Greek Sacred HistoryAuthor(s): John DillerySource: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 126, No. 4 (Winter, 2005), pp. 505-526Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3804873 .Accessed: 01/06/2011 10:21

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GREEK SACRED HISTORY

JOHN DlLLERY

Abstract. This paper contends that there was a distinct branch of Greek local

historiography that focused on the past viewed through regional cult: sacred

history. After an introductory look at Atthidography, a number of cases of local cult history referred to in inscriptions from the Hellenistic period are examined;

additionally, an instance where historia sacra is itself preserved on an inscription is also discussed, namely, the Chronicle of the temple of Athena at Lindos. The

paper analyzes this type of historical writing from the perspective of "intentional

history," historiography written both to articulate the identity of a given region of the Greek world and to proclaim the region's importance in a larger, changing world.

My title begs a question: what is Greek sacred history? In order to

answer the question, it is important to think about the more general

category of "local history" and especially how it is different from the

great historical narratives of the fifth century, Herodotus and Thucydides. Both of these authors take as the space for significant human action the entire known world. For Herodotus, the compass of his work is implied in his proem, toc jiev "EXkr\G\, tcc 8e pccppdpoici d7toS?%08VToc; he will treat

"the deeds brought into being by humans, those performed by both the

Greeks and the barbarians." Thucydides, in his introduction, is even more

explicit: the Peloponnesian War was the greatest "disturbance" (kivtiok;) to affect the Greek world, parts of the barbarian world, "and, so to speak, the majority of mankind" (mi nXeiGiov dvOpconcov).

Insofar as these histories are held up as the first and best represen- tatives of Greek historiography, they are often seen as also defining the

genre for the Greeks themselves. This is a mistaken assumption. Robert

Fowler has demonstrated that Jacoby's placement of local history after

Herodotus in his evolutionary schema of the development of Greek

historiography should be reexamined, and that a kind of regional histori?

cal writing was being practiced by poets before Herodotus' time, and

potentially by prose authors as well, and that in any case, there were a

number of other local historians active when Herodotus wrote his histories

(Fowler 1996:65-66). In building his case for Herodotus' contemporaries,

American Journal of Philology 126 (2005) 505-526 ? 2005 by The Johns Hopkins University Press

506 JOHN DILLERY

Fowler (2000) makes effective use of Dionysius of Halicarnassus' De

Thucydide 5.1:1

oi)iot 7ipoaip?oet xe ouoia e/priaavxo mp\ xr)v EK^oyfjv xcov imoGeaecov Kai

6\)vd|Li?t<; oi) noXv xi 8toc(p?pot)oa<; ?a%ov aXXr\Xa)v, di uxv xaq fEXXr\viKaq dvaypdcpovxeq xoxopiaq, di 5e xaq papPapiKa<;, {Kai} avxaq xe xavxaq oi)

oi)va7txovx?<; aXXr[Xaiq, dXXd Kax' ?0vr| Kai Kaxd noXziq diaxpovvxeq Kai

%?p\q aXXr\Xcov EKcpepovxeq, eva Kai xov auxov (p-uA,dxxovxe<; okotcov, ooat

5i?Ott)^ovxo rcapd xot<; 87ixcoptoi(; jLLvfjjLioci {Kaxd ?0vr| xe Kai Kaxd nbXzxq} (r\) ?ix' ev iepot<; ei'x' ev pePnXoic; a7iOK?(|Li?vai ypacpai, xamac; eiq xtjv KOtvr|v drcavxcov yvcoatv e^eveyKetv, otaq 7i;ape?tapov, ur|xe 7cpoaxi0evxe<; avxaiq xi

ur|X? dcpaipouvxec;- ev aiq Kai u/o0o{ xtve<; evfjaav djto xov noXXoi) 7i?7iiax8D- uivot xpovoi) Kai 0eaxptKa( xive<; 7i?pt7i?xeiat noXi) xo f|?u0iov e%etv xotq vvv 8oKo\)oai.

These writers had a similar plan in respect to subject matter, and did not differ greatly from one another in ability. Some wrote about Greece, others about barbarians, not joining their inquiries together into a continuous

whole, but separating them by nations and cities and bringing them out

individually, with one and the same object in view, that of bringing to the attention of the public traditions preserved among the local people {by nations and cities} <or> written records preserved in sacred or profane archives, just as they received them, without adding or subtracting any- thing. Among these sources were to be found occasional myths, believed from time immemorial, and dramatic tales of upset fortunes, which seem

quite foolish to people of our day.2

Dionysius goes on to say that Herodotus "raised the choice of subject to

a more ambitious and impressive level" (xfiv xe 7tpocyji(rciKTiv 7ipoaip8aiv etzi to jaeii^ov ztqfyveyKE Kai Xa\XKpbxepov, Fowler trans.), presumably by

combining accounts when his contemporaries were producing "public traditions preserved among the local people" and "written records pre? served in sacred or profane archives." In other words, scope was where

Herodotus and Thucydides were innovative, at least by ancient stan?

dards.3 But in telling us about the choice of topics made by Herodotus'

1 See I 330.6 Usener-Radermacher, 48.17 Aujac = Fowler 2000, 116-17, Hecataeus Milesius T 17a; cf. FGrH 1 T 17a.

2 Text and trans. Fowler 1996, 63. 3 It is useful in this connection to consider Xen. Hell. 7.2.1. There, Xenophon seems

to imply that large scope not only applies to the regions taken in by a history but also to the size of the cities dealt with. In language meant to recall the famous programmatic state- ments of Herodotus (1.5.3-4) and Thucydides (1.10.3), Xenophon argues that when small cities achieve great things, that situation is even more noteworthy. See Dillery 1995,123-27.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 507

contemporaries, Dionysius also gives us a working definition of sacred

history. It is, following his formulation, a branch of local history, center-

ing specifically on the cult of a given region or polis in the Greek world

and based on documents from temple archives (ev iepoic, drcoKeijievoci

Ypoccpoci), sometimes coming from the cult officials themselves (e.g., let?

ters; see the case of Lindos below). In a series of recent articles, Hans-Joachim Gehrke has defined an

important aspect of much local, and in particular, sacred Greek histori-

ography: "intentional history,"4 treatments of the past that combine myth and history and that contain "elements of subjective and conscious self

categorization" (2001, 298). Intentional history is the past told as a par? ticular group's own understanding of its place and importance in the

oikoumene, be it a region or a polis. It may be the work of an individual

local historian, or it may emerge from a set of documents. Falling into

this type of writing are both poets and historians; and, for Gehrke, like

Fowler, this group of writers in fact constitutes a "mainstream tradition

of Greek historiography," one that is different from such figures as

Herodotus and Thucydides (299).5 One of Gehrke's chief exempla is

Magnesia on the Maeander and the collection of inscriptions that con?

cerns its establishment of games in honor of Artemis Leukophryene

(end of third century B.C.E.): delegates were sent around the Mediterra-

nean world to obtain recognition for the new contest on the basis of an

invented past, though Gehrke avoids such terms. It is the aim of this paper to look at local Greek historiography, in

particular that centered on regional cult. The epigraphic record of the

Hellenistic period has preserved the names of several historians who

wrote this sort of history and whose activities and texts share many

points of similarity with one another.6 But before turning to them, we

need first to consider how far our best-attested set of local histories,

Atthidography, can be styled "sacred history." Important issues that are

connected to the writers of Attic local history will have a direct bearing on our discussion of Greek history centered on local cult.

4 Gehrke 1994, 2001, 2003. See also Flashar 1999. 5 Precisely the point made by Wiseman 1979, 149-53, and, following him, Gabba

1981, 50, and n. 1, in connection with Thucydides. 6 See esp. the groundbreaking book, Chaniotis 1988. Subsequent references to this

work will be either by his text numbers or to page numbers, where relevant. The cautions of Marincola 1999 regarding ancient concepts of genre in historiography ought to be kept in mind; I do believe, however, that local history was a recognized category in antiquity. The

passage from Dionysius cited above suggests this, as do other texts, e.g., Diod. 1.26.5, and the other passages discussed by Jacoby 1949, 289, n. 110.

508 JOHN DILLERY

I. ATTHIDOGRAPHY

It was H. Peter who noted in a brief aside some time ago that the

Atthidographers all seemed to rely on antiquarian materials such as lists

and other documents and that they infused their historical enterprise with a significant interest in local cult.7 Although this observation seems

at first glance to be correct, there are distinct problems with it. In the first

place, beginning with Jacoby, scholars have questioned whether the

Atthidographers did in fact base their narratives on documents of any

type, cult-related or otherwise.8 While this uncertainty itself requires modification,9 we need to consider what the Atthidographers chose to

write about, keeping in mind that they need not all have been animated

by the same concerns and interests.10 Secondly, we need also to look at

what relationship they had, if any, to Athenian religion and correspond-

ingly what influence local cult had on their work.

It is noteworthy that several of the Atthidographers were con?

nected to the religious life of Athens in one way or another.11 It is often

assumed that because he wrote a work entitled Exegetikon, Cleidemus, the first native Atthidographer , was himself an exegetes or expounder of

sacred law (FGrH 323 FF 14-27, fl. 378-40).12 Phanodemus (FGrH 325, c. 375-25) may not have been the "minister of public worship and educa?

tion" in Lycurgan Athens that Jacoby styled him,13 but there is a consis?

tent focus on religious matters in several documents relating to him. IG

II2 223 A+B refer to a dedication to Hephaestus by the Boule, probably made at his instigation, in which he is also publicly thanked.14 Phanodemus

was the lead-man in the Athenian restoration and restructuring of the

sanctuary and festival of Amphiaraus at Oropus (IG VII4252 and 4254 =

Schwenk 40 and 41), and he is listed as the first hieropoios in Athens'

Pythais to Delphi from around the year 330 (SIG3 296), coming even

before Lycurgus and Demades.15 The last Atthidographer, Philochorus

7 Peter 1911, 204. 8 Jacoby 1949, 209. For more recent discussions, see Thomas 1989, 90-91; Desideri

1996,172-73. 9 Note esp. the forceful defense of the Atthidographers' use of documents, where

possible, in Harding 1994, 36-40, 43-47. Cf. Higbie 1999. 10 On the need to treat the Atthidographers as individual authors, see esp. Harding

1994, as well as Rhodes 1990 and Marincola 1999. 11 Cf. Jacoby 1949, 54-69. 12 Harding 1994,10; Jacoby 1949, 57, 75. 13 Jacoby 1954a, 172; cf. Jacoby 1949, 78. 14 Schwenk 1985, 204. 15 Cf. Chaniotis 1988 E 35.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 509

(FGrH 328), put to death by Antigonus Gonatas in the aftermath of the

Chremonidean War (260), was a mantis and hieroskopos, and several of

his works were devoted to Attic cult and other religious matters.16 The

number of religious and cult-centered works attached to his name is

without parallel.17 Ister "the Callimachean" (FGrH 334) was not an

Athenian himself, but years after Philochorus in the late third century, he

made a something of an anthology of the Atthidographers. While pre- cious little is known about him, and certainly nothing relating to what he

may have done in the world of cult, one of his works is extremely

significant for the discussion below: an Epiphanies of Apollo (FF 50-52). But an important question remains: were any of these men priests

(hiereis) in the strict sense of the word? The answer must be no, unless

we can call exegetai priests in the late Classical period (Cleidemus).18

Conversely, there is a distinct orientation to their work that, for want of

a better term, we might call "religious" or "priestly," or perhaps best of

all, "cult-centered." Characteristic of all the Atthidographers is an inter?

est in cult and, in many, a corresponding interest in the myths of early Attica.

Easily the most notable in this regard was Phanodemus. Although we do not know how many books his Atthis contained altogether, we do

know that by Book 9 he had only reached either the assassination of

Hipparchus in 514 or perhaps the creation of the ten tribes by Cleisthenes

in 508-7 (F 8).19 We do know, thanks to an unplaceable fragment (F 23), that he covered Athenian history at least down to the death of Cimon in 450-4920 and probably beyond. Hence we can conclude that Athenian

"prehistory" must have constituted a massive portion of the whole work.

One can see why Dionysius of Halicarnassus identified Phanodemus as

"the one who wrote up the Attic archaeology" ((PavoSruioc, 6 xr\v 'Attiktiv

ypdxj/aq apxauAoyiav, AR 1.61.5 = T 6).21 In addition to scale, Phanodemus' history of mythical Athens made

some striking claims. He made Athens the mother-city of Troy (F 13), of

16 Titles of some of his works: On Divination, On Sacrifices, On the Contests at Athens, On the Mysteries at Athens, On the Myths of Sophocles, Delian Matters, On Dreams, On Days, On Purifications, On Portents (Peri Symbolon). See FGrH 328 TT 1 and 7.

17 Cf.Tresp 1914,27-29. 18 See esp. Clinton 1974,89. He cites IG II21092 as proof that the exegetes was indeed

considered a hiereus in the Roman period, and Sokolowski LSCG Supp. 14 that they were

probably so identified in the Hellenistic. In general consult Oliver 1950. 19 Jacoby 1954a, 183. 20 Harding 1994, 30. 21 Rhodes 1990, 78.

510 JOHNDILLERY

Sais in Egypt (F 25), and of the land of the Hyperboreans (F 29). Simi-

larly, Attica became the venue for famous mythical crimes against maid?

ens normally situated elsewhere: the Rape of Persephone (F 27), for

instance, and the sacrifice of Iphigeneia (F 14). And finally, although the

myth of Admetus does not elsewhere have anything to do with Athens,22 in Phanodemus the hero Theseus rescues him from exile and settles him

and his family in Attica (F 26). The effect of this sort of historiography is to make Athens the

center of the Greek world, in cult and in history.23 Phanodemus may have

been inspired to write such a history of Athens and Attica to compensate for the region's relative unimportance in earlier literature, especially Homer. These points, both that local history could be a form of regional

advocacy and, furthermore, that it may be intended to fill "gaps" in the

literary record, are both worth remembering when we think about the

later Greek local historians whose works celebrate the fame of a region and its cult.

In general, it is probably fair to say that much of what the Atthi?

dographers wrote about would not have turned up in the main narratives

of the major Greek historians. This is not to say that they did not treat

more recent history. It is more a question of emphasis and degree. Indeed, it might be useful to imagine what is treated by a Herodotus or Thucydides in a digression as constituting the main thrust of the various Atthides.24

More importantly, can we call what the Atthidographers wrote "sacred

history"? At a technical level, in keeping with Dionysius' implied definition

discussed above, the answer is probably no, though we may want to make

some exceptions. On the basis of his titles and career, Philochorus seems

to fit the bill as a sacred historian, but his surviving work does not re-

semble the historiography of later figures we will be looking at in this

paper. Phanodemus is closer perhaps in spirit, but it is hard to know what

sort of sources he used. Although Ister did write a work with a title that

refers to an important concept for the later sacred historians (divine

epiphany), his primary historiographic enterprise seems in fact to have

been chiefly the anthologizing of earlier Atthidographers and thus does

22 Dale 1954, ix-x, broaches the idea that the reference at line 452 of Eur. Alc. to Alcestis' fame being sung at the Carnea at Sparta and at Athens reflects the fact that her story was known in some formal way in Athens, but she later casts doubt on this interpre- tation in her commentary, ad 447.

23 On the Attic patriotism evident in these fragments, see esp. Jacoby 1954a, 173; cf. Pearson 1942, 73, and more recently, Lardinois 1992.

24 So, e.g., Hdt. 2.51.1 on the origin of the Attic herm, or Thuc. 2.15.5 on the Enneakrounos.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 511

not meet one of the criteria set out at the start of this paper. But, if it is

hard to call any one Atthidographer an author of "sacred history," I hope that the above discussion has drawn attention to an orientation in their

writing that will also be seen to animate the true "sacred history" that is

celebrated on stone in the Hellenistic period.

II. LOCAL HISTORIES,TEMPLE DEDICATIONS, EPIPHANIES

While we can only see "sacred history" imperfectly in the works of the

Atthidographers, there is a set of local historians from the Hellenistic

period whose texts are constructed out of temple records and who com-

pile histories that include epiphanies of gods. As noted above, Ister actually composed an Epiphanies of Apollo.

We could add in this context Phylarchus as well, who wrote a work

entitled On the Epiphany ofZeus (FGrH 81T 1). Sadly, nothing of these

works remains. However, we can get a sense perhaps of what they were

like by taking a close look at the opening of the one substantial fragment we have of Menodotus of Samos from the last quarter of the third cen?

tury.25 In his Record ofRemarkable Things on Samos, or alternatively, On

the Dedications in the Temple ofSamian Hera, Menodotus tells the story of how a cult statue of Hera on Samos came to be washed in the sea and

venerated with barley-cakes in a festival called the Tonaia. He offers

(through Athenaeus) the following aitiological story. Admete flees from her home in Argos and goes to Samos where she dedicates herself to the

cult of Hera. Tyrrhenian pirates, in the pay of the Argives, attempt to

steal the cult statue of Hera in order to bring Admete into disfavor with

the Samians. The statue is seized and taken to their ship, but the ship will

not move away from shore. Assuming this to be a divine sign, the pirates abandon the statue on the strand, leaving beside it barley-cakes; Admete

raises the alarm, and the statue is found on the beach. Carians, believing that the statue made its own way there, tie it up with withes. Admete

releases the image, purifies it, and puts it back on its pedestal.26 It is the

beginning of the aition that is important to this discussion:

'A5ui|Triv ydp cprjoiv trjv Eup-DaSeax; e^ "Apyoix; cpvyouaav eXQeiv Eiq Idjiov, 0?aaajjivr|v 8e xrjv Tfj<; "Hpa<; ercicpdvetav Kai xr\q oikoGev o(oxr\piaq

25 See FGrH 541 F 1 - Athen. 15.11-15 671E-74A. 26 Cf. Burkert 1985,134-35. Athenaeus also quotes two lines of Anacreon that bear

on the Tonaia: PMG 352 = Athen. 15.671 E-F.

512 JOHN DILLERY

Xapiaxrjpiov po\)^o|ievr|v a7to8oa)vai e7UjxeXri0fivai xo\) iepou xov Kai vuv

i)7cdp%ovxo(;. . .

He [Menodotus] says that Admete, daughter of Eurystheus, having fled from Argos came to Samos, and having seen an epiphany of Hera and

wishing to give a thank offering for her escape from home, took charge of the temple, the one that remains today ...27

What is remarkable about the introduction to the story is the high concentration of epigraphic terms familiar from the maintenance of local

cult: we have the thank-offering (xapiaxf|piov), the decision to care for

the temple (eTujLietaiGfjvai), and, most importantly, the epiphany of Hera

(ir\v xr\q "Rpaq ercupdveiocv).28 Indeed, we can see in these terms the

essentials of "sacred history": working back from the present, we have

(1) the thank-offering, in this case, Admete's superintendence of the

temple and the establishment of its ritual as they are now, (2) the aition

for these facts, which in turn is a narrative set in motion by (3) a divine

epiphany. Offering, aitiological account, and epiphany are all linked to?

gether in a causal chain.29

We know nothing about Menodotus beyond his scanty fragments

(F 1 and one other). We can, however, make a reasonable guess about

the remainder of his work on the basis of the composition of one of his

successors,30 the second-century Leon of Samos (FGrH 540). Although

only an honorary inscription survives,31 it tells us a great deal in a few

lines (Heraion Inv. 197, Chaniotis 1988 E 16). After the first four lines of

the epigram, suggesting the permanence of (pdjucc over other monumen-

tal media, we read:

xaq 8e Aecov eKuprjoe Kaxd rcxo^iv, o<; rcepi naxpaq npafyaq eiq nxvmaq ayayev iaxoplaq, i)|uvfiaa<; "Hpav ai>xo%Qova Kai noaa vauaiv

pe^avxeq OKvXoiq iepov dy^d'iaav.

27 My translation. 28 Cf. Welles 1934, 375, s.v. xapiciripiov, who notes that the singular form is more

common in inscriptions, the plural in literary texts; Welles 336-37, s.v. ETcupdveux, and, generally, Pfister 1924; for ?7U|i?tai9fjvai in the sense found in Menodotus, cf. LSJ s.v. E7iiu.eAiou.ai 2. "Care" is often royal: see Habicht 1970, 230, and Ma 2000,196, and n. 59, citing several documents.

29 Cf. Flashar 1999 and SEG 49.1501. 30 The editor princeps of the text in question linked Leon's history with Menodotus'

work: Peek 1940,169-70. Cf. also Chaniotis 1988, 53-54. 31 First published by Peek 1940; cf. Robert and Robert 1941.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 513

[fame] which Leon won throughout the city, who organized into sound histories the deeds regarding the homeland,

having celebrated native Hera and how often with ships men rendered the temple splendid, having made offerings with spoils.32

There are some obscurities in this text. In the first place, the use of

nxvvxaq to describe icxopiaq is troubling. The adjective almost always modifies persons. In the Odyssey it is twice used to describe reliable

family members (Nestor's sons 4.211, Penelope 11.445), in each case by an Atreid (Menelaus and Agamemnon, respectively), who knows only too well the opposite; note also Pindar / 8.26 (the sons and grandsons of

Aeacus). Perhaps the point here is to make the reader think of Leon as

writing a history expected of a dutiful son of the fatherland (ndxpaq), hence making nivmaq a transferred epithet. But note also Solon: Eunomia

renders everything apxioc koci 7iivot6c among men (4.39, West). I take

-bjivfiaaq to mean more generally "celebrate," rather than specifically

"hymnize."The participle seems to indicate that more than a hymn in her

honor was incorporated in the history; rather, there was a celebratory orientation to the entire work.33 The problematic oc\)T6%6ova?the term is

rarely used of deities?and the equally difficult vocuaiv, I take as working

rhetorically as a pair34 to emphasize Hera's strong Samian identity and

yet simultaneously the international celebrity of her shrine on Samos.

The claim of Hera's origins on Samos is almost preemptively proprietary, while the ships remind us of the importance of the shrine for Greeks and

non-Greeks alike. In fact, dedications in the form of miniature ships were

common at the Samian Heraion.35

Putting all these interpretations together, it seems clear that the

focus of Leon's history was Samian Hera and the dedications made at

her temple, especially by non-Samians. The narrative may well have been

built around epiphanies of the goddess, perhaps in foreign places (like one dedicated to Admete in Argos), that in turn helped to inspire dedi?

cations at her temple in Samos. In any case, a record of the dedications

themselves probably formed the backbone of the narrative.

32 My translation. 33 Peek 1940,168, n. 3, compares Thuc. 2.42.2 and Aeschines 1.133. 34 This is not Peek's understanding of amoxQova, 1940,168-69. There are examples

of amoxOcov used of the Mother of the Gods: SEG 24.498 and 26.729, both from Macedonia and both from the second century c.e. See most recently Hatzopoulos 2003, 208-9. Nor-

mally the term is used of a whole people who have never moved; it is seldom employed to describe even an individual: see Flower and Marincola 2002, 238.

35 On the "Votivschiffe" at Samian Heraion, see, e.g., Kopcke 1967, 145-48, and

Kyrieleis 1980, 89-94.

514 JOHNDILLERY

If in the end we can only speculate about the nature of Menodotus'

and Leon's histories, no guesswork is required when we look at the

Chronicle of Lindos.36 This remarkable set of documents, dating to 99

B.C.E., contains the decree authorizing the publication of the inscription

(section A), a catalogue of votives to Athena Lindia (sections B and C), and a catalogue of epiphanies of the goddess on Rhodes (section D).The two catalogues have their own headings (To(8e dveGriicav xai 'AGdvoci and

ercupdveiai, respectively). The Chronicle is important for this discussion for a number of

reasons. First, we see the involvement of religious officials in the execu-

tion and publication of the inventory: the proposer of the decree,

Hagesitimus, is in all likelihood a hierothytes, and one of the compilers of

the Chronicle. Timachidas, is his son.37 Further, the inventory makes ex-

plicit at several points that the compilers of the Chronicle, both Timachidas

and Tharsagoras,38 are relying on the letters (kniGxokax) of priests of the

temple who are identified as such in the first entry in the list of votives

(iepeuq, B, lines 5-6, 7) as well as on other documents (xpr\\iax\G\io\, official acts, and other texts, including historical accounts).39 The letters

of the priests Hierobulus and Gorgosthenes are repeatedly referred to

and are identified by addressee, either to the Boule or to certain magis- trates (called jiaoipoi).40 The letters are cited to verify the presence of

important dedications to the goddess by mythical and historical persons and groups that were missing at the time of the inscription (in the

introductory section, A, there is reference to an earlier destruction of the

temple by fire together with its votives, also mentioned in section D).The entries on the dedications themselves are quite brief, containing often

only the name of the dedicant, a description of the votive, what was

written on it, and the sources for the description. Text B, lines 18-22, are

fairly representative:

36 See FGrH 532, Chaniotis 1988 T 13 = Fouilles de VAcropole II1941 no. 2. Multiple editions by Blinkenberg; I have had access only to that of 1915. I follow the text as it

appears in Higbie 2003. 37 See Higbie 2003, 52, 62. On the priesthoods of Rhodes, see Dignas 2003. 38 It is often overlooked that two men were in fact responsible for the compilation:

Tharsagoras, only mentioned once (in section A), is often forgotten. See Higbie 2003, 62. 39 See Holleaux 1913/1968, 403-4; Wilhelm 1930/1974, 275; Ziegler 1936, 1052;

Guarducci 1969,305-6; Chaniotis 1988,56-57,127. Wilamowitz 1913,1372, dates the letters to shortly after the reconsecration of the temple after its destruction sometime in the fourth century, prior to 330.

40 Cf. Higbie 2003,199-201.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 515

Mivcoc; dpyopeov 7ioTT|ptov, ecp' oi) e7teyeypoc/7cco? Mivcoq 'AGdvai no^id8i Kai Ail no^iei, (hq (paxi / Sevayopoa; ev xdi a' iaq %poviKd<; ovvzdtqioq / Topycov ev tou a' xdv 7iepl T65oi), ropyoaGevrjc; / ev xdi eTtioxoAm, 'IepoPoD^oq ev xdi e7iiaxo^ai.

Minos. A silver drinking-cup, upon which was written: "Minos to Athena Polias and Zeus Polieus," as Xenagoras says in the first book of his Chro?

nological Composition, Gorgon in the first book of his [Books] Concerning Rhodes, Gorgosthenes in his letter, [and] Hieroboulus in his letter.

This is exactly the sort of mix of history and myth that Gehrke

considers central to "intentional history."41 It is also important to note

the corroborating role of the written testimony of priests cited alongside

literary figures who are evidently authors of local histories of Rhodes.

Indeed, the priests' letters seem to have the same value as the histories.

What is more, the very process involved in the compilers' coordination of

these different sets of material, that is, the literary histories with the

letters of the priests, is itself an historiographic enterprise. J.-M. Bertrand

has acutely observed that this "confrontation" of sources reveals a key

aspect of the function of historiography in the Hellenistic period: the

combination of sources, the way they mutually reinforce each other

(even if they do not in any real way corroborate one another), and their

very variety are for the Rhodians essential in establishing the veracity and importance of their temple and dedications.

Autopsy, on the other hand, which in this case was impossible, is

simply but one way to help determine the historical record.42 As Carolyn

Higbie has expertly shown, close examination of the catalogue of votives

demonstrates that local myth has been very carefully deployed to fill in

where the master narratives of Homer and Herodotus had "holes" and,

therefore, to add to the literary record with legendary material of local

origin and importance. Tharsagoras and Timachidas knew the Homeric

catalogue of ships, for instance, and expanded on it in their treatment of

the dedications by the contingent of the Rhodian hero Tlepolemus, who

plays a very minor role in the Iliad.43

Similarly, at another point, in the entry on a dedication of a linen

41 The Lindian Chronicle lists dedications by legendary figures such as Cadmus, Heracles, Menelaus, and Helen, and yet also by, e.g., Phalaris, Deinomenes, Alexander, and a Ptolemy. It has mythical groups (the Telchines) as well as real people (e.g., of Phaselis and

Soli). 42 Bertrand 1992, 25-26. Cf. Pfister 1924, 300, and Boffo 1988, 47. 43 Higbie 2001,112-14; 2003, 93,205, 222-27. Cf. Wiseman 1979,147.

516 JOHN DILLERY

breastplate by the pharaoh Amasis, Herodotus is listed as the first au?

thority for the votive but is followed by no less than seven other writers,

including the priest Hieroboulus (C, lines 36-55). In particular, one

Xenagoras added that Amasis made a dedication also of two statues and ten phialai, and that on each statue there was a bilingual inscription in

Greek and hieroglyphs, stating, "Amasis, renowned king of Egypt, dedi- cated [this]."44This information goes well beyond Herodotus' brief notice

(Hdt. 2.182). If some are inclined to doubt that this document was under- stood as history, indeed if there is a suspicion that it was not in fact real

historiography at all but something more like an act of public memory, it needs to be remembered that the inventory was constructed with a view towards adding to the literary-historical record. We know this because the inventories evidently were to augment the testimony of none other than luminaries such as Homer and Herodotus. As such, the Chronicle was in some sense intended to be part of the written past, as well as

(obviously) a public record of popular memory. But even more revealing of the sacred and historical nature of the

Lindian Chronicle are the epiphanies of section D. As we have seen, "sacred history" is often constructed around a narrative involving an

epiphany, followed by a dedication that celebrates and commemorates the events of the narrative. In the Chronicle of Lindos, the stories of divine epiphany are separate from the votives, and, in fact, none of the

surviving accounts (there are only three) has a corresponding entry in the votive section. One does, however, contain within it a reference to

dedications, complete with a listing of supporting authorities for them,

just as in the epiphany section.45 But in any case, a connection is felt, if

only at the general level, between the sections B, C, and D: even if long narratives with epiphanies are not found in the votive sections, they could be in a sense assumed, at least for some of the entries.46

Importantly, in the third epiphany, from the very end of the fourth

century (305-4: the siege of Demetrius Poliorcetes), it is clear that the

recording of the appearance of the goddess came about through the initiative of a priest, Callicles, who had a dream in which Athena made herself manifest and gave her commands how to survive the siege (D 95-

115). The hero of the tale, in other words, is a priest, as well as its main

44 Herodotus also mentions the statues but does not say anything about an inscrip- tion upon them. Cf. the speculations of Francis and Vickers 1984.

45 That of Datis, treated below. 46 Though not in a case such as Alexander the Great, who, we are told, made

dedications at the temple "in accordance with an oracle."

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 517

(only?) source. It should be added here that, just as with the list of

dedications, the stories of epiphanies are coordinated with other written

accounts of the events in question: thus the compilers cite no less than

nine authors who also treated the events of the Datis story (D 47-58). Bertrand's cross-checking mindset is evident here as well.

The epiphany-logoi themselves are remarkable texts. As Bruno

Keil noted long ago, they are artful compositions: there is evidence that

the compilers wrote with an eye towards prose rhythm and the avoid-

ance of hiatus.47 They represent not terse lapidary Greek but rather true

historiographic prose, very much in the manner of a typical Herodotean

diegema. Indeed, the first epiphany, the longest and only intact one, finds a

natural pairing with a similar tale in Herodotus. It tells the story of the

siege of Lindos by the Persians, "when Darius, King of the Persians, sent

great forces to subdue Greece" (D 1-2). When the Lindians were about

to surrender because of a lack of water, Athena appeared to one of the

city magistrates and told him to take heart, for she would beg her father

to give the city water (D 13-16). When the Lindians asked for an armi-

stice for five days to see if the help would come, after which they would

otherwise surrender, Datis, the Persian commander laughed. But then

clouds immediately formed and rain fell, providing the Lindians with

water while the invaders suffered from an acute lack of it. Datis was awe-

struck by the divine nature of this miracle48 and proceeded immediately to dedicate to the goddess his own cloak, bracelet, tiara, sword (specified as an akinakes), and chariot.The compilers say that these objects did not

survive the fire that destroyed the other dedications as well as the temple, but they were attested by many of the same authorities used in the votive

section of the document (D 34-59). Datis continued on his way, having made a treaty with the Lindians and noting that "the gods protect these

men" (D 46-47). Similar to this account is the story told by Herodotus of how the

same Datis spared Delos.49 Datis scrupulously avoids harming the holy island but rather asks that the inhabitants, who had fled at his approach,

47 Keil 1916. 48 Note the wording of D 31-34: o[^]x(co)q napabo^q xoi jiev 7uo^iopKe{)U? / voi

5a\j/iA-e<; eaxov \S8cop, a 5e llEpaiKa 8t)va / uiq eandvi^e, Kaxa7iXay?i(; 6 pdppa[po<;] / xav xaq Geot) ?7ii(pdveiav .... The second epiphany also features a rain miracle of sorts: Athena

appeared to a priest instructing him to open the roof of the temple in order to let rain

purify the sanctuary after pollution caused by a suicide there by hanging: D 62-93. 49 Cf. Kirchberg 1965; Lewis 1980/1997, 84-86; and Mikalson 2003, 26-27.

518 JOHNDILLERY

return. In this case he also acknowledges the sanctity of the place and its

people (he calls the Delians avopzq ipoi and refers to the island as the

birthplace of Apollo and Artemis), and he makes a massive offering of

three-hundred talents' weight of frankincense (Hdt. 6.97). The story of

Datis at Lindos is important not only because of the comparison with

Herodotus but also because stories like it about the salvation of impor? tant Greek sanctuaries in the Persian wars seem to have reached an

international audience. Momigliano and others have argued that the siege of Lindos by Datis, specifically the motif of the five days of thirst before

surrendering, can be paralleled in the story of the besieged Jews of Bethulia

in the Book of Judith (7:30). What the Greeks said about the Persians had

an impact that went beyond the Greeks themselves.50 Indeed, to judge by this case, it was the stories of localities and the survival of their cults that

were transferable to other regions and cultures, not the larger narratives

that dealt with the salvation and victory of the Greek people. The Lindian Chronicle is essentially a "history of the temple" as

seen through "the history of its treasures"; indeed, as Dignas says, "taken

as a whole, a list of Athena's local and famous donors narrates the

history of Rhodes."51 The significance of this type of historical writing is

best seen by contrasting it with Herodotus, from whom we have already noticed several parallels with the Chronicle. Herodotus, too, can produce

history that is very cult-centered: it has long been accepted that to a

significant degree much of Herodotus' History is written with Delphi at

its center, both in terms of orientation and information.52 Furthermore,

he, too, provides inventories of Delphi's votives (Gyges' dedications, Hdt. 1.14; Croesus', Hdt. 1.50-52), and he even knows of an earlier

destruction thanks to a fire (Hdt. 1.50.3; cf. Paus. 10.5.13), just as hap-

pened at Lindos, with its attendant damage to the offerings. What is

more, Herodotus also has epiphanies of gods and, in particular, deities

protecting their sacred space, as in the case (as it happens) of Athena

Pronaia who protects her shrine at Delphi from Persian attack with

thunderbolts from heaven that cause a rockslide (Hdt. 8.37-38). Yet the views of the past that we get in Herodotus' treatment of

Lydian donors to Delphi and in the Lindian Chronicle are very different.

Even if we grant that Herodotus' history is Delphi-centered, indeed, even if a strong Delphic bias can be detected, the Delphic stories them-

50 Momigliano 1987, 9-10. Note also Heltzer 1989; and for the general point on non- Greeks borrowing large scale explanations from the Greeks, Millar 1997.

51 Dignas 2002a, 240-41; cf. Dignas 2002b, 18-19. 52 See Murray 1993,105-7, and 1987/2001, 31-32.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 519

selves are subordinated to larger concerns in his account: While Croesus'

Delphic votives are indeed important, they are but a part of Herodotus'

treatment of the whole of Croesus' career, which is in turn a blueprint that anticipates the successes and failures of other eastern dynasts, most

notably Xerxes.53 On the other hand, the dedications and their compan? ion stories of divine epiphany from the inventory of the temple of Athena

Lindia are not exemplary of larger historical processes; they are them?

selves constitutive of history. The sacred precinct is the historical hori?

zon, the sole locality for action that is worthy of record. Historical figures and their deeds are noted only when they intersect with the temple of

Athena at Lindos.

With the Chronicle of Lindos we have indeed sacred history, that is, an historiographic enterprise initiated by a priest, in part derived from

priestly records, establishing a past seen through the lens of a religious site and its dedications. It is a type of history that is profoundly cult-

centered, inasmuch as the lists of dedications and epiphanies establish

the celebrity, power, and authority of Athena Lindia and her temple. As

a brand of historiography, it puts Lindos and its cult at the center of the

oikoumene.

III. CONCLUSIONS: "INTENTIONAL HISTORY," OR CLIO AT WORK

It is important to point out that the Lindian Chronicle is not our only

example of Greek historiography of this type. In a superb article from

1919, Rostovtzeff linked the Chronicle to other city/sanctuary epigraphic histories as well as to other authors of epiphanies.54 Especially noteworthy are the so-called Historia Sacra of Magnesia on the Maeander,55 which

explained the origins of the games of Artemis Leukophryene, inspired by an epiphany of the goddess. Another is the story of the "miracle" of Zeus

at Panamara in southern Caria,56 which involved the manifestation of

53 Classic statements of this position: Immerwahr 1966,76,148,153-54,306-7; Fornara 1971, 77, and n. 6.

54 Rostovtzeff 1919. 55 The description "historia sacra" comes from SIG3 557 = IMagnesia 16, FGrH 482

F 2, Chaniotis 1988 T 8. Important recent treatments of this text and the Magnesian dossier: Ebert 1982 (cf. SEG 32.1147 and Robert and Robert 1983a), Dusanic 1983, Chaniotis 1999, and Gehrke 2001.

56 See BCH 55 [1931]:72-76, 85.

520 JOHN DILLERY

divine aid?a case similar to Datis' siege of Lindos in that the city's enemies are made to recognize the source of the intervention.57

Rostovtzeff was in fact building a case to explain the meaning of

IOSPE 1184,58 an honorary inscription for one Syriscus of Chersonesus

on the Black Sea.59 This text, dating to the third century, is as follows:

['HpaKA,?](5a<; napjievovxoq ?ut[?- I ?7t?i5f|] XuptoKoq 'HpocKtaiSa xa[q I

?7U(pav]?{a(; xaq na[p]0?vo\) (piA,[ol7iovco<;] ypd\\faq d[v?]yvco Kai x[d I noxi

x]ovq Boa[n]6pov [$]ao\Xei[q I 5ir|Yiiaa]xo, xd [0' i)]7tdp^avxa (p[t]Xdv0pco7ta 710x1 xa]q noXziq xax[6\pr\CEv ?7U?ik]?co<; xco <5)6cjLi[cp I iva Xdfioi xtjidjc; afqiaq, 5?56/0[at I xa (3oi)Xa Kai xco 5djicp ?]7iaiv?aa[t I xe avxbv eki xovxoiq Kai

ai?(p]av[co/oat xovq oi)|i|ivd|n]ova<; [xpvoeco aiElcpdvco xcov Aiovi)]aicov jita ?(p' tK[d8t I Kai xo dvdyy]?Xy(ia y?V?a0ai- 6 8[dl(io(; ax?(pa]voi Zi)p(aKov 'HpaKA,?[(l5a, oxi xa]q enupavEiaq xaq n[apl0?vo\) ?ypa]\|/? Kai xd rcoxl xaq [nolXziq Kai xovq] fiaciXziq i)7idp^[avlxa (ptA,dv0pco7ia] iaxopr|0?v aXaQiv[(bq I Kai ?7l?lK?C0(;] XOC 7l6X,?l.

Heracleidas son of Parmenon proposed: since Syriscus the son of Hera- cleidas read out his Appearances ofthe Maiden, having carefully written it

up, and [since] he set out in detail our relations with the kings of the

Bosporus and suitably recorded for the people their existing benefactions to the cities (in the region?), in order that he receive fitting honors, it has been decided by the Council and the people to praise him for these deeds and for the joint-magistrates to crown him with a golden crown on the

twenty-first of the Dionysia,60 and for there be the proclamation: "the

people crown Syriscus son of Heracleidas, because he compiled an account of the appearances of the Maiden and wrote up the existing benefactions to the cities and kings both truthfully and suitably for our city."61

With a clarity and detail that are not often found in similar texts, this

inscription makes clear why Syriscus is being honored. He wrote a his-

57 Roussel 1931. Note the language of line 22: ?7U(pavei<xr|<; 8e xoiq noXziiioiq xr\q ponOeiaq.

58 = IOSPE I2 344, FGrH 807 T 1, Chaniotis 1988 E 7. 59 Cf. Chaniotis 1988,54,309, comparing Syriscus to the Lindian Chronicle and Leon

of Samos; see also Peek 1940,168, and Robert and Robert 1979, who cite Wilhelm 1897/ 2000, 245^6, and who add to the comparison Diophantus of Amphipolis, also a third-

century local historian, and cf. Archibald 2004, 8, and Higbie 2003, 275-76. 60 Cf. Latyschev 1916,289: a festival-period of some kind seems to be indicated, if not

for Dionysus, then perhaps Artemis or Aphrodite. Cf. Chaniotis 1988,301 ("Dionysosfest"). The connection between Dionysus and the Maiden would have been made by assimilating a local Great Goddess and her consort to the Demeter/Kore and Dionysus matrix of ideas: cf. Ustinova 1999, 54-58.

61 My translation.

GREEK SACRED HISTORY 521

tory of the relations between Chersonesos and neighboring powers, both

the Bosporan kings, and other cities, organized around a list of epipha? nies of his city's patron god, the Maiden,62 just as in the case of Lindos

section D. What is more, he gave public recitations of his work.63 As the

inscription makes clear, while not (apparently) a priest stricto sensu,

Syriscus was an advocate of his city and its patron deity in the Black Sea

region. Like the Atthidographers and the Lindian Chronicle, he wrote

antiquarian history, constructed around a chronological list that may have extended back in time for several years. In functional terms, Syriscus is really quite like the familiar elite representative of his polis in the

Hellenistic period: the aspirations of the "free" city-state and the hellenistic

monarch are brought together and harmonized through the intervention

of an aristocrat with knowledge of the requirements of local cult.64

Historical writing in the Hellenistic period became deeply impli- cated in a process that P Herrmann has called the intensification of the

historical dimension of a city's self-understanding.65 Gehrke's notion of

"intentional history" is clearly also relevant. Local historiography was

required to help cities define who they were and, further, to help them

articulate their needs and aspirations in the wider context of the power

dynamics of the age. The famous dispute of Priene and Samos over the

ownership of the Batinetis is a signal case (I. Priene 37, Ager nos. 26 and

74): just as in the Lindian Chronicle, in addition to documents, historical

narratives are cited as supporting evidence, first before King Lysimachus in 283-82, and again later before the Rhodians at the start of the second

century.66 This was not the only instance of historical texts being used as

evidence.67 The inscriptions dealing with the foundation of Artemis' games at Magnesia, or the great dedications and appearances of Athena at

Lindos, or, for that matter, of "the Maiden" at Chersonesos, need to be

62 For the importance of this deity in the region, see Ustinova 1999, 54-58. 63 The phenomenon of public readings of historical texts and related materials has

been expertly discussed by L. Robert in a number of places, e.g., 1938,14-15; 1946, 35-36; 1963, 58-59; and (with J. Robert) 1958, 336; 1983b, 162. Consult also Boffo 1988.

64 Cf. Millar 1983/2002, 53, discussing Callias of Sphettus. 65 Herrmann 1984,114-15. 66 Ager 1996, 208-9. Note esp. her concluding remarks: "The extensive use of the

literary works of historians in this case is interesting. In the Hellenistic period, a time when the number of local histories was increasing, it is scarcely surprising that such works should be employed as evidence for the past history of a piece of territory."

67 Ager 1996,209, n. 16: she cites her case nos. 146 and 158, in addition to the Priene/ Samos dispute. See also the excellent discussion of Curty 1989.

522 JOHN DILLERY

seen as related documents.68 They all demonstrate that local, sacred

histories had become important tools in the advocacy of regional inter-

ests. Or, to put it another way, in the language of the inscriptions them?

selves, both the dedications and the stories about them "glorify" the local

deity and its shrine (dy^a'i^eiv: Chronicle of Lindos B, line 95; honors for

Leon, line 8). Even the cities themselves seemed to acknowledge the

important role historians played in bringing acclaim to their regions. The

recently published inscription from Salmakis details several reasons for

Halicarnassus to take pride in her past, a mix of myth and history that we

have seen elsewhere in this article. When the subject turns to her native

sons who achieved greatness in letters, pride of place goes to two histo?

rians who are mentioned first: Herodotus and Andron (lines 43-44).69

University of Virginia e-mail: jdd4n@virginia.edu

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