lising a few key interventions.

5.1 Lessons and Best Practices

Several lessons can be drawn from theanalysis of livelihood strategies carriedout above. Attention is drawn to a fewsuch important lessons, taking each onein turn.

First, it appears that a Non Farm Sector(NFS) led strategy is now increasingly moreeffective for poverty alleviation in some areasas compared to a Natural Resource Manage-ment (NRM) led strategy.

The distribution of natural capital (pri-marily land and water) is highly skewed.As such, attempts at strengthening theproductivity of natural resources tend todisproportionately benefit those sectionswhich exercise greater control over theseresources. Where there is fairly equitableaccess to natural resources or, wherepeople depend substantially on common

property resources, a NRM led approach,supported by other interventions, wouldbe quite useful for the poor.

Of the four regions covered by theAajeevika survey two, viz., the Canal Irri-gated areas and the Semi-Arid zone wereeconomically more vibrant than the oth-ers. However of these two regions, theSemi-Arid zone is more vibrant and haslower poverty and inequality, as is appar-ent from a comparison of indicators ofmaterial well-being for the two blocks inthese areas (Table 17, p.70).

The relatively high incidence of povertyin the Canal irrigated areas, despite thelarge irrigation coverage and well devel-oped agriculture in the area can be un-derstood as follows. Development in theCanal Irrigated East (Taleda block inChambal command area) has been pri-marily agriculture led. The diversifica-tion observed in the region has also beenagriculture led, consisting primarily ofagro-processing industries and supply ofagro-inputs.

Even though the poor benefit mainlyfrom wage labor generation, experienceshows that wages in agriculture remain de-pressed even in areas experiencing widespreadagricultural intensification. This occurs be-cause rural wage labor can be highlymobile. During peak demand periods,there is extensive in-migration of laborfrom other, economically depressed

Experience shows thatwages in agricultureremain depressed evenin areas experiencingwidespreadagriculturalintensification

45

areas, which tends to keep wages loweven in peak seasons. This is seen inmost agriculturally developed areas. Forinstance, the Chambal command areasexperience in-migration of labor fromBihar during rice sowing and trans-planting season.

By contrast, the engines of growth inthe Semi-Arid zone (Dudu block) aremore diverse. The difference becomesimmediately apparent from a compari-son of workforce engaged in agricul-ture and related activities, which is ashigh as seventy-eight percent for thecanal irrigated areas and only forty-seven percent in the semi arid zone.While agricultural intensification hasalso occurred in the Semi-Arid zone, asignificant proportion of household in-comes (over half) in the area is derivedfrom non-farm sources.

This suggests that in some areas a NFSled strategy may be more effective inreducing poverty than one which reliesmore on natural resource management.

Second, animal husbandry appears to becritical to livelihood profiles in ruralRajasthan, serving the crucial function ofdrought proofing in case of monsoon fail-ure. The significance of animal hus-bandry seems to be true across agro-cli-matic zones in Rajasthan, as borne outby the relative importance of this activ-ity both in terms of the occupationalclassification of the work force, as wellas the analysis of household incomes.

However the importance of animal husbandryis tempered by the fact that the rich benefit morefrom this activity than the poor. Nevertheless,this may be a viable means for povertyalleviation in the Tribal South and the

Canal Irrigated East, with the former areaoffering high potential for goat rearing ona small scale, and the latter having greaterpotential for milch cattle.

Third, an important lesson drawn fromAajeevika survey relates to migration emerg-ing as a critical livelihood strategy for the ru-ral poor, even though the poorest sectionsare not able to migrate as it involves cer-tain investments and risks.

The Aajeevika survey indicates an in-creasing incidence of migration acrossthe State, except in the canal irrigatedareas. Also the contribution of migrationto total household incomes is increasingacross rural Rajasthan. While migrationis undertaken by all segments of thepopulation, the nature of migration andmotivation to migrate differs across vari-ous segments of the population andacross regions.

The scheduled castes and tribes and those lowerdown the social order are more likely to mi-grate than others, as for them migrationseems to provide an escape from localsocial and economic oppression. In theDesert and Semi-Arid areas, migrationis mostly undertaken by the scheduledcaste and tribes population, in the Tribalareas it is almost universal, given the lackof alternative livelihoods within the lo-cal economy.

However, ultimately income patterns ofthe poorest households indicates theirinability to migrate, mainly owing to thelack of initial endowments required formigration and their inability to bear as-sociated risks.

Fourth, another important point thatemerges from the livelihood analyses is

Improving Rural Livelihoods : Lessons and Key Interventions

The scheduled castesand tribes and thoselower down the socialorder are more likely tomigrate than others, asfor them migrationseems to provide anescape from localsocial and economicoppression


that diversification can provide opportunitiesfor the poor to augment their household in-comes. Household incomes from non-farm sources were seen to be quite im-portant for the rural poor in the Semi-Arid North Central and Desert West re-gions, while it was not so in the othertwo areas.

However the options for the rural poor ap-pear to lie at the lower end of diversificationopportunities, mostly in traditional, low in-come, skill based occupations whilemore secure jobs in the formal sector(both government and private) are typi-cally accessed by the better-off sectionsof the rural population.

Finally, availability of local wage labor op-portunities play a critical role in the livelihoodsof the poor and therefore must be provided atall times. In fact, wage labor was found tobe the most important source of incomefor the poorest households, accounting for

over half of household earnings, in allareas except the Tribal South.

Wage labor is especially important forthe poorest households, as they have lowentitlements being either landless or pos-sessing extremely small plots of land.Further, non-agriculture related optionsare also not easily accessible for them,since diversification and migration, re-quires at least some capital.

5.2 Recommendations forImproving Rural Livelihoods

5.2.1 Rural Livelihoods in General

This set of recommendations is focusedat enhancing rural livelihoods in generalin the State. The key features of the vari-ous livelihood strategies are discussed,together with an enumeration of theirprincipal, ruling constraints.

The key interventions in each sector aredescribed in the table below.

Enhancing Rural Livelihoods in General : Key Interventions

Agricultureintensification

Animalhusbandry

Diversification

Tribal South

Targeted landand waterdevelopment

Promote animalhusbandrythrough breedimprovement,marketing

Semi-Arid NorthCentral

1.Groundwater pilots2.Rural energy projects

aimed at reducingthe consumption ofenergy for pumping

Promote animalhusbandry throughbreed improvement,marketing

1.Developmentaround Highway –dhabas, machinerepair

2.Agro services sector3.Agro processing

Desert West

Groundwater pilots

Interventions aimed ataddressing problemsof sheep rearers (highcost of transportation,no support in drought)

Development aroundHighway – dhabas,machine repair

Canal Irrigated East

1.Groundwater pilots2.Rural energy projects

aimed at reducingconsumption of energy inpumping

3.PIM

Promote animal husbandrythrough breedimprovement, marketing

1.Development aroundHighway – dhabas,machine repair

2.Agro services sector3.Agro processing

Availability of localwage laboropportunities play acritical role in thelivelihoods of the poorand therefore must beprovided at all times

47

Understanding Key Interventions

Agriculture Intensification : Two ofthe four regions studied (viz., the CanalIrrigated East and the Semi-Arid NorthCentral zones) exhibit the process ofagricultural intensification in full scale,while in the remaining areas there arepockets of agriculture intensification.Given the importance of this livelihoodstrategy across the State, the main fea-tures of a few emerging constraints tothe process of agricultural intensifica-tion are listed in the table below.

Constraints to Agriculture Intensification

Various interventions meant to over-come the constraints operating in agri-culture are described in brief below :

First, pilot projects promoting suitableand cost effective development of ground-water should be undertaken. Of particu-lar importance in this context is under-taking groundwater studies and makingthese available for use by farmers.

Infrastructure for this already exists withthe State groundwater department, whichis often approached by some of the moreenterprising farmers. However this needsto further become an extension depart-ment or its services should be appendedto the existing extension machinery.

Also there is need for establishing a regu-latory framework which promotes sustainableextraction of groundwater. This is clearlymore difficult than the first as it requireschanges in property regimes and a highlevel of cooperation amongst varioususer groups. Efforts have been made inthis direction but these have not bornemuch fruit. One option is to initiatesmall-scale pilots prior to adopting widearching legislation.

In the current situation, the time seemsripe for promoting pilot projects that areaimed at integrated management of irriga-tion water, both canal and groundwater.

ConstraintHigh consumption ofenergy in agriculture inpumping water

Emerging shortage ofwater as water table goesdown and water qualitydeteriorates at someplaces

Reducing water insurface irrigation projects

Land relations

Main featuresHigh energy consumption in pumping irrigation water is emerging as the main problem.The problem is compounded by the highly inefficient end use devices. This has turnedinto a vicious cycle, with power companies trying to minimize supply to agriculture sectorto cut their losses and farmers in turn being forced to resort to expensive diesel to irrigatetheir crops.

Most parts of the State are seeing rapid development of ground water for irrigation.However it is taking place in a haphazard manner. Farmers get borewells dug without anypre testing. A number of borewells fail, increasing costs incurred by farmers. Indiscriminatedigging of borewells results in interference between borewells located near each other.

Most large surface irrigation projects in Rajasthan are inter- state projects, with the catchmentarea lying in other States. However over a period of time, water flow in the reservoirs hasreduced. One reason is erection of water harvesting structures in the up stream of therivers. Both the major river projects of Rajasthan – the Chambal and IGNP – are experiencingthis problem.

Land relations are undergoing changes. While tenancy continues toflourish, the phenomenonof reverse tenancy is also emerging in certain parts.


There is need forestablishing aregulatory frameworkwhich promotessustainable extractionof groundwater


Conceptually these pilots will be similarto the watershed projects that are un-dertaken. However the focus in this casewould be on sustainable management ofwater and its regulated use. Watershedprojects have so far tended to focus onharvesting of water and recharging ofgroundwater without going into issuesof regulating extraction of groundwater.

Second, another intervention suggestedto overcome constraints in agriculturerelates to strengthening efforts at participa-tory irrigation management (PIM) of canalwater. Canal irrigated areas suffer fromproblems of inadequate funds for canalupkeep and improper regulation of irri-gation water use, leading to head areasdiverting maximum water and tail areasgoing dry or receiving inadequate water.

The Irrigation Department of the Stateof Rajasthan has embarked on an ambi-tious project of transferring managementof canals to people’s committees toovercome both these problems. WaterUsers Associations (WUAs) have beenset up all over the State and these havebeen given the rights to collect a watercess and use the revenue for the upkeepof canals.

However the transfer of powers fromthe State irrigation department toWUAs is not going to be easy. In par-ticular, two interest groups which cansabotage this process include irrigationdepartment officials who stand to loseout on lucrative contracts, and the richpeasantry which could seek to controlthe WUAs and its resources using thesefor their own personal gains. Further,there is even the possibility of thesetwo interest groups coming together

and subverting true decentralization asoften happens in case of Panchayati RajInstitutions.

Therefore the process of PIM needs tobe monitored by external agencies thatcan act as vigilantes and ensure that theinitiative is implemented in true spirit.

Finally, an intervention geared to en-hance agricultural development relatesto the role of rural energy projects aimed atagricultural demand side management. En-ergy use in irrigated agriculture is caughtin a vicious circle, for electric utilitiesare forced to supply electricity at subsi-dized rates to agriculture consumers.The utilities in turn try to minimize thesupply, thereby forcing consumers toresort to the use of very costly diesel.High inefficiency of end use devicesfurther complicates the issue.

A pilot project in this respect can seekto break this cycle for a small area, at-tempting to improve services, reducehigh distribution losses, and improveefficiency of end use devices.

Animal Husbandry : Apart from agri-culture, animal husbandry is another sig-nificant occupation and source of liveli-hood almost all over the State. The pri-mary constraint with respect to this ac-tivity relates to under-developed market-ing channels and links for the products.

Typically State dairies are unable to buyall the milk that is offered for sale andthe problem facing producers is com-pounded owing to the glut in the mar-ket. This is somewhat ironical in viewof the low consumption levels preva-lent in the State. In this scenario, itappears there may be a case for State

Water UsersAssociations (WUAs)have been set up allover the State andthese have been giventhe rights to collect awater cess and use therevenue for the upkeepof canals

49

purchase of milk for supply to schoolsvia mid-day meal schemes.

Diversification : Finally, there is amplescope for diversification in non-farm sec-tor activities all across the State, withthe possible exception of the TribalSouth where prospects are truly bleak.The main areas around which diversifi-cation is feasible are:

First, development around national highways.Rajasthan is criss-crossed by a numberof important state and national high-ways and new highways are also beingdeveloped following a number of na-tional schemes. As such there is goodscope for development of businessesalong the highways to cater to the needsof those using the highways. In this re-spect, two prominent sub-sectors are ca-tering and automobile repair. In addition,there are ancillary industries to boththese main sub-sectoral enterpriseswhich would develop alongside.

Second, a promising area for diversifi-cation is agro services, catering to the needfor a wide range of services and inputsrequired in the agricultural sector, rang-ing from electric motor repair to deepboring machines. In fact in all areaswhere agricultural intensification ispresent, there is a vibrant agro servicessector and these are often the first shopsto come up in smaller towns, after dailyprovision stores.

Finally, agro processing, involving pro-cessing of agricultural produce is an-other significant area for diversifica-tion, especially in areas that are agri-culturally vibrant.

5.2.2 Livelihoods of theRural Poor

The recommendations for enhancinglivelihoods of rural poor across differ-ent regions of the State are given in thetable below.

Recommendations for Enhancing Livelihoods of the Rural Poor

Strategies

NRM based

AnimalHusbandry

Wage labor

Diversification

Migration

Tribal South

Promote land andwater regenerationactivities

Promote goatrearing

Government laborgeneration schemes

–

Resource center formigrant workers

Semi-Arid NorthCentral

–

–


Promote diversificationthrough microcreditand training


Desert West

Rainfed farmingdevelopment

–


Promote diversificationthrough micro creditand training


Canal IrrigatedEast

Land distribution ifpossible

Promote milk -animal basedlivestockdevelopmentthrough easy credit


–


In all areas whereagriculturalintensification ispresent, there is avibrant agro servicessector

–


Understanding Key Interventions

Agriculture : In view of the universallandholding patterns, and the significantcontribution of agriculture to house-holds of the poorest sections (who areunable to migrate), there continues tobe logic for sponsoring land and waterregeneration programmes, especially inthe Tribal South. These will serve thefunction of stabilizing agriculture by im-proving water availability and enhanc-ing food security.

Land distribution strategies assume greaterimportance in the Irrigated areas. For eventhough availability of land in the area islimited, redistribution may make for aviable livelihood option for the poor, asin these areas, even small holdings werefound to be viable.

Animal Husbandry : Promoting goat rear-ing in the Tribal South appears importantas a supplementary source of income,especially for the poorest sections thatare unable to migrate. This activity maybe promoted by providing easy accessto credit and breed improvement pro-grams, as well as by setting up improvedmarketing linkages.

Promoting milch animal based livestock devel-opment in irrigated areas should be anotherimportant concern given that these ar-eas have a significant population of thelandless. For animal husbandry is a vi-able means of livelihood even for thelandless in these areas. In particular, easyaccess to credit should be ensured forpurchase of animals and support serviceslike good veterinary care and insuranceshould be provided.

Wage Labour Generation : Governmentlabor generation schemes must be promoted in

all areas as generation of wage labor is acritical component of the poverty alle-viation schemes. These schemes mustbe continued and even guaranteed, asprovision of wage labor locally is oneof the first best ways of providing foodsecurity and income stability.

Diversification : There is need to pro-mote diversification in the Desert West andSemi-Arid North Central regions. Theseareas have fairly good potential for non-farm sector development. Micro enter-prises in these areas may be promoted,given appropriate training opportunitiesfor skill formation and adequate provi-sion of credit facilities.

Migration : Resource centers must be pro-vided for facilitating migrant workers acrossthe Tribal South, Desert West, and the Semi-Arid North Central regions. These centersshould be set up in areas with a high in-cidence of migration and they shouldundertake a series of tasks aimed at in-creasing returns from migration and al-leviating the harsh working conditionsfaced by migrants.

A few of their activities could include :Market scan for wage labor and iden-tifying niches (both urban and rural)where rural labor may be utilizedTraining and human capacity en-hancement for absorption of rural la-bor into these identified nichesProviding support services at thepoint of employment (i.e. in the cit-ies or rural areas where migrants getemployed)Initiation of social security schemesfor migrant workersIntroduction of services aimed atmeeting the specific needs of migrant

Animal husbandry is aviable means oflivelihood even for thelandless, easy access tocredit should beensured for purchaseof animals and supportservices like goodveterinary care andinsurance should beprovided

51

workers like communication, moneycourier etc.Advocacy and public awareness cam-paigns aimed at enhancing awarenessof the general public towards specificprograms run by the centers

5.3 Operationalising KeyInterventions

This section identifies concrete actionareas for five of the key recommenda-tions outlined above. Of these, recom-mendations relating to groundwater andrural energy pilots affect the farmingcommunity in general and large farmersin particular, whereas natural resourcemanagement, animal husbandry andmeasures for facilitating migration tar-get the rural poor.

Two interventions suggested, viz., natu-ral resource management and animalhusbandry are fairly common and tradi-tional and are discussed only briefly. Thenovelty with respect to these lies in theidentification of specific areas and tar-get groups. The other recommendationsare new and have not really been testedor implemented before. These are dis-cussed in greater detail.

The basic framework for describing theserecommendations involves the definingthe underlying concepts and rationale,specifying the action agenda and identi-fying the institutional mechanisms re-quired for carrying out this agenda.

5.3.1 Targeting Rural Livelihoods inGeneral

This section focuses on recommenda-tions for groundwater pilots and ruralenergy pilots that would benefit thefarming community in general and large

farmers in particular. The logic for thesemeasures derives from rural growth theo-ries which suggest that growth in the ag-ricultural sector will ultimately lead tobetter agricultural wages for the rural poor.

Groundwater Pilots

There is urgent need for the adoption ofgroundwater pilots in areas wheregroundwater has reached a critical stage(meaning that extraction is eighty-fivepercent or more of the recharge). Largeparts of Rajasthan are suffering fromserious problems of depleting watertables. Of the areas studied, the prob-lem has acquired serious proportions intwo of them, viz., the Semi-Arid NorthCentral and Canal Irrigated East regions.However the blocks declared critical arespread across the State.

Rationale: Surface water resources inRajasthan are limited with only few pe-rennial rivers. As such, groundwater isthe chief source of both irrigation anddrinking water in the State and the lastfew decades have seen rapid expansionof area under irrigation by groundwater.This has led to depleting water tableswith the result that more than a fourthof the total number of blocks in theState had been declared critical or over-exploited by June 2000. By now this fig-ure would only have increased.

The intensive exploitation of groundwa-ter has resulted in serious problems.Given the over-exploitation of this re-source, open well irrigation has becomeextinct in many parts where it used tobe the norm and the water table hasreached a depth of five to six hundredfeet in some parts of the State. In addi-tion, a falling groundwater table has led


Large parts ofRajasthan are sufferingfrom serious problemsof depleting watertables


to serious problems in the quality of thegroundwater extracted. In particular, sa-linity and fluorosis are the two main problems.The population in large parts of the Stateis suffering from fluorosis, and the Gov-ernment has been forced to undertakelarge scale drinking water supplyschemes to address the problem.

Main Constraints : Given the currentsituation in the State, a major challengeis to put in operation a range of correc-tive mechanisms, broadly involving atransition from resource development toresource management. In fact this shiftfrom management to development has beentalked about for quite some time now andis the subject of numerous academic ar-ticles. However, there has been little ac-tion at the ground level. The reason forthis is that the issue is very complex andinvolves changes in the existing propertyregime, which are not easy to bring about.

In particular, the main constraints thathave prevented any action are :

Lack of Regulation : Despite quite a his-tory of efforts19, there has been almostno progress on this score. In Rajasthan,a draft Groundwater Act has been incirculation for some time for discussionamongst various stake-holders, butthere has been no further progress.Lack of Cooperation : The number offarmers in India is very large (as com-pared to other places in the worldwhere such efforts have made greaterheadway) and there is a great deal ofpetty rivalry amongst farmers that pre-vent cooperative action.

Government policies: Governmentpolicies have encouraged exploitationrather than sustainability. In particu-lar, groundwater departments kept an-nouncing a large potential, based onan overall assessment till very lately20.Further, the power tariff policy en-courages extraction of groundwater atvery cheap rates.Political hostility: The major stake-holder class, the rich peasantry, per-ceives regulation as a threat and asan attempt to nationalize a private re-source. It therefore opposes any at-tempts at regulation. Compoundingthe problem is the fact that this classis also politically powerful.

However there are also positive develop-ments. For instance, the increasing criti-cality and scarcity of water makes someregulation imperative, with the Statedeclaring a Water Policy that establishesprimacy of urban drinking water sup-plies over irrigation. Further, now thatthe impending groundwater crisis is be-ing experienced by all classes, farmersare also beginning to get affected by it.So there may be a new willingness bythe farming community to examine vari-ous available options.

Action Agenda : This entails at leastfour important steps:

Information Systems and ResourcePlanning : There is only a limited ornon-existent information base ongroundwater availability, quality,withdrawal and other variables in aformat useful for resource planning.

19 The first groundwater model bill was circulated by the Central Ministry for Agriculture in 1970.20 A flaw in the optimistic assessments made by the Groundwater Department is that these are based on the

assumption that seventy percent of irrigation draft becomes available for reuse and joins groundwater asrecharge. However researchers have contested this assumption, saying that this is an overestimate.

A major challenge is toput in operation arange of correctivemechanisms, broadlyinvolving a transitionfrom resourcedevelopment toresource management

53

The first step to managing the re-source is to understand it throughappropriate systems for groundwatermonitoring on a regular basis, and in-corporate the monitoring data in plan-ning the use of the resource. The nextstep is to undertake systematic andscientific research on the occurrence,use and ways of augmenting and man-aging the resource.Demand-Side Management : The sec-ond step is to put in place an effec-tive system for regulating the with-drawals to sustainable levels, wheresuch a system may include, register-ing of users through a permit or li-cense system; creating appropriatelaws and regulatory mechanisms andpricing system that aligns incentivesfor groundwater use with the goal ofsustainability; and promoting “preci-sion” irrigation and water-saving cropproduction technologies and ap-proaches.Supply-Side Management: The thirdaspect of managing groundwater isaugmenting groundwater rechargethrough mass-based rainwater-har-vesting and groundwater-rechargeprograms and activities; maximizingsurface water use for recharge; andimproving incentives for water con-servation and artificial recharge.Groundwater Management in theRiver Basin Context: Groundwaterresources need to be planned and man-aged for maximum basin-level effi-ciency. As such, there is need for iden-tifying a groundwater district, similarto a watershed, where the planned in-terventions can be tested out.

Stakeholders: A diverse set of actorsare involved in groundwater manage-ment and any groundwater initiative willneed support from a diverse range ofstakeholders, including:

Owners of Agriculture Tube Wells:These normally comprise large landholders from the dominant peasantcastes of the State namely, Jats,Rajputs, Bishnois, Gujars, Dangi Patels,and others.Drinking Water Users’ Representa-tives: As groundwater is also used asdrinking water, whoever managesdrinking water will also be a stake-holder. This could be a governmentdepartment like the PHED or the lo-cal panchayats or municipal bodies. Infact the general public also becomesa stake-holder as everybody needsdrinking water.Technical Departments MonitoringGroundwater: There are technical de-partments for monitoring groundwa-ter levels, e.g. the Central Groundwa-ter Board (CGWB), which is the nodalauthority and also the State Ground-water Department (SGWD). By vir-tue of their mandate, these depart-ments also become important stake-holders in any groundwater initiative.Agriculture Development Organi-sations: As groundwater is the mainsource of irrigation, organisations con-cerned with the agriculture depart-ment, such as NABARD also becomestakeholders. In fact the classificationof groundwater zones into critical,semi critical, and safe is a NABARDled initiative.


Groundwaterresources need to beplanned and managedfor maximum basin-level efficiency


Research Organisations: Researchorganisations, like the IWMI that havewater as their mandate, can also bestakeholders. Even general rural de-velopment organisations can be in-volved in groundwater projects in viewof its critical importance.

The most critical of all the stakeholders arethe tube well owners. They are the primaryusers, yet mobilising them is the mostdifficult as they have to be convincedand organised first. In fact, so far thefarmers’ lobby has actively scuttled allefforts at regulation and management ofgroundwater, sensing a threat to theirinterests. So the immediate task for anynew initiative is to undertake an educa-

tion campaign to disseminate informa-tion about the gravity of the situationand to convince this class of the neces-sity of such an initiative.

Education and awareness campaignsshould be followed by the formation of afarmers’ organisation representing the vari-ous communities and sections. Further,in view of the lack of accurate, reliable,and usable information on the ground-water situation, it is imperative to gatheraccurate information on the current situ-ation and monitor changes.

In this context, the emerging tasks androles for a Promoter Agency are sum-marised below, along with a list of po-tential collaborating agencies.

SlNo.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

89

10

Task

Information Systems and Resource Planning

Registering of users through a permit orlicense systemCreating appropriate laws and regulatorymechanismsA system of pricing that aligns the incentivesfor groundwater use with the goal ofsustainabilityPromoting conjunctive use

Promoting “precision” irrigation and water-saving crop production technologies andapproachesMass-based rainwater-harvesting andgroundwater-recharge programs andactivitiesMaximizing surface water use for rechargeImproving incentives for water conservationand artificial rechargeGroundwater Management in the RiverBasin Context

Role to be Performed by thePromoter Agency (PA)

PA can set up a research wingthat will undertake datacollection and analysis.Education and disseminationPA promotes a Farmers’Organisation (FO)Advocacy

Advocacy

AdvocacyPilot implementation esp. incontext of local canal systemEducation and dissemination

Pilot demonstration

Pilot demonstrationAdvocacy

Other CollaboratingInstitutions

SGWDCGWBResearch institutions likeIWMIFOSGWDIn collaboration with otheragenciesAs above

FO

Agriculture extensionManufacturers of microirrigation equipment

In collaboration with otheragencies

So far the farmers’lobby has activelyscuttled all efforts atregulation andmanagement ofgroundwater, sensing athreat to their interests

Emerging Tasks and Roles for the Promoter Agency (PA)

55

Rural Energy Projects

This set of recommendations underscoresthe need for undertaking rural energyprojects aimed at reducing losses from dis-tribution and improving the quantity andquality of electricity supply.

Rationale : Groundwater is the mainsource of irrigation in Rajasthan, ac-counting for seventy percent of the to-tal area irrigated. Given that groundwa-ter needs pumping from depth, it ex-plains why energy requirements of suchagriculture are high.

There are two alternatives before farm-ers, diesel and electricity. Electricityworks out several times cheaper thandiesel, but provision of electricity foragriculture is a major political issueacross the country. In Bundi for example,in the absence of electricity connectionsfor irrigation, farmers are forced to usediesel to run generators, which is manytimes costlier than electricity.

During the green revolution the govern-ment promoted the use of electricity bysubsidizing both the capital and runningcosts, but this is no more the case. Subsi-dies for capital costs (erection of polesfor transmission lines) have been gradu-ally phased out, while tariff subsidies re-main a bone of contention between elec-tricity distribution utilities and farmers.

With the new phase of reform under-way in the power sector, there is im-mense pressure on distribution utilitiesto increase tariffs. While distributionutilities have not been able to phase outagriculture tariff subsidies, they haveresponded by curtailing supplies to thesector, which has given gives rise tonew tensions between the farmers and

electricity utilities. Further, with theslow pace of release of new connec-tions, there are often there are longwaiting lists.

The rationale underlying this recommen-dation must be viewed in proper per-spective. There are huge distributionlosses in supply of electricity (with lossesexceeding fifty percent in many rural ar-eas), due to both technical and commer-cial (primarily theft) reasons. An oft-cited reason for theft is the existence oflong waiting lists is farmers waiting forelectricity connections simply tap thesupply from the mains.

Therefore a vicious cycle operates, ow-ing to which the losses keep mountingand both quantity and quality of elec-tricity supply to farmers also keeps re-ducing. In this situation the farmer isthe ultimate loser, while vested interestgroups among both electricity utilityemployees and farmers’ representativesderive benefits from this state of affairs.

In this scenario there is considerablepotential for rural energy projects totackle the many aspects of this problem.In particular, the projects should strivefor reduction of distribution losses bychecking theft (both by farmers and util-ity employees); initiation of more ratio-nal policies and release of new connec-tions; and improvements in terms ofboth the quality and quantity of elec-tricity supplied.

Action agenda : The modus operandifor achieving the above objectives willinvolve

Formation of consumers’ committeesthat will take up village level manage-ment functions.


Rural energy projectsshould strive forreduction ofdistribution losses bychecking theft,initiation of morerational policies andrelease of newconnections; andimprovements in termsof both the quality andquantity of electricitysupplied


Transfer of the basic operating unitof distribution utility to a new entitywhich will have representation of allthe stake-holders.Detailed study and development of asystem which will set up a base lineand draw up proposals for technicalrehabilitation of the system.Undertaking agricultural demand sidemanagement measures aimed at im-proving efficiency of end use devices.

Stakeholders : The institutional mecha-nism for implementing the project willrequire cooperation across a range ofstake-holders, including

Farmers who have electricity connec-tion or who are potential consumers.In this respect larger farmers who arebigger consumers will be bigger stake-holders.The Electricity Distribution Utilitity:These will be primary stakeholders asthey are responsible for supply ofelectricity.Employees of Distribution Utilities.Development Research Agencies.

This project does not require replace-ment of existing utilities, rather it seeksimprovement in its functioning and in-volvement of the consumers and em-ployees of the utility. It could beoperationalised through a managementtakeover of the local unit of the utilityby an external intervention team.

Two sets of new organizational mechanismsare envisaged to carry out the proposals:

First, a management change team,comprising professionals across a rangeof needed specialisations, includingtechnical (power distribution), finance,

social mobilisation and organizationalchange, with a team leader headingthe operations.

Second, a stake-holders’ association,comprising all the stakeholders, thatwill act as a governing council for theproject. It would co-ordinate variousstake-holders and exercise overall su-pervision of the project and its rolewould primarily be advisory. The imple-menting unit would be a basic operat-ing unit of electricity distribution, adistribution sub- division.

5.3.2 Targeting the Rural Poor

Some of the key strategies for address-ing the problem of rural poverty alle-viation are described below.

Natural Resource Management(NRM) Based Strategy

A NRM based strategy should especiallytarget the rural poor. The Aajeevika studyhas identified two areas, viz., the TribalSouth and the Canal Irrigated East ashaving some potential for NRM basedinterventions. The areas and the inter-ventions that are feasible are as follows:

Tribal South : Land and water regenera-tion programmes aimed at building foodsecurity are recommended as a goodstrategy for mitigating poverty in thisarea. Land holding is almost universalin the region and even though there isextensive migration, a very poor sectionof the population remains primarily de-pendent upon land for their livelihoods.

In these areas agriculture would alwaysneed to be supplemented with othersources of income as land holding sizesare very small. Nevertheless, increasing

Land and waterregenerationprogrammes aimed atbuilding food securityare recommended as agood strategy formitigating poverty inthe Tribal South

57

productivity of land would enhancefood security and make it possible forpoor households to take up other liveli-hood options. In this context, the chiefintervention required in the Tribal Southis targeted land and water regeneration,rather than generalised watershed devel-opment. These would include soil andwater conservation measures, water har-vesting and micro irrigation and intro-duction of suitable crop technology forenhancing productivity.

Usually a major concern with large landbased programs is that typically, maxi-mum benefits are cornered by relativelybetter off sections which own moreland. However, this is less of an issuein the Tribal areas where there is littlesocial stratification and land holdings arefairly even.

Canal Irrigated East : Redistribution ofland to the landless may hold the key topoverty alleviation in this area. Distri-bution of surplus revenue land to thelandless has been a long-standing policyobjective of the government, eventhough the past decade has seen littlesuch distribution in practice. Oneground on which this policy has beencritiqued is that it creates a class of smallland holdings which are not viable. How-ever this argument may not apply to theCanal Irrigated Areas where even smallholdings are viable, given the availabil-ity of cheap irrigation water.

The main issue that arises in this con-text is whether or not surplus land is avail-able for distribution, as it appears that allcultivable surplus revenue lands havealready been distributed. Howeverthere remains another class of common

lands, which may be used for distribu-tion to the landless, viz., the pasturelands, classified as charnoi in revenuerecords. These lands are owned by thevillage panchayat and it is possible toaccess these for redistribution whereverthey are available. In fact this has beendone in Madhya Pradesh where theState government undertook a largescale land distribution program recently.In fact there is a government regulationthat allows for conversion of all pas-ture lands into cultivated land, once anarea comes under the command area ofa canal irrigation scheme.

Yet another source of land can be cre-ated with the government acquiring good farm-land for the purpose of redistribution to therural poor. In almost all rural areas therichest sections among the farmers arenormally the first to get access to orga-nized sector jobs. These farmers thengive out their land on lease to others. Thiscategory of farmers has been increasingover the recent past. As such, the gov-ernment can frame a policy for acquir-ing such land by purchasing it at marketrates and then redistributing these to thepoor and landless rural families.

Distribution of land involves a whole rangeof policy measures. For one, it needs policyadvocacy at the highest level for deci-sions need to be taken at the top andthere should be sufficient politicalbacking to make redistribution mean-ingful, as was the case in MadhyaPradesh. Besides, the distribution willhave to be monitored at the village levelto ensure that the beneficiaries are ac-tually able to maintain possession in thelonger run.


Distribution of surplusrevenue land to thelandless has been along-standing policyobjective of thegovernment


Animal Husbandry

A second set of key interventions relatesto promoting animal husbandry for ru-ral poverty alleviation. Large scale, com-mercial animal husbandry is generallybeyond the scope of the rural poor sincethis activity is land based, so that onlythe larger land owners are able to rearlarge stocks of animals.

The Aajeevika survey has identifiedniches in two of the areas studied (viz.the Tribal South and the Canal Irrigatedareas) where animal husbandry could bea means for alleviating rural poverty :

Milch animal based livestock devel-opment in Irrigated AreasDeveloping livelihoods in goat rear-ing in South Rajasthan.

Extensive irrigation in the Canal areashas led to easy availability of fodder, infact dry fodder is practically free, whilegreen fodder is also available cheaply,which makes it possible for even land-less households to rear large animals andsell milk to augment household incomes.

In contrast, in the hilly terrain of SouthRajasthan where only a small part of thetotal land is cultivated, it is feasible forvery poor households to only rear smallnumbers of goats, which is reflected inthe wide incidence of goat ownership inthe tribal areas.

An animal husbandry project seeking toincrease incomes of the very poor peoplemust have three essential components :

Credit for financing purchase of animals.Technical back-up in the form oftraining for improved animal hus-bandry practices, access to insuranceand adequate veterinary services.

Marketing support for ensuring agood price for the products.

Animal husbandry projects are not newand in fact this was the major activityfinanced under IRDP. This study doesnot dwell further on operation-alisingthis set of recommendations.

Facilitating Migration

The final set of recommendations foraddressing the specific problems of live-lihoods for the rural poor relates to thedevelopment of a resource center formigrant workers and wage labourersacross rural Rajasthan.

The objective of the resource centerwould be to help render migration andwage labour into a positive opportunityby undertaking a range of activitiesaimed at reducing the hardships facedby migrant laborers and maximizing theirearnings. For all practical purposes thecenter would function like a rural em-ployment exchange, matching workersagainst requirements and also serve asa node for building capacities and skills.Existing employment exchanges cater tothe urban middle classes and primarilywhite-collar jobs, while this rural ex-change would cater specifically to therequirements of manual workers.

Rationale : Nearly all rural migrantworkers manage to find work only in theunorganized sector, whereas entry intoorganized sector jobs leads to perma-nent migration along with the family. Fora long time academicians, social activ-ists, and development workers have re-alized that growth in off farm employ-ment is almost exclusively in the unor-ganized sector, while employment in theorganised sector has actually been

Large scale,commercial animalhusbandry is generallybeyond the scope ofthe rural poor since thisactivity is land based,so that only the largerland owners are able torear large stocks ofanimals

59

shrinking. Many argue that this phenom-enon can be traced to the nature of capi-talist growth in the country.

In this scenario there have been a num-ber of efforts to improve the lot of thoseemployed in the unorganized sector, in-cluding introduction of a separate actfor migrant workers; an act for construc-tion workers; and a social security actfor workers in the unorganized sector(under draft).

In this context the main difference be-tween the proposed initiative and pastefforts lies in the underlying approach.Past efforts have focused on regulationin favor of unorganized sector workers,but the progress of legislation has beentardy and the acts often remainunimplemented due to lack of politicalwill. By contrast the proposed initiativeis primarily market led, even as it recog-nizes the importance of legislation andthe role of advocacy for making work-ing conditions for migrant labour con-genial and comfortable.

Action agenda : This must focus on thefollowing key areas:

Market Scan: There is need for creat-ing awareness regarding the specificnature of labour requirements in des-tination locations (e.g. Gujarat, forSouth Rajasthan). For this, institu-tional linkages with associations ofemployers like industrialists, traders,shopkeepers, and farmers must be es-tablished; studies and research under-taken into the nature of labor require-ments in various sectors; and the skillprofile of workers must be evaluatedto identify exactly where there is ashortage in supply.

Labor Force Mobilization: The re-source center would have to set upregistration systems keeping track oflabor and their requirements, with con-tacts being maintained at both sourceareas and at destination work places.This task requires establishing an ini-tial communication phase followed byactivities undertaken to win the con-fidence of the workers.

Human Capacity Enhancement: La-bor would be also have to be trainedin emerging skills, with the marketscan ascertaining the nature of nec-essary skills and with appropriate in-puts from various training instituteslike ITIs and Shramik Kendras for de-signing training and upgradationprograms.

Stakeholders : In this case the relevantstakeholders are

The Migrant Workers who are the big-gest stake-holders, but do not form anorganized body. However communityassociations in their villages of origincan provide some representation,while participation can also be securedat individual levels.Private Sector Organisations, includingemployers and key agents in the busi-ness and trade networks in the desti-nation areas.NGOs active in both areas of origin anddestination of the migrant workers.Research Institutes, especially thoseinterested in the issues of labor, de-velopment, and poverty, such as theV.V. Giri National Labor Institute(NOIDA, Uttar Pradesh) and theGandhi Labor Institute (Ahmedabad).


There have been anumber of efforts toimprove the lot ofthose employed in theunorganized sector,including introductionof a separate act formigrant workers; an actfor constructionworkers; and a socialsecurity act for workersin the unorganizedsector


Government Agencies, especially thoseconcerned with poverty alleviation,such as the BDO office, Zila Parishadand so on.

In terms of organisational arrangement, theresource center will need to be a dy-namic, action research type entity, un-dertaking new studies and data collec-tion in completely uncharted areas andat the same time implementing pilotsthat actually benefit the target client,viz., the migrant workers.

Three separate sets of skills would berequired, keeping in mind the three keytasks envisaged above, in terms of mar-ket scan, worker mobilization, and hu-man resource development. Further, thescope of the initiative calls for at least acertain scale of operations, mainly be-cause activities such as market scan must

be conducted at a significantly largescale. For instance, if the focus is onGujarat and other existing and emerg-ing destinations, a pilot needs to be triedout at least at block level.

In the final analysis it should be notedthat this initiative is a novel one andthere is no existing government depart-ment directly compatible with the rolesproposed for the resource center. It ap-pears that the institutional anchoringwould be best vested in an autonomousagency that is capable of performing in-novative roles. This could be a localorganisation, or a State level agency withcompetence in livelihood developmentlike ARAVALI. Government participa-tion would also be desirable as it wouldlend legitimacy and facilitate inter-statework co-ordination.

Institutional anchoringwould be best vestedin an autonomousagency that is capableof performinginnovative roles

61

ConclusionConclusion

SECTION VI

The Aajeevika study was undertaken asa follow up study to the Human Devel-opment Report, Rajasthan. It was meantto analyse the current situation regard-ing rural livelihoods in the State and inthe light of the analysis, recommend aset of strategies for livelihood promo-tion, especially targeting the rural poor.The main insights from the study in thisregard can be summarised as follows.

The issue of livelihood generation forthe rural poor must be viewed in properperspective. The poorest sections in ru-ral areas lack access to the most basiclivelihood resources in terms of physi-cal, human and social capitals. As suchthe most appropriate strategy targetingthese sections should involve wagelabour generation, via government em-ployment generation schemes and viageneral land and water regenerationprogrammes that would serve the dualtask of creating demand for wage labourand contributing to agricultural devel-opment in the region.

Another important strategy targetingthe rural poor involves helping them gainaccess to productive livelihood strate-gies beyond the boundaries of the localvillage economy. In fact this should beseen as part of a broader strategy thatenvisages greater integration of thehitherto isolated village economy, withthe wider, more dynamic growth oppor-tunities evolving elsewhere in the

metropolis. In this context, the specificmeasure recommended is the establish-ment of resource centers whose mainaim would be to facilitate migration byhelping workers find viable opportuni-ties outside the village economy.

Other important recommendations tar-geting the rural poor take into accountregion-specific endowments that arelikely to impinge on the choice andsustainability of livelihoods.

For instance, animal husbandry is seenas a promising option in all areas, espe-cially because this can serve a crucialdrought proofing function in context ofthe specific agro-climatic conditionsprevalent in the State. However, whilelivestock rearing based on large animalslike cows and buffaloes is feasible in ar-eas with adequate irrigation and easyaccess to fodder (e.g., Canal Irrigatedareas); rearing small animals like sheepand goats are more suitable in areas thatare relatively water scarce (e.g., TribalSouth and Desert West).

Further, targeted rural land and watergeneration schemes are more suited forenhancing agricultural productivity andthus improving incomes and livelihoodsin areas with fairly even distribution ofland (e.g. Tribal areas). In areas where re-source distribution is more skewed (e.g.,Canal Irrigated areas), there is need forland redistribution policies for providing

An important strategytargeting the rural poorinvolves helping themgain access toproductive livelihoodstrategies beyond theboundaries of the localvillage economy


the poor with access to more viable meansof livelihoods based on agriculture. Ob-viously garnering political will is the mostimportant challenge for making redistri-bution policies a reality.

On the other hand, in areas with rela-tively low prospects for agricultural de-velopment in the immediate future (e.g.,the Desert areas), as well as in areas inclose proximity of urban centres (e.g.,the Semi-Arid areas), there is need forstressing diversification of rural liveli-hoods, especially based on opportunitiesin the non-farm sector.

Finally, the need for pursuing policies forsustainable agricultural development inthe State is underscored. In this contextan important area of concern is the adop-tion of sustainable groundwater manage-ment, given that water is a critical re-source in Rajasthan. The broad contours

and implementable steps regarding sucha policy are outlined, where the need tospread awareness among farmers regard-ing the seriousness of this issue is par-ticularly emphasised. For ultimately,farmers are an extremely important stake-holder with their entire livelihood depen-dent on this critical resource.

In the context of overall agriculturaldevelopment in the State, the need forviable rural energy projects, with spe-cial focus on demand side management,is also emphasised.

In the ultimate analysis these measureswould mainly benefit large farmers andthose with access to land, but they alsohave tremendous potential for contrib-uting to the livelihoods of the ruralpoor, by fostering agricultural develop-ment and leading to sustainable employ-ment creation within the rural economy.

Need for pursuingpolicies for sustainableagriculturaldevelopment in theState is underscored

63

Technical NotesTechnical NotesOn the Comparability of Aajeevika Survey Results and

Census Figures

To examine how rural livelihoods arechanging, results of the Aajeevika sur-vey valid for 2002 are compared withCensus figures for 1991. However thereare two methodological problems in thiscomparison. First, the Census typicallyunder-enumerates work participation byfemales. Second, the categories of oc-cupations defined in the Aajeevika studyin the Census.

The first of these limitations has beenovercome by comparing male Work Par-ticipation Rate (WPR) figures, as theseare likely to be more realistic in the cen-sus enumeration. Table 1A below com-pares WPRs for males and females forthe study blocks.

On the second count, certain re-group-ing of classifications has been carried outfor realistic comparisons. For instance,migration is not a recognised category inthe National Industrial Classification(NIC) followed by Census. Yet the house-hold survey, personal interviews and case

studies conducted during the Aajeevikafield work confirm that migration hasbeen increasing over the decade, espe-cially in the tribal areas of SouthRajasthan. It appears that in fact theCensus may not be able to accurately cap-ture the occupational status of workersundertaking migration. For instance, inthe 2001 Census, the proportion ofworkforce engaged in cultivation inDhariawad is as high as seventy-sevenpercent, which is at variance with theAajeevika household survey figures offorty-five percent (Table 2). The reasonfor this discrepancy can be explained asfollows. With landlessness being low intribal areas, migrant workers often comeback during peak agriculture seasons likeat the time of sowing, when there is astrong likelihood of their being recordedas cultivators in the Census operation.This serves to explain the inflated shareof workers in cultivation in the Censusas compared to the Aajeevika study results.

Table 1A : Comparison of Work Participation Rate Figures

(Census and Aajeevika Survey)

Work Participation RatesDhariawad Dudu Pokhran Bundi

Census 2001 Male 53.4 48.4 51.5 53.6

Female 48.1 37.8 39.7 41.7

Aajeevika Male 72.5 50.4 44.6 49.9

Female 76.0 50.9 35.9 47.3

Source: Aajeevika household survey and Provisional results of 2001 Census

Source of Estimates


Statistical AnnexuresStatistical Annexures

Table 1 : Occupational Classification of Workforce across Regions

(proportion of workforce)

Tribal South Semi-Arid North Central Desert West Canal Irrigated East

Agriculture and Allied Sectors

Cultivators 64.9 45.1 75.9 61.3

Animal Husbandry 6.3 12.8 9.2 7.5

Agriculture Labor 0.3 7.2 4.0 18.9

Non-Farm Sectors

Quarrying 0.0 0.4 0.6 0.0

Household Industry 0.3 8.1 1.1 0.9

Construction 0.3 0.9 0.0 0.9

Trade 0.0 0.9 1.1 1.9

Govt. job 0.8 1.7 0.0 0.5

Private job 0.3 1.3 0.0 0.9

Other Activities 1.4 8.5 2.3 5.7

Migration 25.6 13.2 5.7 1.4

Note : “Other Activities” includes a variety of miscellaneous activities in the non-farm sector.Source: Aajeevika Household Survey, 2002.

65

Table 2 : Changes in the Occupation Profile of Male Workers over the Last Decade

(proportion of workforce)

Tribal South Semi-Arid North Central Desert West Canal Irrigated East2002 1991 2002 1991 2002 1991 2002 1991

Agriculture and Allied Sectors

Cultivators 45 88 35 60 76 72 58 60

Animal Husbandry 2 1 7 7 10 4 5 3

Agriculture Labour 0 4 5 9 3 5 16 12

Non-Farm Sectors

Quarrying 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 12

HHI 1 1 10 3 1 2 2 1

Construction 1 0 2 4 0 2 2 1

Trade 0 3 2 5 0 2 4 4

Other 4 3 17 13 3 14 11 7

Migration 48 22 8 3

Note : “Other Activities” includes a variety of miscellaneous activities in the non-farm sector.Source: Aajeevika Household Survey, 2002 and DCHs of 1991 Census for respective districts.

Table 3 : Important Sources of Household Income

(proportion of total household income)


Agriculture 26.5 32.4 31.7 51.7


Wage Labour 7.7 15.1 14.6 22.6


Other Income 8.1 13.3 18.2 10.8

Migration 41.7 12.6 12.4 0.8

Source : Aajeevika Household Survey, 2002.

Table 4 : Proportion of Poor Households across Regions


Share of Poor Households 22 9 21 26

Note : The poor in this case refer to the poorest strata in the areas surveyed, with incomes less than Rs.10,000 p.a.Source : Aajeevika household survey, 2002.

Statistical Annexures


Table 5: Important Sources of Household Income for Poor Rural Households

(proportion of household income)

Tribal South Semi-Arid North Desert West Canal IrrigatedCentral East

Agriculture 31.6 15.1 18.9 6.1


Wage Labour 15.1 49.6 45.8 69.4


Other Income 14.1 14.4 13.4 3.2

Migration 12.4 0.0 5.3 0.0

Note : The poor in this case refer to the poorest strata in the areas surveyed, with incomes less than Rs.10,000 p.a.Source : Aajeevika Household Survey, 2002.

Agro-Climatic Percentage of Cultivated Land Zones under Irrigation

Tribal south 38

Semi arid north central 38

Desert west 7

Canal irrigated east 88

Source: Aajeevika household survey, 2002.

Table 7 : Incidence of Leasing and Mortgage of Land across Regions

Note: N = Number of lease and mortgage agreements recorded by the survey.Source: Aajeevika household survey, 2002.

Lease Mortgage

Taken in Given out Given out Taken in

Tribal south N 1 1 10 4

Land (in ha) 2.6 0.2 7.0 6.6

Semi Arid North Central N 20 14 7 0

Land (in ha) 88.3 35.6 15.0 0.0

Desert West N 3 1 0 0

Land (in ha) 15.6 3.0 0.0 0.0

Canal Irrigated East N 6 6 4 0

Land (in ha) 51.5 57.5 9.7 0

Table 6 : Extent of Irrigation across Regions

67Statistical Annexures

Table 10 : Land Holding Size for Different Communities

Tribal Semi-Arid North Desert West Canal Irrigated EastSouth central

SC/ST 0.9 2.2 8.9 0.2

Intermediate Castes NA 2.7 8.0 1.4

Upper Castes 0.9 5.0 15.1 2.0

Table 9 : Migration across Regions


Tribal Semi Arid North Desert WestSouth Central

%age hhs migrating 64 35 16

%age income from migration 46 25 12.4

Average land holding (ha) 0.88 3.18 10.8

Average landholding of migrant hhs (ha) 0.85 3.23 7.6

Proportion of SC/ST families migrating (%) 67 43 18

Proportion of non SC/ST families migrating (%) 50 30 15

Average income of SC /ST hhs (Rs) 14432 33810 8960

Average income of non SC/ST hhs (Rs) 16873 13004 19800

Table 8 : Share of Animal Husbandry in Household Incomes of Different Economic Classes

(proportion of total household income)


All Rural poor Absolute poor(Annual hh income (Annual hh income

<Rs. 20,000) < Rs. 10,000)

Tribal South 13.5 17.8 26.8

Semi-Arid North Central 17.8 7.3 7.0

Desert West 16.7 9.6 0.0

Canal Irrigated East 13.7 9.8 18.1


Table 11 : Distribution of Irrigated Land Among Major Communities

Table 13 : Literacy Rates across Regions


Tribal South Semi arid Desert West Canal irrigatedNorth central East

Male 43 76 58 77

Female 17 44 23 35

Total 31 60 42 57

Table 12 : Comparative Contribution of Different Sources to Household Incomes

of Different Castes


Agriculture Animal Wage HHI Other MigrationHusbandry Labor Sources

Dhariawad ST/SC 27 11 8 1 8 46

Other 26 20 8 8 8 30

Dudu SC 8.7 7.4 10.9 11.0 6.0 56.1

Intermediate 9.9 8.0 7.1 11.0 52.0 12.0

Others 35.3 15.6 5.0 4.7 27.9 11.5

Pokhran SC/ST 30.5 7.4 22.6 12.1 16.7 10.7

Moslem 30.6 23.6 21.7 1.3 16.3 6.5

Others 37.8 23.8 4.2 2.5 10.7 21.1

Bundi SC 5 10 79 0 4 1

Intermediate 62 12 18 1 6 2

Others 59 16 10 0 15 0

Tribal South Semi-Arid North Central

SC/ST 0.3 1.6

Intermediate Castes NA 1.7

Other Castes 0.6 2.7

Note : Figures for the irrigated areas and desert areas are not given. In irrigated areas, almost all land isirrigated and distribution will be the same as the previous table. In desert areas, proportion ofirrigated areas is very low. However allotments in IGNP areas have benefited SC communities.


69Statistical Annexures

Table 14 : Electricity Connections in Dhariyawad and Bundi

Note: Dhariawad data relates to 248 villages and Bundi data to 112 villages.Source: RSEB offices, Dhariyawad and Bundi, 2002.

S. No Categories Dhariawad Bundi

1. Domestic Connection 5000 10447

2. Commercial Shops 1100 1058

3. Agriculture 600 1075

4. Waterworks 23 18

5. Small Industrial Connection 160 230

6. Medium Industrial Power Connection Nil 13

7. High tension Connection Nil 3

Source: PWD offices in the blocks, 2002

Table 15 : Road Networks in Three Blocks Surveyed

Block Villages with road Metalled road Total Road Major road networksconnectivity connectivity Length

Dhariawad 343.66 kms 2 major district roads7 through road15 link roads

Pokhran 177 86 560 kms Nachna – Pokhran – FalsundPokhran – Kelawa – Devikot

Taleda 381 kms National Highway 70 kmsState Highway 40 kmsDistrict roads5Village roads

Table 16 : Progress of SGSY in Two Aajeevika Study Blocks

Dhariyawad Taleda

Groups formed 105 112

Grade 1 (eligible for revolving fund) 51 49

Given revolving fund 19 16

Grade 2 (eligible for loan) 15 NA

Sent to bank 6 NA

Given loan last year 2 4

Progress 424 families sanctionedRs. 115 lakhs loan

Source: Offices of PS


Table 17 : Indicators of Material Well Being across Regions

Indicators Tribal South Semi-Arid North Central Desert West Canal Irrigated East

Average household income 22621 30896 19381 23917

Proportion of Rural Poor1 48 23 31 48

Poverty gap 0.25 0.24 0.35 0.35

Note : 1The rural poor in this case are all those with income below Rs.20,000 p.a.Source: Aajeevika household survey, 2002.

71

Selected BibliographySelected Bibliography

ARAVALI (1999): “Rethinking Roles : Towards aStrategy for Empowering Women’s Eco-nomic Empowerment Initiatives underIRDP, Lessons from DWCRA, A Study Com-missioned by UNFPA.

Gyanchandani D., Sharma R, and Narula, N. (1987):“A Target Missed: An Evaluation of IRDP inNorthern and Eastern Rajasthan”, IDS,Jaipur.

Government Publications Used

District Census Handbooks, 1991 for Jaipur,Udaipur, Bundi, and Jaisalmer.

District Statistical Handbooks, 2001 for Jaipur,Udaipur, Bundi, and Jaisalmer

Krishna, A. (2003): “Falling Into Poverty, OtherSide of Poverty Reduction”, Economic and Po-litical Weekly, February 8-14.

Scoones I. (1998): “Sustainable Rural Livelihoods:A Framework For Analysis” IDS WorkingPaper No. 72, Sussex.

Vyas,V.S. and Bhargava, P. (1999) : “Poverty Re-duction in Developing Countries”, RawatPublications, Jaipur and New Delhi.

Provisional Population Totals, Rajasthan, Paper 3of 2001

State Profile, 1991, India, Census of India

Discussion Paper Series - 6 · 2019-11-09 · Discussion Paper Series - 6 Aajeevika - Livelihoods...

Documents

Transcript of Discussion Paper Series - 6 · 2019-11-09 · Discussion Paper Series - 6 Aajeevika - Livelihoods...