Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use at Pueblo del Arroyo, Chaco...
Transcript of Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use at Pueblo del Arroyo, Chaco...
Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use atPueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New Mexico
Thomas C Windes
U S National Park Service Albuquerque New Mexico
Pueblo del Arroyo was part of a cluster of greathouses in Chaco Canyon northwestern New Mexico duringthe peak of Chacoan expansion (AD 1000sndashearly 1100s) This greathouse has generally been ignored infavor of its larger neighbors Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl but Pueblo del Arroyo is also an important partof the Chaco core and its various construction episodes mirror events taking place in the canyon and in thegreater San Juan Basin This study examines the use of a large sample of structural wood to place the sitein its temporal framework as well as examine the organizational control exhibited by the need for structuralwood and its possible relationship to other contemporary sites in the Chaco Canyon core The presentanalysis indicates that the main work at Pueblo del Arroyo took place during a period of widespreadconstruction at Chaco in concert with numerous social economic and political changes perhapsbecoming a new center in the Chaco core
IntroductionPueblo del Arroyo located in northwestern New
Mexico (FIG 1) is an important Chacoan greathouse
because of its size and architecture its proximity in
Chaco Canyon to Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl
and the amount of excavation that took place there
Although massive standing architecture has been
exposed since it was abandoned (FIG 2) the work of
Neil Judd (1959) and Karl Ruppert revealed the sitersquos
importance They excavated about 60 rooms and
eight kivas between 1923 and 1926 while work was
also ongoing at nearby Pueblo Bonito Pueblo del
Arroyo contains about 290 rooms some of them
three or four stories tall and 23 kivas (Judd 1959 6ndash
7 Lekson 1984) Parts of the four-story structures are
still evident in the eastern section of the south wing
centered around Rooms 141 and 142 and Rooms 19
and 146 There is no preserved evidence for four-
story rooms in the southwestern section of the site
Judd secured a few tree-ring samples from the site
during his excavations and later Deric OrsquoBryan
under the auspices of the Gila Pueblo Foundation
collected additional tree-ring specimens in 1940 but
did no excavation In the 1950s Gordon Vivian
excavated several rooms and kivas including the Tri-
wall Structure (Vivian 1959) Rooms 139 and 141
and Kiva L as part of stabilization work
Stabilization of the site was necessary since much of
it had been exposed for 25 years after Juddrsquos work
Despite the wealth of information about Pueblo del
Arroyo Pueblo Bonito continues to attract the
majority of research Recently however there has
been renewed interest in Pueblo del Arroyo (FIG 3)
where the building alignments suggest a widespread
integrated planned layout of greathouses across time
and space (eg Doxtater 1991 2002 Stein et al 2003
Stein et al 1997 Stein et al 2007 Sofaer 1997 2007)
For example Doxtater (1991 173ndash175) believes that
it may be significant that the back wall of Pueblo del
Arroyo aligns with an axis connecting the sacred
Zuni Salt Lake south of Zuni Pueblo New Mexico
with the astronomically positioned Chimney Rock
Pueblo (Malville 1993) near Pagosa Springs
Colorado Chimney Rock Pueblo shares similar
building dates with Pueblo del Arroyo (AD 1070s)
The new dates have direct implications on Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos temporal placement within any proposed
alignment schemes and sequences of construction in
downtown Chaco Canyon There is much to be
learned from this understudied greathouse that
underwent a massive expansion in the early 1100s
since it is one of the final large canyon greathouses
built and exhibits the only Tri-wall Structure in the
Chacoan area
For its size Pueblo del Arroyo has the greatest
number of visible wood elements of any Chacoan
greathouse approximately 7ndash21 of the total ele-
ments are original The Chaco Wood Project crew
inventoried all visible architectural elements in
Pueblo del Arroyo to assess their size and condition
and to reassess the earlier tree-ring dating of the site
The majority of the new samples collected were cores
although many elements were pulled the butt-end cut
off and the remainder replaced in the socket and
78 Trustees of Boston University 2010DOI 101179009346910X12707320296757 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
stabilized Almost all of the earlier samples were from
sawn timbers The majority of the new samples that
were dated provided cutting or near-cutting dates
Most samples (FIG 4) came from the well-protected
first-story rooms (n5802 351 dates) and fewer
elements were found in the second story (n5376
30 of the total elements plus 15 more [1] possible
second story yielding 180 dates) and third-story
rooms (n549 4 with 11 dates)
Despite recent interest in Pueblo del Arroyo the
site chronology was formerly based on 46 dated
construction elements of a possible 18000 or more
elements (TABLE 1) At present 1536 pieces of wood
are documented primarily in the excavated sections
Although Judd encountered large amounts of woo-
den structural material during his work (primarily
from roofs FIG 5) the majority of the loose or
broken elements were discarded Tree-ring dating was
Figure 1 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and Chaco Canyon in the southwestern United States
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 79
pioneered in the 1920s and Judd was instrumental in
its development but only large-diameter elements of
ponderosa pine and Douglas-fir proved useful with
this new method (Nash 1999 25ndash26) Thus only a
few well-preserved roof vigas (primary beams) were
sampled during Juddrsquos work
Deterioration of the exposed masonry and wooden
architecture following the 1920s excavations resulted in
considerable loss of structural integrity and necessitated
massive stabilization in 1949 and 1950 (Vivian et al
1951) Many door and ventilator lintels roof second-
aries (latillas) and some vigas were badly deteriorated
and discarded Fortuitously a large stockpile of prehi-
storic wood elements salvaged from rooms in Pueblo
Bonito that were crushed by Threatening Rock in 1941
and from the 1947 flood waters in the back rooms of
Chetro Ketl were the primary replacement elements
used during stabilization in Pueblo del Arroyo
Figure 3 Aerial view of Pueblo del Arroyo looking north Photograph by Fred Mang (US National Park Service)
Figure 2 Exploration of Pueblo del Arroyo in 1887 Looking north at the south wall of the South Wing Photograph by Victor
Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
80 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Previous DatingOnly 63 tree-ring samples were retrieved from Pueblo
del Arroyo before 1970 with 46 of these yielding
dates all between 1029 and 1109 These few widely
scattered dates and the architectural plan were all
that Lekson (1984) had to interpret the construction
history of the site With a larger database now
available it is interesting to compare the original set
of dates published by Robinson Harrill and Warren
(1974 36ndash37) with the new data consisting of 496
new dates and 46 previous dates for a total of 542
(FIG 6) Dating done before 1970 revealed a small
early 1100s cluster of dates Other cutting dates were
spread over an 85-year period that masked specific
episodes of construction This is contrary to the
situation at Pueblo Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996)
where a greater diversity of dates was obtained from
a larger database
Approximately 291 (19) elements are modern
replacements or reused Anasazi elements taken from
historical Chetro Ketl and Pueblo Bonito stockpiles
About 90 elements are so deteriorated that no
samples are viable for tree-ring dating
The new larger sample (496 dates) failed to match
many of Juddrsquos cutting dates particularly those in the
1060s and earlier Although sampling error may be
Figure 4 Rooms and kivas yielding tree-ring dates at Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 81
faulted here it is unlikely given the broad sampling
strategymdashroughly 82 of the visible wood was
sampled It is difficult to explain where these
anomalous cutting dates came from and why they
fail to fit the patterns evident in the larger sample
The loss of so many elements from stabilization and
the deep excavation areas that are no longer visible
may have affected present-day patterns The bias in
sampling mostly the large vigas which were often
reused may be the primary reason for such a broad
range of cutting dates derived from earlier sampling
attempts Few vigas have survived for the present
study but their dates suggest prehistoric procurement
from stocks used during constructions at Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl in the 1000s Nevertheless
there is archaeological evidence that some original
elements were prehistorically salvaged for use else-
where in the site (Judd 1959 40)
ResultsFifty-six dates fell between 1020 and 1060 (47
between 1035 and 1050) which match the peak of
the dated wood secured from the 1947 flood at
Chetro Ketl (Bannister 1965 139 146) Some of these
elements have small white cloth tags attached
occasionally with provenience information or the
surviving tacks that once affixed the cloth tags to
their sides that mark them as flood logs The majority
are historical replacements in repaired doorways and
ventilators Both the tags and the tree-ring dates
identify these flood logs with the 1949ndash1950 stabiliza-
tion repairs by Gordon Vivian these are not included
in Figure 6
Ten dates from the 1060s-period cluster within the
initial core rooms All came from vigas and six were
sampled prior to the present project Those that
supported the roofs in Rooms 44 and 46 provide the
best examples of in situ vigas dated to 1066 Later
dates from surrounding wall features and roof latillas
suggest that these vigas were reused rather than part
of the initial construction The wood species and
dates match some vigas used in Chetro Ketl thus it is
suggested that they came from a common prehistoric
stockpile of unused beams or that they were removed
from Chetro Ketl in prehistoric times where there
was much timber reuse during remodelings (Dean
and Warren 1983)
A group of 67 dates between 1074 and 1084 mark
an important period for the initial construction of the
site (FIG 7) These dates cluster in the central core
Figure 5 The partially intact roof and second-story floor in
Pueblo del Arroyo Room 16 in 1923 Photograph by O C
Havens (National Geographic Society)
Table 1 Wood requirements for Pueblo del Arroyo during the construction periods of the AD 1070s and AD 1100ndash1104
No ofelements Viga Latilla
Doorlintel
Ventlintel
Room roofshake (cu m)
Kivaradialpilaster
Kivaventlintel
Kivaroofbeam
Kiva roofshake(cu m)
Total(struct)
Total(shakes)
1070s Needed 156 2690 527 440 769 sq m60055385
16 50iexcl 800 985 sq m6005549
4629 72ndash184
Sampled(orig)
17 89 70 72 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 248 ndash
sampledof needed
109 33 133 164 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 54 ndash
No oftrees cut
52ndash156
897ndash2690
176ndash527
147ndash440
64ndash163 2ndash16 16ndash50 267ndash800 8ndash21 1557ndash4629
72ndash184
Needed 561 8283 1740 1410 2533 sq m600551267
28 100iexcl 1300 1669 sq m6005583
13422 223ndash569
1100ndash1104
Sampled(orig)
48 208 229 95 ndash 10 7 ndash ndash 597 ndash
sampledof needed
86 25 132 67 ndash 357 7 ndash ndash 44 ndash
No oftrees cut
187ndash561
2761ndash8283
580ndash1740
470ndash1410
209ndash534 3ndash28 33ndash100 433ndash1300 14ndash35 4467ndash13422
223ndash569
Total No oftrees cut
239ndash717
3658ndash10973
756ndash2267
617ndash1850
273ndash697 5ndash44 49ndash150 700ndash2100 22ndash56 6024ndash18051
295ndash753
Number of juniper trees needed for shakes calculated by dividing shake volume by live juniper volumes growing in the East ChacoCommunity area (n59 S50236 cu m) and the Hospah NM area (n515 S506055 cu m) Average thickness of juniper splint layer inroofs is 5 cm Juniper splint volume needed per room based on 1070s roofs is 1 cu mEstimated two court kivas (not visible now) for 1070s construction Roof elements in kivas calculated from Pueblo Bonitorsquos Kiva L (D55 m 350 elements Judd 1964 180) Estimated 400 logs for Kiva L-size kivas and 500 for Kiva C Estimated maximum nine pilasterbasal logs per treeMaximum number of trees calculated as equal to number of elements needed for construction Minimum number of trees requiredcalculated by assuming an average of three elements per tree
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
82 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
that architecturally marks its early beginnings
(Lekson 1984) The position size and orientation
of these rooms point to their use as a habitation unit
comparable to the habitation unit observed at Pueblo
Alto built three or four decades earlier (Windes
1987a 15ndash25) The date cluster overlaps with a
similar cluster at Pueblo Bonito corresponding to a
massive addition to the southeastern part of Pueblo
Bonito
Sample dates of 1080 and 1081 are suspicious
because they match those sampled in the east wing of
Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003 Windes and Ford 1996)
and in historical stockpiles at Bonito some of which
were reused in Pueblo Pintado during stabilization
All 14 1081 elements at Pueblo del Arroyo came from
suspected stabilization elements and thus are not
included in Figure 6
A few samples dated to the early 1080s at Pueblo
del Arroyo appear to be original because of their
association with date clusters in the late 1070s The
best example is from Door 42 in the west wall of
Room 34 where original first-story lintels yielded
cutting dates at 1075 1078 1082 and 1084 The latest
date is from an outer lintel the most exposed location
subject to natural deterioration and subsequent
replacement The 1082 date however is centered
within the doorway top where it is protected and
difficult to replace Oddly Vivian Rixey and Abel
(1951 156) state that new lintels were replaced in
both first-story doors although Door 42 appears
intact in the pre-stabilization photograph and is
considered to be original The opposite door (Door
45) which was clearly rebuilt yielded dates between
1031 and 1039 from reused Chetro Ketl elements and
a 1081 date from Pueblo Bonito wood Another 1082
date was obtained from a first-story viga in Room
102 in the north wing associated with three other
original vigas dated at 1056 1061 and 1076 All the
associated dated latillas and door and vent lintels
however were cut between 1100 and 1103
Apparently the vigas were reused prehistoric
elements
A few dates in the late 1070s from ventilators in
Rooms 94 and 95 and door lintels and a viga in
Room 36 may indicate that the initial building
(shown as heavy dashed lines) was somewhat larger
than the core unit shown in Figure 7 Room 41 also
yielded a door lintel date of 1076 but it was a modern
replacement The block of four rooms to which
Rooms 36 and 41 belong has been heavily stabilized
and repaired with numerous beams from Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl This small block of rooms
(Rooms 36ndash37 and 40ndash41) to the SE of the initial NndashS
roomblock yielded firepits that may mark two
habitation suites but their north-facing orientation
is highly unusual (north-facing habitation units are
extremely rare in puebloan sites) as is an EndashW wing
appended only on the south side of a NndashS oriented
roomblock without construction of a companion
north-side wing The north section where Kivas H
and I are now located contained earlier rooms (Judd
1959 77 82) perhaps similar to those in the south
wing
The majority of the prehistoric cutting dates
between 1100 and 1104 (n5298) from Pueblo del
Arroyo mark substantial tree harvesting After
construction of the initial core of rooms in the
1070s the remaining big rooms and wings were
added to the site during a single episode of construc-
tion Dates from these rooms that fall outside this
construction episode correspond to elements from the
1949ndash1950 stabilization work Nevertheless the
amount of repair required in the excavated areas
originally built in the early 1100s and the probable
Figure 6 Cutting and near-cutting tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo between AD 1066 and 1109
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 83
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
stabilized Almost all of the earlier samples were from
sawn timbers The majority of the new samples that
were dated provided cutting or near-cutting dates
Most samples (FIG 4) came from the well-protected
first-story rooms (n5802 351 dates) and fewer
elements were found in the second story (n5376
30 of the total elements plus 15 more [1] possible
second story yielding 180 dates) and third-story
rooms (n549 4 with 11 dates)
Despite recent interest in Pueblo del Arroyo the
site chronology was formerly based on 46 dated
construction elements of a possible 18000 or more
elements (TABLE 1) At present 1536 pieces of wood
are documented primarily in the excavated sections
Although Judd encountered large amounts of woo-
den structural material during his work (primarily
from roofs FIG 5) the majority of the loose or
broken elements were discarded Tree-ring dating was
Figure 1 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and Chaco Canyon in the southwestern United States
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 79
pioneered in the 1920s and Judd was instrumental in
its development but only large-diameter elements of
ponderosa pine and Douglas-fir proved useful with
this new method (Nash 1999 25ndash26) Thus only a
few well-preserved roof vigas (primary beams) were
sampled during Juddrsquos work
Deterioration of the exposed masonry and wooden
architecture following the 1920s excavations resulted in
considerable loss of structural integrity and necessitated
massive stabilization in 1949 and 1950 (Vivian et al
1951) Many door and ventilator lintels roof second-
aries (latillas) and some vigas were badly deteriorated
and discarded Fortuitously a large stockpile of prehi-
storic wood elements salvaged from rooms in Pueblo
Bonito that were crushed by Threatening Rock in 1941
and from the 1947 flood waters in the back rooms of
Chetro Ketl were the primary replacement elements
used during stabilization in Pueblo del Arroyo
Figure 3 Aerial view of Pueblo del Arroyo looking north Photograph by Fred Mang (US National Park Service)
Figure 2 Exploration of Pueblo del Arroyo in 1887 Looking north at the south wall of the South Wing Photograph by Victor
Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
80 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Previous DatingOnly 63 tree-ring samples were retrieved from Pueblo
del Arroyo before 1970 with 46 of these yielding
dates all between 1029 and 1109 These few widely
scattered dates and the architectural plan were all
that Lekson (1984) had to interpret the construction
history of the site With a larger database now
available it is interesting to compare the original set
of dates published by Robinson Harrill and Warren
(1974 36ndash37) with the new data consisting of 496
new dates and 46 previous dates for a total of 542
(FIG 6) Dating done before 1970 revealed a small
early 1100s cluster of dates Other cutting dates were
spread over an 85-year period that masked specific
episodes of construction This is contrary to the
situation at Pueblo Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996)
where a greater diversity of dates was obtained from
a larger database
Approximately 291 (19) elements are modern
replacements or reused Anasazi elements taken from
historical Chetro Ketl and Pueblo Bonito stockpiles
About 90 elements are so deteriorated that no
samples are viable for tree-ring dating
The new larger sample (496 dates) failed to match
many of Juddrsquos cutting dates particularly those in the
1060s and earlier Although sampling error may be
Figure 4 Rooms and kivas yielding tree-ring dates at Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 81
faulted here it is unlikely given the broad sampling
strategymdashroughly 82 of the visible wood was
sampled It is difficult to explain where these
anomalous cutting dates came from and why they
fail to fit the patterns evident in the larger sample
The loss of so many elements from stabilization and
the deep excavation areas that are no longer visible
may have affected present-day patterns The bias in
sampling mostly the large vigas which were often
reused may be the primary reason for such a broad
range of cutting dates derived from earlier sampling
attempts Few vigas have survived for the present
study but their dates suggest prehistoric procurement
from stocks used during constructions at Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl in the 1000s Nevertheless
there is archaeological evidence that some original
elements were prehistorically salvaged for use else-
where in the site (Judd 1959 40)
ResultsFifty-six dates fell between 1020 and 1060 (47
between 1035 and 1050) which match the peak of
the dated wood secured from the 1947 flood at
Chetro Ketl (Bannister 1965 139 146) Some of these
elements have small white cloth tags attached
occasionally with provenience information or the
surviving tacks that once affixed the cloth tags to
their sides that mark them as flood logs The majority
are historical replacements in repaired doorways and
ventilators Both the tags and the tree-ring dates
identify these flood logs with the 1949ndash1950 stabiliza-
tion repairs by Gordon Vivian these are not included
in Figure 6
Ten dates from the 1060s-period cluster within the
initial core rooms All came from vigas and six were
sampled prior to the present project Those that
supported the roofs in Rooms 44 and 46 provide the
best examples of in situ vigas dated to 1066 Later
dates from surrounding wall features and roof latillas
suggest that these vigas were reused rather than part
of the initial construction The wood species and
dates match some vigas used in Chetro Ketl thus it is
suggested that they came from a common prehistoric
stockpile of unused beams or that they were removed
from Chetro Ketl in prehistoric times where there
was much timber reuse during remodelings (Dean
and Warren 1983)
A group of 67 dates between 1074 and 1084 mark
an important period for the initial construction of the
site (FIG 7) These dates cluster in the central core
Figure 5 The partially intact roof and second-story floor in
Pueblo del Arroyo Room 16 in 1923 Photograph by O C
Havens (National Geographic Society)
Table 1 Wood requirements for Pueblo del Arroyo during the construction periods of the AD 1070s and AD 1100ndash1104
No ofelements Viga Latilla
Doorlintel
Ventlintel
Room roofshake (cu m)
Kivaradialpilaster
Kivaventlintel
Kivaroofbeam
Kiva roofshake(cu m)
Total(struct)
Total(shakes)
1070s Needed 156 2690 527 440 769 sq m60055385
16 50iexcl 800 985 sq m6005549
4629 72ndash184
Sampled(orig)
17 89 70 72 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 248 ndash
sampledof needed
109 33 133 164 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 54 ndash
No oftrees cut
52ndash156
897ndash2690
176ndash527
147ndash440
64ndash163 2ndash16 16ndash50 267ndash800 8ndash21 1557ndash4629
72ndash184
Needed 561 8283 1740 1410 2533 sq m600551267
28 100iexcl 1300 1669 sq m6005583
13422 223ndash569
1100ndash1104
Sampled(orig)
48 208 229 95 ndash 10 7 ndash ndash 597 ndash
sampledof needed
86 25 132 67 ndash 357 7 ndash ndash 44 ndash
No oftrees cut
187ndash561
2761ndash8283
580ndash1740
470ndash1410
209ndash534 3ndash28 33ndash100 433ndash1300 14ndash35 4467ndash13422
223ndash569
Total No oftrees cut
239ndash717
3658ndash10973
756ndash2267
617ndash1850
273ndash697 5ndash44 49ndash150 700ndash2100 22ndash56 6024ndash18051
295ndash753
Number of juniper trees needed for shakes calculated by dividing shake volume by live juniper volumes growing in the East ChacoCommunity area (n59 S50236 cu m) and the Hospah NM area (n515 S506055 cu m) Average thickness of juniper splint layer inroofs is 5 cm Juniper splint volume needed per room based on 1070s roofs is 1 cu mEstimated two court kivas (not visible now) for 1070s construction Roof elements in kivas calculated from Pueblo Bonitorsquos Kiva L (D55 m 350 elements Judd 1964 180) Estimated 400 logs for Kiva L-size kivas and 500 for Kiva C Estimated maximum nine pilasterbasal logs per treeMaximum number of trees calculated as equal to number of elements needed for construction Minimum number of trees requiredcalculated by assuming an average of three elements per tree
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
82 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
that architecturally marks its early beginnings
(Lekson 1984) The position size and orientation
of these rooms point to their use as a habitation unit
comparable to the habitation unit observed at Pueblo
Alto built three or four decades earlier (Windes
1987a 15ndash25) The date cluster overlaps with a
similar cluster at Pueblo Bonito corresponding to a
massive addition to the southeastern part of Pueblo
Bonito
Sample dates of 1080 and 1081 are suspicious
because they match those sampled in the east wing of
Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003 Windes and Ford 1996)
and in historical stockpiles at Bonito some of which
were reused in Pueblo Pintado during stabilization
All 14 1081 elements at Pueblo del Arroyo came from
suspected stabilization elements and thus are not
included in Figure 6
A few samples dated to the early 1080s at Pueblo
del Arroyo appear to be original because of their
association with date clusters in the late 1070s The
best example is from Door 42 in the west wall of
Room 34 where original first-story lintels yielded
cutting dates at 1075 1078 1082 and 1084 The latest
date is from an outer lintel the most exposed location
subject to natural deterioration and subsequent
replacement The 1082 date however is centered
within the doorway top where it is protected and
difficult to replace Oddly Vivian Rixey and Abel
(1951 156) state that new lintels were replaced in
both first-story doors although Door 42 appears
intact in the pre-stabilization photograph and is
considered to be original The opposite door (Door
45) which was clearly rebuilt yielded dates between
1031 and 1039 from reused Chetro Ketl elements and
a 1081 date from Pueblo Bonito wood Another 1082
date was obtained from a first-story viga in Room
102 in the north wing associated with three other
original vigas dated at 1056 1061 and 1076 All the
associated dated latillas and door and vent lintels
however were cut between 1100 and 1103
Apparently the vigas were reused prehistoric
elements
A few dates in the late 1070s from ventilators in
Rooms 94 and 95 and door lintels and a viga in
Room 36 may indicate that the initial building
(shown as heavy dashed lines) was somewhat larger
than the core unit shown in Figure 7 Room 41 also
yielded a door lintel date of 1076 but it was a modern
replacement The block of four rooms to which
Rooms 36 and 41 belong has been heavily stabilized
and repaired with numerous beams from Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl This small block of rooms
(Rooms 36ndash37 and 40ndash41) to the SE of the initial NndashS
roomblock yielded firepits that may mark two
habitation suites but their north-facing orientation
is highly unusual (north-facing habitation units are
extremely rare in puebloan sites) as is an EndashW wing
appended only on the south side of a NndashS oriented
roomblock without construction of a companion
north-side wing The north section where Kivas H
and I are now located contained earlier rooms (Judd
1959 77 82) perhaps similar to those in the south
wing
The majority of the prehistoric cutting dates
between 1100 and 1104 (n5298) from Pueblo del
Arroyo mark substantial tree harvesting After
construction of the initial core of rooms in the
1070s the remaining big rooms and wings were
added to the site during a single episode of construc-
tion Dates from these rooms that fall outside this
construction episode correspond to elements from the
1949ndash1950 stabilization work Nevertheless the
amount of repair required in the excavated areas
originally built in the early 1100s and the probable
Figure 6 Cutting and near-cutting tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo between AD 1066 and 1109
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 83
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
pioneered in the 1920s and Judd was instrumental in
its development but only large-diameter elements of
ponderosa pine and Douglas-fir proved useful with
this new method (Nash 1999 25ndash26) Thus only a
few well-preserved roof vigas (primary beams) were
sampled during Juddrsquos work
Deterioration of the exposed masonry and wooden
architecture following the 1920s excavations resulted in
considerable loss of structural integrity and necessitated
massive stabilization in 1949 and 1950 (Vivian et al
1951) Many door and ventilator lintels roof second-
aries (latillas) and some vigas were badly deteriorated
and discarded Fortuitously a large stockpile of prehi-
storic wood elements salvaged from rooms in Pueblo
Bonito that were crushed by Threatening Rock in 1941
and from the 1947 flood waters in the back rooms of
Chetro Ketl were the primary replacement elements
used during stabilization in Pueblo del Arroyo
Figure 3 Aerial view of Pueblo del Arroyo looking north Photograph by Fred Mang (US National Park Service)
Figure 2 Exploration of Pueblo del Arroyo in 1887 Looking north at the south wall of the South Wing Photograph by Victor
Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
80 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Previous DatingOnly 63 tree-ring samples were retrieved from Pueblo
del Arroyo before 1970 with 46 of these yielding
dates all between 1029 and 1109 These few widely
scattered dates and the architectural plan were all
that Lekson (1984) had to interpret the construction
history of the site With a larger database now
available it is interesting to compare the original set
of dates published by Robinson Harrill and Warren
(1974 36ndash37) with the new data consisting of 496
new dates and 46 previous dates for a total of 542
(FIG 6) Dating done before 1970 revealed a small
early 1100s cluster of dates Other cutting dates were
spread over an 85-year period that masked specific
episodes of construction This is contrary to the
situation at Pueblo Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996)
where a greater diversity of dates was obtained from
a larger database
Approximately 291 (19) elements are modern
replacements or reused Anasazi elements taken from
historical Chetro Ketl and Pueblo Bonito stockpiles
About 90 elements are so deteriorated that no
samples are viable for tree-ring dating
The new larger sample (496 dates) failed to match
many of Juddrsquos cutting dates particularly those in the
1060s and earlier Although sampling error may be
Figure 4 Rooms and kivas yielding tree-ring dates at Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 81
faulted here it is unlikely given the broad sampling
strategymdashroughly 82 of the visible wood was
sampled It is difficult to explain where these
anomalous cutting dates came from and why they
fail to fit the patterns evident in the larger sample
The loss of so many elements from stabilization and
the deep excavation areas that are no longer visible
may have affected present-day patterns The bias in
sampling mostly the large vigas which were often
reused may be the primary reason for such a broad
range of cutting dates derived from earlier sampling
attempts Few vigas have survived for the present
study but their dates suggest prehistoric procurement
from stocks used during constructions at Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl in the 1000s Nevertheless
there is archaeological evidence that some original
elements were prehistorically salvaged for use else-
where in the site (Judd 1959 40)
ResultsFifty-six dates fell between 1020 and 1060 (47
between 1035 and 1050) which match the peak of
the dated wood secured from the 1947 flood at
Chetro Ketl (Bannister 1965 139 146) Some of these
elements have small white cloth tags attached
occasionally with provenience information or the
surviving tacks that once affixed the cloth tags to
their sides that mark them as flood logs The majority
are historical replacements in repaired doorways and
ventilators Both the tags and the tree-ring dates
identify these flood logs with the 1949ndash1950 stabiliza-
tion repairs by Gordon Vivian these are not included
in Figure 6
Ten dates from the 1060s-period cluster within the
initial core rooms All came from vigas and six were
sampled prior to the present project Those that
supported the roofs in Rooms 44 and 46 provide the
best examples of in situ vigas dated to 1066 Later
dates from surrounding wall features and roof latillas
suggest that these vigas were reused rather than part
of the initial construction The wood species and
dates match some vigas used in Chetro Ketl thus it is
suggested that they came from a common prehistoric
stockpile of unused beams or that they were removed
from Chetro Ketl in prehistoric times where there
was much timber reuse during remodelings (Dean
and Warren 1983)
A group of 67 dates between 1074 and 1084 mark
an important period for the initial construction of the
site (FIG 7) These dates cluster in the central core
Figure 5 The partially intact roof and second-story floor in
Pueblo del Arroyo Room 16 in 1923 Photograph by O C
Havens (National Geographic Society)
Table 1 Wood requirements for Pueblo del Arroyo during the construction periods of the AD 1070s and AD 1100ndash1104
No ofelements Viga Latilla
Doorlintel
Ventlintel
Room roofshake (cu m)
Kivaradialpilaster
Kivaventlintel
Kivaroofbeam
Kiva roofshake(cu m)
Total(struct)
Total(shakes)
1070s Needed 156 2690 527 440 769 sq m60055385
16 50iexcl 800 985 sq m6005549
4629 72ndash184
Sampled(orig)
17 89 70 72 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 248 ndash
sampledof needed
109 33 133 164 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 54 ndash
No oftrees cut
52ndash156
897ndash2690
176ndash527
147ndash440
64ndash163 2ndash16 16ndash50 267ndash800 8ndash21 1557ndash4629
72ndash184
Needed 561 8283 1740 1410 2533 sq m600551267
28 100iexcl 1300 1669 sq m6005583
13422 223ndash569
1100ndash1104
Sampled(orig)
48 208 229 95 ndash 10 7 ndash ndash 597 ndash
sampledof needed
86 25 132 67 ndash 357 7 ndash ndash 44 ndash
No oftrees cut
187ndash561
2761ndash8283
580ndash1740
470ndash1410
209ndash534 3ndash28 33ndash100 433ndash1300 14ndash35 4467ndash13422
223ndash569
Total No oftrees cut
239ndash717
3658ndash10973
756ndash2267
617ndash1850
273ndash697 5ndash44 49ndash150 700ndash2100 22ndash56 6024ndash18051
295ndash753
Number of juniper trees needed for shakes calculated by dividing shake volume by live juniper volumes growing in the East ChacoCommunity area (n59 S50236 cu m) and the Hospah NM area (n515 S506055 cu m) Average thickness of juniper splint layer inroofs is 5 cm Juniper splint volume needed per room based on 1070s roofs is 1 cu mEstimated two court kivas (not visible now) for 1070s construction Roof elements in kivas calculated from Pueblo Bonitorsquos Kiva L (D55 m 350 elements Judd 1964 180) Estimated 400 logs for Kiva L-size kivas and 500 for Kiva C Estimated maximum nine pilasterbasal logs per treeMaximum number of trees calculated as equal to number of elements needed for construction Minimum number of trees requiredcalculated by assuming an average of three elements per tree
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
82 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
that architecturally marks its early beginnings
(Lekson 1984) The position size and orientation
of these rooms point to their use as a habitation unit
comparable to the habitation unit observed at Pueblo
Alto built three or four decades earlier (Windes
1987a 15ndash25) The date cluster overlaps with a
similar cluster at Pueblo Bonito corresponding to a
massive addition to the southeastern part of Pueblo
Bonito
Sample dates of 1080 and 1081 are suspicious
because they match those sampled in the east wing of
Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003 Windes and Ford 1996)
and in historical stockpiles at Bonito some of which
were reused in Pueblo Pintado during stabilization
All 14 1081 elements at Pueblo del Arroyo came from
suspected stabilization elements and thus are not
included in Figure 6
A few samples dated to the early 1080s at Pueblo
del Arroyo appear to be original because of their
association with date clusters in the late 1070s The
best example is from Door 42 in the west wall of
Room 34 where original first-story lintels yielded
cutting dates at 1075 1078 1082 and 1084 The latest
date is from an outer lintel the most exposed location
subject to natural deterioration and subsequent
replacement The 1082 date however is centered
within the doorway top where it is protected and
difficult to replace Oddly Vivian Rixey and Abel
(1951 156) state that new lintels were replaced in
both first-story doors although Door 42 appears
intact in the pre-stabilization photograph and is
considered to be original The opposite door (Door
45) which was clearly rebuilt yielded dates between
1031 and 1039 from reused Chetro Ketl elements and
a 1081 date from Pueblo Bonito wood Another 1082
date was obtained from a first-story viga in Room
102 in the north wing associated with three other
original vigas dated at 1056 1061 and 1076 All the
associated dated latillas and door and vent lintels
however were cut between 1100 and 1103
Apparently the vigas were reused prehistoric
elements
A few dates in the late 1070s from ventilators in
Rooms 94 and 95 and door lintels and a viga in
Room 36 may indicate that the initial building
(shown as heavy dashed lines) was somewhat larger
than the core unit shown in Figure 7 Room 41 also
yielded a door lintel date of 1076 but it was a modern
replacement The block of four rooms to which
Rooms 36 and 41 belong has been heavily stabilized
and repaired with numerous beams from Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl This small block of rooms
(Rooms 36ndash37 and 40ndash41) to the SE of the initial NndashS
roomblock yielded firepits that may mark two
habitation suites but their north-facing orientation
is highly unusual (north-facing habitation units are
extremely rare in puebloan sites) as is an EndashW wing
appended only on the south side of a NndashS oriented
roomblock without construction of a companion
north-side wing The north section where Kivas H
and I are now located contained earlier rooms (Judd
1959 77 82) perhaps similar to those in the south
wing
The majority of the prehistoric cutting dates
between 1100 and 1104 (n5298) from Pueblo del
Arroyo mark substantial tree harvesting After
construction of the initial core of rooms in the
1070s the remaining big rooms and wings were
added to the site during a single episode of construc-
tion Dates from these rooms that fall outside this
construction episode correspond to elements from the
1949ndash1950 stabilization work Nevertheless the
amount of repair required in the excavated areas
originally built in the early 1100s and the probable
Figure 6 Cutting and near-cutting tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo between AD 1066 and 1109
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 83
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Previous DatingOnly 63 tree-ring samples were retrieved from Pueblo
del Arroyo before 1970 with 46 of these yielding
dates all between 1029 and 1109 These few widely
scattered dates and the architectural plan were all
that Lekson (1984) had to interpret the construction
history of the site With a larger database now
available it is interesting to compare the original set
of dates published by Robinson Harrill and Warren
(1974 36ndash37) with the new data consisting of 496
new dates and 46 previous dates for a total of 542
(FIG 6) Dating done before 1970 revealed a small
early 1100s cluster of dates Other cutting dates were
spread over an 85-year period that masked specific
episodes of construction This is contrary to the
situation at Pueblo Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996)
where a greater diversity of dates was obtained from
a larger database
Approximately 291 (19) elements are modern
replacements or reused Anasazi elements taken from
historical Chetro Ketl and Pueblo Bonito stockpiles
About 90 elements are so deteriorated that no
samples are viable for tree-ring dating
The new larger sample (496 dates) failed to match
many of Juddrsquos cutting dates particularly those in the
1060s and earlier Although sampling error may be
Figure 4 Rooms and kivas yielding tree-ring dates at Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 81
faulted here it is unlikely given the broad sampling
strategymdashroughly 82 of the visible wood was
sampled It is difficult to explain where these
anomalous cutting dates came from and why they
fail to fit the patterns evident in the larger sample
The loss of so many elements from stabilization and
the deep excavation areas that are no longer visible
may have affected present-day patterns The bias in
sampling mostly the large vigas which were often
reused may be the primary reason for such a broad
range of cutting dates derived from earlier sampling
attempts Few vigas have survived for the present
study but their dates suggest prehistoric procurement
from stocks used during constructions at Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl in the 1000s Nevertheless
there is archaeological evidence that some original
elements were prehistorically salvaged for use else-
where in the site (Judd 1959 40)
ResultsFifty-six dates fell between 1020 and 1060 (47
between 1035 and 1050) which match the peak of
the dated wood secured from the 1947 flood at
Chetro Ketl (Bannister 1965 139 146) Some of these
elements have small white cloth tags attached
occasionally with provenience information or the
surviving tacks that once affixed the cloth tags to
their sides that mark them as flood logs The majority
are historical replacements in repaired doorways and
ventilators Both the tags and the tree-ring dates
identify these flood logs with the 1949ndash1950 stabiliza-
tion repairs by Gordon Vivian these are not included
in Figure 6
Ten dates from the 1060s-period cluster within the
initial core rooms All came from vigas and six were
sampled prior to the present project Those that
supported the roofs in Rooms 44 and 46 provide the
best examples of in situ vigas dated to 1066 Later
dates from surrounding wall features and roof latillas
suggest that these vigas were reused rather than part
of the initial construction The wood species and
dates match some vigas used in Chetro Ketl thus it is
suggested that they came from a common prehistoric
stockpile of unused beams or that they were removed
from Chetro Ketl in prehistoric times where there
was much timber reuse during remodelings (Dean
and Warren 1983)
A group of 67 dates between 1074 and 1084 mark
an important period for the initial construction of the
site (FIG 7) These dates cluster in the central core
Figure 5 The partially intact roof and second-story floor in
Pueblo del Arroyo Room 16 in 1923 Photograph by O C
Havens (National Geographic Society)
Table 1 Wood requirements for Pueblo del Arroyo during the construction periods of the AD 1070s and AD 1100ndash1104
No ofelements Viga Latilla
Doorlintel
Ventlintel
Room roofshake (cu m)
Kivaradialpilaster
Kivaventlintel
Kivaroofbeam
Kiva roofshake(cu m)
Total(struct)
Total(shakes)
1070s Needed 156 2690 527 440 769 sq m60055385
16 50iexcl 800 985 sq m6005549
4629 72ndash184
Sampled(orig)
17 89 70 72 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 248 ndash
sampledof needed
109 33 133 164 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 54 ndash
No oftrees cut
52ndash156
897ndash2690
176ndash527
147ndash440
64ndash163 2ndash16 16ndash50 267ndash800 8ndash21 1557ndash4629
72ndash184
Needed 561 8283 1740 1410 2533 sq m600551267
28 100iexcl 1300 1669 sq m6005583
13422 223ndash569
1100ndash1104
Sampled(orig)
48 208 229 95 ndash 10 7 ndash ndash 597 ndash
sampledof needed
86 25 132 67 ndash 357 7 ndash ndash 44 ndash
No oftrees cut
187ndash561
2761ndash8283
580ndash1740
470ndash1410
209ndash534 3ndash28 33ndash100 433ndash1300 14ndash35 4467ndash13422
223ndash569
Total No oftrees cut
239ndash717
3658ndash10973
756ndash2267
617ndash1850
273ndash697 5ndash44 49ndash150 700ndash2100 22ndash56 6024ndash18051
295ndash753
Number of juniper trees needed for shakes calculated by dividing shake volume by live juniper volumes growing in the East ChacoCommunity area (n59 S50236 cu m) and the Hospah NM area (n515 S506055 cu m) Average thickness of juniper splint layer inroofs is 5 cm Juniper splint volume needed per room based on 1070s roofs is 1 cu mEstimated two court kivas (not visible now) for 1070s construction Roof elements in kivas calculated from Pueblo Bonitorsquos Kiva L (D55 m 350 elements Judd 1964 180) Estimated 400 logs for Kiva L-size kivas and 500 for Kiva C Estimated maximum nine pilasterbasal logs per treeMaximum number of trees calculated as equal to number of elements needed for construction Minimum number of trees requiredcalculated by assuming an average of three elements per tree
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
82 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
that architecturally marks its early beginnings
(Lekson 1984) The position size and orientation
of these rooms point to their use as a habitation unit
comparable to the habitation unit observed at Pueblo
Alto built three or four decades earlier (Windes
1987a 15ndash25) The date cluster overlaps with a
similar cluster at Pueblo Bonito corresponding to a
massive addition to the southeastern part of Pueblo
Bonito
Sample dates of 1080 and 1081 are suspicious
because they match those sampled in the east wing of
Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003 Windes and Ford 1996)
and in historical stockpiles at Bonito some of which
were reused in Pueblo Pintado during stabilization
All 14 1081 elements at Pueblo del Arroyo came from
suspected stabilization elements and thus are not
included in Figure 6
A few samples dated to the early 1080s at Pueblo
del Arroyo appear to be original because of their
association with date clusters in the late 1070s The
best example is from Door 42 in the west wall of
Room 34 where original first-story lintels yielded
cutting dates at 1075 1078 1082 and 1084 The latest
date is from an outer lintel the most exposed location
subject to natural deterioration and subsequent
replacement The 1082 date however is centered
within the doorway top where it is protected and
difficult to replace Oddly Vivian Rixey and Abel
(1951 156) state that new lintels were replaced in
both first-story doors although Door 42 appears
intact in the pre-stabilization photograph and is
considered to be original The opposite door (Door
45) which was clearly rebuilt yielded dates between
1031 and 1039 from reused Chetro Ketl elements and
a 1081 date from Pueblo Bonito wood Another 1082
date was obtained from a first-story viga in Room
102 in the north wing associated with three other
original vigas dated at 1056 1061 and 1076 All the
associated dated latillas and door and vent lintels
however were cut between 1100 and 1103
Apparently the vigas were reused prehistoric
elements
A few dates in the late 1070s from ventilators in
Rooms 94 and 95 and door lintels and a viga in
Room 36 may indicate that the initial building
(shown as heavy dashed lines) was somewhat larger
than the core unit shown in Figure 7 Room 41 also
yielded a door lintel date of 1076 but it was a modern
replacement The block of four rooms to which
Rooms 36 and 41 belong has been heavily stabilized
and repaired with numerous beams from Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl This small block of rooms
(Rooms 36ndash37 and 40ndash41) to the SE of the initial NndashS
roomblock yielded firepits that may mark two
habitation suites but their north-facing orientation
is highly unusual (north-facing habitation units are
extremely rare in puebloan sites) as is an EndashW wing
appended only on the south side of a NndashS oriented
roomblock without construction of a companion
north-side wing The north section where Kivas H
and I are now located contained earlier rooms (Judd
1959 77 82) perhaps similar to those in the south
wing
The majority of the prehistoric cutting dates
between 1100 and 1104 (n5298) from Pueblo del
Arroyo mark substantial tree harvesting After
construction of the initial core of rooms in the
1070s the remaining big rooms and wings were
added to the site during a single episode of construc-
tion Dates from these rooms that fall outside this
construction episode correspond to elements from the
1949ndash1950 stabilization work Nevertheless the
amount of repair required in the excavated areas
originally built in the early 1100s and the probable
Figure 6 Cutting and near-cutting tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo between AD 1066 and 1109
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 83
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
faulted here it is unlikely given the broad sampling
strategymdashroughly 82 of the visible wood was
sampled It is difficult to explain where these
anomalous cutting dates came from and why they
fail to fit the patterns evident in the larger sample
The loss of so many elements from stabilization and
the deep excavation areas that are no longer visible
may have affected present-day patterns The bias in
sampling mostly the large vigas which were often
reused may be the primary reason for such a broad
range of cutting dates derived from earlier sampling
attempts Few vigas have survived for the present
study but their dates suggest prehistoric procurement
from stocks used during constructions at Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl in the 1000s Nevertheless
there is archaeological evidence that some original
elements were prehistorically salvaged for use else-
where in the site (Judd 1959 40)
ResultsFifty-six dates fell between 1020 and 1060 (47
between 1035 and 1050) which match the peak of
the dated wood secured from the 1947 flood at
Chetro Ketl (Bannister 1965 139 146) Some of these
elements have small white cloth tags attached
occasionally with provenience information or the
surviving tacks that once affixed the cloth tags to
their sides that mark them as flood logs The majority
are historical replacements in repaired doorways and
ventilators Both the tags and the tree-ring dates
identify these flood logs with the 1949ndash1950 stabiliza-
tion repairs by Gordon Vivian these are not included
in Figure 6
Ten dates from the 1060s-period cluster within the
initial core rooms All came from vigas and six were
sampled prior to the present project Those that
supported the roofs in Rooms 44 and 46 provide the
best examples of in situ vigas dated to 1066 Later
dates from surrounding wall features and roof latillas
suggest that these vigas were reused rather than part
of the initial construction The wood species and
dates match some vigas used in Chetro Ketl thus it is
suggested that they came from a common prehistoric
stockpile of unused beams or that they were removed
from Chetro Ketl in prehistoric times where there
was much timber reuse during remodelings (Dean
and Warren 1983)
A group of 67 dates between 1074 and 1084 mark
an important period for the initial construction of the
site (FIG 7) These dates cluster in the central core
Figure 5 The partially intact roof and second-story floor in
Pueblo del Arroyo Room 16 in 1923 Photograph by O C
Havens (National Geographic Society)
Table 1 Wood requirements for Pueblo del Arroyo during the construction periods of the AD 1070s and AD 1100ndash1104
No ofelements Viga Latilla
Doorlintel
Ventlintel
Room roofshake (cu m)
Kivaradialpilaster
Kivaventlintel
Kivaroofbeam
Kiva roofshake(cu m)
Total(struct)
Total(shakes)
1070s Needed 156 2690 527 440 769 sq m60055385
16 50iexcl 800 985 sq m6005549
4629 72ndash184
Sampled(orig)
17 89 70 72 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 248 ndash
sampledof needed
109 33 133 164 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 54 ndash
No oftrees cut
52ndash156
897ndash2690
176ndash527
147ndash440
64ndash163 2ndash16 16ndash50 267ndash800 8ndash21 1557ndash4629
72ndash184
Needed 561 8283 1740 1410 2533 sq m600551267
28 100iexcl 1300 1669 sq m6005583
13422 223ndash569
1100ndash1104
Sampled(orig)
48 208 229 95 ndash 10 7 ndash ndash 597 ndash
sampledof needed
86 25 132 67 ndash 357 7 ndash ndash 44 ndash
No oftrees cut
187ndash561
2761ndash8283
580ndash1740
470ndash1410
209ndash534 3ndash28 33ndash100 433ndash1300 14ndash35 4467ndash13422
223ndash569
Total No oftrees cut
239ndash717
3658ndash10973
756ndash2267
617ndash1850
273ndash697 5ndash44 49ndash150 700ndash2100 22ndash56 6024ndash18051
295ndash753
Number of juniper trees needed for shakes calculated by dividing shake volume by live juniper volumes growing in the East ChacoCommunity area (n59 S50236 cu m) and the Hospah NM area (n515 S506055 cu m) Average thickness of juniper splint layer inroofs is 5 cm Juniper splint volume needed per room based on 1070s roofs is 1 cu mEstimated two court kivas (not visible now) for 1070s construction Roof elements in kivas calculated from Pueblo Bonitorsquos Kiva L (D55 m 350 elements Judd 1964 180) Estimated 400 logs for Kiva L-size kivas and 500 for Kiva C Estimated maximum nine pilasterbasal logs per treeMaximum number of trees calculated as equal to number of elements needed for construction Minimum number of trees requiredcalculated by assuming an average of three elements per tree
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
82 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
that architecturally marks its early beginnings
(Lekson 1984) The position size and orientation
of these rooms point to their use as a habitation unit
comparable to the habitation unit observed at Pueblo
Alto built three or four decades earlier (Windes
1987a 15ndash25) The date cluster overlaps with a
similar cluster at Pueblo Bonito corresponding to a
massive addition to the southeastern part of Pueblo
Bonito
Sample dates of 1080 and 1081 are suspicious
because they match those sampled in the east wing of
Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003 Windes and Ford 1996)
and in historical stockpiles at Bonito some of which
were reused in Pueblo Pintado during stabilization
All 14 1081 elements at Pueblo del Arroyo came from
suspected stabilization elements and thus are not
included in Figure 6
A few samples dated to the early 1080s at Pueblo
del Arroyo appear to be original because of their
association with date clusters in the late 1070s The
best example is from Door 42 in the west wall of
Room 34 where original first-story lintels yielded
cutting dates at 1075 1078 1082 and 1084 The latest
date is from an outer lintel the most exposed location
subject to natural deterioration and subsequent
replacement The 1082 date however is centered
within the doorway top where it is protected and
difficult to replace Oddly Vivian Rixey and Abel
(1951 156) state that new lintels were replaced in
both first-story doors although Door 42 appears
intact in the pre-stabilization photograph and is
considered to be original The opposite door (Door
45) which was clearly rebuilt yielded dates between
1031 and 1039 from reused Chetro Ketl elements and
a 1081 date from Pueblo Bonito wood Another 1082
date was obtained from a first-story viga in Room
102 in the north wing associated with three other
original vigas dated at 1056 1061 and 1076 All the
associated dated latillas and door and vent lintels
however were cut between 1100 and 1103
Apparently the vigas were reused prehistoric
elements
A few dates in the late 1070s from ventilators in
Rooms 94 and 95 and door lintels and a viga in
Room 36 may indicate that the initial building
(shown as heavy dashed lines) was somewhat larger
than the core unit shown in Figure 7 Room 41 also
yielded a door lintel date of 1076 but it was a modern
replacement The block of four rooms to which
Rooms 36 and 41 belong has been heavily stabilized
and repaired with numerous beams from Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl This small block of rooms
(Rooms 36ndash37 and 40ndash41) to the SE of the initial NndashS
roomblock yielded firepits that may mark two
habitation suites but their north-facing orientation
is highly unusual (north-facing habitation units are
extremely rare in puebloan sites) as is an EndashW wing
appended only on the south side of a NndashS oriented
roomblock without construction of a companion
north-side wing The north section where Kivas H
and I are now located contained earlier rooms (Judd
1959 77 82) perhaps similar to those in the south
wing
The majority of the prehistoric cutting dates
between 1100 and 1104 (n5298) from Pueblo del
Arroyo mark substantial tree harvesting After
construction of the initial core of rooms in the
1070s the remaining big rooms and wings were
added to the site during a single episode of construc-
tion Dates from these rooms that fall outside this
construction episode correspond to elements from the
1949ndash1950 stabilization work Nevertheless the
amount of repair required in the excavated areas
originally built in the early 1100s and the probable
Figure 6 Cutting and near-cutting tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo between AD 1066 and 1109
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 83
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
that architecturally marks its early beginnings
(Lekson 1984) The position size and orientation
of these rooms point to their use as a habitation unit
comparable to the habitation unit observed at Pueblo
Alto built three or four decades earlier (Windes
1987a 15ndash25) The date cluster overlaps with a
similar cluster at Pueblo Bonito corresponding to a
massive addition to the southeastern part of Pueblo
Bonito
Sample dates of 1080 and 1081 are suspicious
because they match those sampled in the east wing of
Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003 Windes and Ford 1996)
and in historical stockpiles at Bonito some of which
were reused in Pueblo Pintado during stabilization
All 14 1081 elements at Pueblo del Arroyo came from
suspected stabilization elements and thus are not
included in Figure 6
A few samples dated to the early 1080s at Pueblo
del Arroyo appear to be original because of their
association with date clusters in the late 1070s The
best example is from Door 42 in the west wall of
Room 34 where original first-story lintels yielded
cutting dates at 1075 1078 1082 and 1084 The latest
date is from an outer lintel the most exposed location
subject to natural deterioration and subsequent
replacement The 1082 date however is centered
within the doorway top where it is protected and
difficult to replace Oddly Vivian Rixey and Abel
(1951 156) state that new lintels were replaced in
both first-story doors although Door 42 appears
intact in the pre-stabilization photograph and is
considered to be original The opposite door (Door
45) which was clearly rebuilt yielded dates between
1031 and 1039 from reused Chetro Ketl elements and
a 1081 date from Pueblo Bonito wood Another 1082
date was obtained from a first-story viga in Room
102 in the north wing associated with three other
original vigas dated at 1056 1061 and 1076 All the
associated dated latillas and door and vent lintels
however were cut between 1100 and 1103
Apparently the vigas were reused prehistoric
elements
A few dates in the late 1070s from ventilators in
Rooms 94 and 95 and door lintels and a viga in
Room 36 may indicate that the initial building
(shown as heavy dashed lines) was somewhat larger
than the core unit shown in Figure 7 Room 41 also
yielded a door lintel date of 1076 but it was a modern
replacement The block of four rooms to which
Rooms 36 and 41 belong has been heavily stabilized
and repaired with numerous beams from Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl This small block of rooms
(Rooms 36ndash37 and 40ndash41) to the SE of the initial NndashS
roomblock yielded firepits that may mark two
habitation suites but their north-facing orientation
is highly unusual (north-facing habitation units are
extremely rare in puebloan sites) as is an EndashW wing
appended only on the south side of a NndashS oriented
roomblock without construction of a companion
north-side wing The north section where Kivas H
and I are now located contained earlier rooms (Judd
1959 77 82) perhaps similar to those in the south
wing
The majority of the prehistoric cutting dates
between 1100 and 1104 (n5298) from Pueblo del
Arroyo mark substantial tree harvesting After
construction of the initial core of rooms in the
1070s the remaining big rooms and wings were
added to the site during a single episode of construc-
tion Dates from these rooms that fall outside this
construction episode correspond to elements from the
1949ndash1950 stabilization work Nevertheless the
amount of repair required in the excavated areas
originally built in the early 1100s and the probable
Figure 6 Cutting and near-cutting tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo between AD 1066 and 1109
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 83
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
stockpile of wood collected during excavation from
collapsed roofs and doors resulted in much stabiliza-
tion by Judd that cannot be identified from tree-ring
dates alone
Several areas of construction at the site (the plaza
arc of rooms the kivas and rooms that filled in the
corners of the arc the late batch of kivas in front and
inside of the 1070s roomblock and the Tri-wall
Structure) yielded no tree-ring dates and little wood
and were butted against units built between 1100 and
1105 or afterwards (see below) The early 1100s
ceramics recovered from these units testify to
constructions in the 1110s and 1120s or perhaps as
late as the 1130s and 1140s (Lekson 1984 223) prior
to the onset of a long devastating regional drought
(Dean 1996 46)
Two major episodes of stabilization in the 1920s
and 1949ndash1950 account for the majority of modern
replacement wood marked by 20 historical dates
Door and ventilator elements were sometimes put
back into the features from which they came
probably not in their original order but the work
was rarely documented The wood harvested in the
early 1100s was probably used for the 20th-century
Figure 7 The late AD 1070s and early 1080s construction at Pueblo del Arroyo (in heavy black lines) Heavy dashed lines
indicate a possible larger contemporary structure based on a few 1070s tree-ring dates
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
84 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
repairs across the site with the result that it does not
appear out of context when dated Many of these
reused early 1100s elements (eg the larger-diameter
ones) were formerly latillas from collapsed roofs that
were cut-to-size for use as lintels but only examina-
tion of their now-hidden ends could confirm their
status as repair rather than original elements Many
of the doors repaired by Judd yielded only early
1100s dates which suggests that either the lintels were
not replaced or that he placed the originals back into
the doors from which they came Judd used only
pinon to replace rotted lintels otherwise he (1959
15) retrieved modern ponderosa pine from Smith
Lake near Crownpoint New Mexico to replace the
large elements His use of pinon stands in sharp
contrast to its near absence elsewhere at the site and
in other greathouses pinon dates in the 1920s
confirm their uniqueness At least one timber from
his repairs dated to 1898 suggesting that historical
wood was also available nearby from the Wetherill-
era buildings
Site ConstructionThe numerous tree-ring dates from Pueblo del Arroyo
do not indicate the exact periods of building at the site
Instead the sample reflects the harvest periods for the
trees used in construction Rather than marking multi-
year periods for sequential years of construction in the
clusters of dates in the 1070s and early 1100s the
mixture of cutting dates from elements within the same
features attests to planned construction harvesting
and stockpiling of the necessary wooden elements
followed by the actual construction Some construc-
tion activities (eg leveling the site area pouring the
foundations with puddled adobe and setting the lower
walls Brown et al 2008 238) may have started prior to
tree harvesting but could not have progressed until the
first-story door and ventilator lintels were installed
Initial construction probably began in the late summer
or early fall of 1078 or shortly thereafter and resumed
around 1104
Two dates of 1105 suggest at least some construc-
tion activity took place after the fall of 1104 It seems
unlikely that the massive early 1100s construction
could have been completed in the waning months of
1104 Rather at least one full construction season in
1105 was probably necessary to complete the three-
to-four-story-high rooms and the two wings One
1105 date is tentative but mixed in with roof latillas of
1103ndash1104 and 1070s ages These elements were
burned to the wall from massive fires which attest
to their original prehistoric context The other 1105
element was reused for a door repair by Judd but
probably came from elsewhere at the site as it does
not correspond with any other dated samples from
the canyon
Finally a date of 1109 and the different architec-
ture of the South Annex and Tri-wall complexes
which are butted against the main pueblorsquos south and
west walls respectively indicate a later construction
episode The gap of five years between the tree-ring
date and the mass of earlier 1100s dates is a short
period to account for the difference in construction
styles of the two units but it is supported by other
evidence (see below)
Plaza arc roomsAn arc of rooms encloses the plaza to the east but few
of these rooms and their associated kivas have been
excavated This architectural unit abuts the later
(1105) pueblo wings and thus postdates them The
corners where the arc of rooms attaches to the main
pueblo were filled later with rooms and kivas similar
to additions in other greathouses that may mark
some late residential occupation (Wills 2009) With
one exception no tree-ring samples are derived from
this architecture In 2005 a trail into the plaza from
the park road was tested before heavy equipment was
moved in for a stabilization project A trench across
the arc of rooms yielded a thick upright post in wall
masonry less than a meter east of Room 122 this
specimen (FS 6504) was later lost
BalconiesBalconies appear to have been common along the
north walls of some greathouses such as Pueblo
Bonito (Lekson 1984 37) and Chetro Ketl (Lekson
et al 2007 164) At Pueblo del Arroyo poles formed
a balcony that ran the entire length of the second
story north wall of the south wing bordering the
interior plaza Twenty two of these poles were
sampled and 15 yielded dates of 1100ndash1104 Some-
times these poles served solely to support the balcony
while others were second-story roof latillas that were
cut extra long to extend through the roomsrsquo north
walls and out over the interior plaza Photographs of
the north wall of the north wing roomblock in 1887
show long exterior beams (FIG 8) that must have held
another balcony These could provide the best
examples of actual-size greathouse balconies which
shielded the north walls from the fierce summer sun
and may have served as work areas
KivasSeveral episodes of multiple kiva construction
occurred at Pueblo del Arroyo but few kivas were
excavated and even fewer yielded datable wood
Reliable tree-ring dates are now difficult to obtain
from these kivas because the only structural wood
elements left are the embedded horizontal radial
pilaster logs These logs are typically juniper a
species difficult to date in Chaco and they have been
exposed to the elements since excavation leaving the
majority of the logs with badly eroded outer surfaces
In addition many of the pilaster logs were prehis-
torically modified into a rectangular shape resulting
in great loss of the outer growth rings Often these
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 85
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
logs are in good condition with original outside
surfaces protected within the walls but access to
these protected surfaces is difficult Few of the kiva
pilaster logs appear to have been salvaged or
individually replaced
No kivas are identifiable from the 1070s construc-
tion at the site (but see below) although earlier
pitstructures probably exist to the east of Rooms 44ndash
55 under the cluster of later kivas Judd (1959 33 36ndash
40) encountered part of an early kiva under the walls
of Rooms 44 46 and 47 and later obtained a cutting
date of 1086 from one of the cribbed-roof pine poles
resting on the southwestern pilaster The kiva
postdates the lowest floor in Room 44 where the
vigas dated to 1066 while the Room 47A viga that
was cut off near the walls to make room for the kiva
also dated to 1066 While these vigas may be reused
the construction of the two rooms in the 1070s is
reasonable on stratigraphic grounds A kiva replaced
Room 47A about eight years later A similar event
occurred at Pueblo Alto (Windes 1987a) when kivas
replaced most of the original living rooms at about
1070 or 1080 this also occurred at several other
greathouses and indicates that a major reorganization
took place in the canyon area that impacted the
greathouse inhabitants
Tree-ring dates have been obtained from six other
kivas Two ventilator lintels cut at 1100 came from
Kiva L high in the north wing which was partly
excavated by Vivian in 1957 and revealed an earlier
kiva of McElmo-style (here referring to the style of
masonry but this may also denote a large boxed-in
kiva layout often in a second-story level surrounded
by several tiers of small rooms) construction that had
been remodeled The remaining kiva dates all came
from badly weathered pilaster logs none were cutting
dates The very large Kiva C opposite and south of
Kiva L in the south wing was burned probably as
part of a closing ritual along with many of the rooms
adjacent to it in the southwestern corner of the
roomblock Kiva C was built as the core structure
adjacent to roomblocks on three sides in the South
Wing a building similar in plan to the modular units
constructed later at Kin Kletso New Alto and other
late greathouses (Lekson 1984) This kiva (wall-to-
wall D 85 m) yielded two dates of 978 and 1045r
(r5the cutting date) from the eight pilasters and
1064vv (vv5missing an unknown number of outer
rings) from a roofing element None of these help to
confirm that the kiva was constructed in the 1100s
although roof poles from an associated interstitial
space to the NE date to 1101
Kivas F and G located in front and east of the
initial NndashS roomblock built in the late 1070s appear
to be late because of their association with later
architecture but their dated pilaster logs hint of
earlier origins perhaps associated with the initial
roomblock Kiva F yielded five pilaster-log dates of
1007 1011 1019 1024 and 1030 all with non-cutting
(vv) outer rings except that the 1011 and 1024
samples were considered by the author to exhibit the
last outer rings (ie were near cutting dates)
Considering that all were very old juniper logs
most with pith dates in the 700s the cluster of dates
from these altered logs seems surprisingly tight and
early Given the size species and age of these logs
they are unlikely to have been reused elements unless
they were moved as a set from an earlier kiva large
juniper roofing elements are almost never used in
canyon greathouse construction Adjacent Kiva G
yielded only a single pilaster date from an 83-year-old
juniper log but it also dated to the same period
1007vv Although the clustering may be fortuitous
the central location of Kiva G in front of the initial
roomblock suggests that it was associated with the
early rooms but later renovated along with Kiva F A
Figure 8 The North Wing of Pueblo del Arroyo looking east in 1887 Note the balcony poles along the North Wing exterior
Silhouette of Pueblo Bonito in the left background Photograph by Victor Mindeleff (US Bureau of American Ethnology)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
86 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
central kiva positioned in front of an initial great-
house roomblock was established at other great-
houses including nearby Hungo Pavi and the West
Ruin at Aztec
The Tri-wall Structure and South AnnexNo wood is preserved in the Tri-wall Structure (FIG 9)
so its construction date remains unknown although it
postdates the early 1100s construction of the main
structure to which it abuts Based on published
accounts (Bannister 1965 189ndash190 Robinson et al
1974 36ndash37 Vivian 1959 68) Lekson (1983 19)
placed the single tree-ring date of 1109 as deriving
from Room 1 of the Tri-wall Structure From this date
and comparison with other tri- and bi-walled struc-
tures Lekson proposed that the unusual structure was
built in the early 1100s The confusion over the Tri-
wall date is clarified by statements from Vivian (1959
68) lsquolsquothat one kiva and seven rooms of the Tri-wall
group abut against the south wing (ie the South
Annex) of Pueblo del Arroyorsquorsquo and that the date
obtained from Room 1 belonged to lsquolsquoone of the Tri-
wall level rooms excavated in 1926rsquorsquo (italics by author)
A cluster of roofing stubs in Room 1 of the South
Annex including a 10 cm-diameter element that was
saw-cut and resampled by the author (it failed to date)
are undoubtedly those that Judd (1959 98) sampled in
Rooms 1 and 2 of the South Annex a saw-cut sample
replaced in the door jamb of Room 44 during
stabilization is probably part of the 1109 element
originally found in Room 1 The 2 m of soil banked
against the back wall of the main ruin in which the Tri-
wall was excavated suggests that the Tri-wall con-
struction is much later than 1105 Vivian (1990 64ndash64
386) suggests that it postdates 1150
Two early Pueblo III culinary jars on the floor and
an archaeomagnetic date (AD 1090iexcl21 Windes
2008 139) from the firepit in South Annex Room 3
Figure 9 Plan of the Tri-wall Structure that was attached to the west side of Pueblo del Arroyo
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 87
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
the presence of two Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
bowls in nearby Room 5 (Windes 1985) and a
McElmo Black-on-white canteen in Room 2 (Judd
1959 104ndash105) temporally agree with the tree-ring
date for the early 1100s construction in Room 1 and
use of the South Annex rooms after construction of
the main south wing in 1104 or thereafter
The suite of small rooms and kivas that formed the
South Annex follows similar late incursion patterns
in the plaza corners of Pueblo del Arroyo and other
greathouses The suites have small habitation and
storage rooms and two small kivas that represent
single- or dual-family domestic units Small domestic
suites were also placed in the plazas at Pueblo Alto
and Pueblo Bonito (Windes 1987a 150ndash151 373
2003 26) while several more were built in the Annex
just outside the west wall of Aztecrsquos West Ruin
(Morris 1924 227ndash257) Salmon Ruin was also later
arranged into scattered small-unit domestic suites
(Adams and Reed 2006 86ndash87) These changes reflect
a shift in the use of greathouse space to small-house
habitational units built by newcomers that probably
moved into abandoned architectural units (Wills
2009)
Use of Species and Wood Source AreasThe wood from Pueblo del Arroyo was procured in a
different manner than that from nearby Pueblo
Bonito (Windes and Ford 1996) and Chetro Ketl
(Dean and Warren 1983) There is still reliance on
young straight conifers for much of the building but
for the first time the construction elements are not
overwhelmingly ponderosa pine (TABLE 2) Through-
out the two primary periods of construction (1070s
and the early 1100s) ponderosa pine remains almost
the exclusive species for large-diameter vigasmdashas it
does from the beginning of canyon greathouse
construction Smaller elements for roof secondary
poles and aperture lintels often came from other tree
species
Compared to other nearby greathouses the selec-
tion of spruce and fir (17) and Douglas-fir (14) for
construction sets Pueblo del Arroyo apart While the
growth characteristics of the trees are similar in terms
of age diameter and uniformity the stands from
which they are gathered differ from those used in
adjacent greathouses The reliance on high-altitude
conifers may have resulted from the depletion of
ponderosa pine at lower altitudes for the construction
of the earlier greathouses Chetro Ketl yielded more
spruce and fir (23 of the total) and ponderosa pine
(62 versus 53 at Pueblo del Arroyo) but less
Douglas-fir (8) and Populus sp (4 versus 9) a
difference that is Chi-square significant in the
selection of structural wood at the two sites
(n51560 df52 xc25377 r50)
Reynolds and her colleagues (2005) examined the
trace element strontium from 12 ponderosa pine
Pueblo del Arroyo samples which indicated that the
primary source of the pine may have been forests in
the Chuska Mountains 90 km to the west although
some may have come from the northern La Plata or
San Juan Mountains much farther away than the
Chuskas An earlier study by English and his
colleagues (2001) of 12 spruce and fir samples from
Pueblo del Arroyo also suggests that most specimens
came from the Chuska Mountains but two may have
come far to the SE in the San Mateo Mountains near
Grants New Mexico As many as four or five of
Englishrsquos samples were reused logs obtained from
Chetro Ketl during stabilization The variety of
different species utilized by the builders of Pueblo
del Arroyo is currently found in the Chuska
Mountains (Windes 1987a table 765)
The dominance of species other than ponderosa
pine for the initial construction occurs at a rate of
Table 2 The structural use of sampled wood by species at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species
Element function
Total Roofviga
Rooflatilla
Balconypole
Doorlintel
Ventlintel Post Other Intra-mural
Kivapilaster
Alder ndash ndash ndash 1 12 ndash ndash ndash ndash 13 11Douglas-fir 1 46 2 72 40 1 1 ndash ndash 163 14Juniperus sp 1 4 ndash ndash 4 1 2 3 22 37 32Non-coniferous ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Pinon ndash 2 ndash 19 6 ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 23Ponderosa pine 103 162 18 221 70 4 6 27 5 616 529Populus sp (unclassified) 1 6 ndash 18 30 0 3 ndash ndash 58 5Aspen ndash 47 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 47 4Cottonwood ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 02Sprucefir (unclassified) 14 33 ndash 82 42 2 3 5 2 183 157Abies sp (fir) 1 5 ndash 1 1 1 0 ndash ndash 9 08Picea sp (spruce) ndash 2 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 2 ndash 7 06Totals 121 307 20 416 210 9 15 37 29 1164 100 104 264 17 357 180 08 13 32 25 ndash 100
Includes 1 kiva ventilator (Kiva L) with 28 lintels (only eight could be sampled and these were of ponderosa pine Douglasndashfir andsprucefir) Includes wall pegs (3) and loose pieces Includes intramurals tie beams and basal wall supports
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
88 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
almost 21 This sample is skewed by the 32 aspen
latillas used in Room 44 (Tennessen et al 2002) the
only roof containing all Populus sp documented at
the site Nevertheless without this roof ponderosa
pine was still selected less than half the time for small
architectural elements (ie not vigas) This contrasts
with the later construction in the early 1100s when
ponderosa pine was preferred almost 21 over other
species which indicates a shift in procurement areas
Sampling successOverall 49 of the 1060 conifer samples taken from
Pueblo del Arroyo have provided dates As expected
the dating success declines among the smaller diameter
elements and results also vary by species Favored
ponderosa pine vigas produced the best results (79
dated) Overall ponderosa pine (62 dated of the
total pine sampled) and Douglas-fir (47) yielded the
best results from the site discounting the rare species
of pinon (61) and juniper (39) As a group spruce
and fir date poorly (12 success) with the best results
obtained from viga samples (22) Populus sp (2)
alder (0) and non-coniferous (0) samples almost
never date The two aberrant samples of Populus sp
which dated to 1101 come from second-story venti-
lator lintels Considering the amount of Populus sp
used at the site (9) and the large number of small-
diameter ventilator samples taken the dating success
at the site is very good
Harvest periodsTree growth occurs only during a short time of the
year when temperatures and moisture are adequate
(Ahlstrom 1985 Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 2)
The response of some species of trees to environ-
mental conditions in the Southwest provides the
unique signatures of ring growth used for dating By
determining the status of the final growth ring present
in a specimen it is possible to infer the period of the
year when it died An incomplete final growth ring
signifies that the tree was cut during the early spring-
early fall season A complete ring denotes that the
growth process had stopped sometime in the fall but
had not yet commenced again by early spring of the
following year Thus specimens that date with a
complete final ring were obtained from a tree that
naturally died (or had been cut) by fall of the dated
year or was cut sometime in the early following year
before new growth commenced
Different species exhibit different periods of yearly
growth and growing season lengths that help deter-
mine when a group of mixed species was harvested
These periods vary by timber area and species and are
imprecisely known Douglas-fir for instance may
start and finish growth early (May or June) compared
to ponderosa pine (May to September) and spruce and
fir (June to August) In high elevations Douglas-fir
may start new growth as early as March and finish
growth as early as June (Fritts et al 1965 120) Pinon
grows between late May and early September At
higher elevations such as those found at Mesa Verde
pinon may start growth in early June and finish by late
July or August (Fritts et al 1965 120)
The record from Pueblo del Arroyo provides
evidence for the periods of tree harvest (TABLE 3)
The sample for the initial harvesting in the 1070s is
not clearly defined owing to small sample size but it
Table 3 Harvest periods during the 1070s and 1100s for structural wood at Pueblo del Arroyo
Species Ponderosa pine Douglas-fir Sprucefir Spruce Juniper Pop-ulus Total
Season Inc Com Inc Com Inc Com Com Com IncYear 1074 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash 2 541075 ndash 2 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811076 1 2 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081076z 3 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 4 1081077 3 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 5 1351077z 3 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 811078 4 4 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 2971078z ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 541079 1 ndash 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 81Subtotal 15 11 4 2 2 2 ndash ndash ndash 37 999 405 324 108 54 54 54 ndash ndash ndash 999 ndash1099z 4 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 8 311100 10 45 ndash 1 ndash 1 1 ndash ndash 58 2271101 9 9 2 1 ndash 1 ndash ndash 1 23 901101z 9 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 11 431102 14 3 6 4 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 27 1051102z 1 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 3 121103 17 43 4 17 2 ndash ndash 1 ndash 84 3281104 26 3 7 1 ndash ndash 3 ndash ndash 40 1561105 2 ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash ndash 2 08Subtotal 92 111 19 24 2 2 4 1 1 256 100 359 433 74 94 08 08 16 04 04 100 ndash
Season Inc5Incomplete outer ring tree cut during growing season (between late spring and early fall depending upon species)Com5Complete outer ring tree cut during dormant season (between fall and spring) Condition of outer ring not noted for all cuttingdate samples Yearszreflects the possibility that one or two outer rings may be missing
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 89
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
reveals that trees were cut in 1076 with incomplete
rings as well as a few trees that had not yet started
growth (ie dated to 1075) Conversely it may be
argued that a few trees were cut in late 1075 with the
major effort expanded during the summer of 1076
The same patterns exist through 1077 and 1078 with
a sudden drop in cutting afterwards Most years in
the 1070s show that a small majority of sampled
elements had incomplete rings Whichever pattern
existedmdashharvesting twice a year or just oncemdashthe
initial harvest effort was concentrated between 1076
and 1078 A small sample of trees dated to the years
1070ndash1074 but have characteristics (z or zz rings)
that suggest that the last few years of the treersquos life
were stressful with minimum tight ring-growth
Some rings are probably missing making it difficult
to assess the final death year It is likely that these
elements came from dead or dying trees collected
during the major period of harvest between 1076 and
1078
The initial construction strategy in the 1070s may
have been altered in favor of a more logical plan of
using cured timbers described above The few vigas
that dated to the proposed construction period were
cut the earliest (1076) during the three years of
harvest but the majority of the roof latillas were cut
in the final year (1078) In contrast the majority of
the earliest vigas were not cut during the initial
harvest but were scavenged or selected from earlier
stockpiles and then all the elements were utilized in
the late 1070s or early 1080s
The expanded construction at the site in the early
1100s provides a more reliable indication of harvest
strategies A large number of samples (n538) dated
to the late 1080s and 1090s but 26 of them exhibited
the growth indicators of weathered dead or dying
trees The majority dated to 1098 and 1099 (n515)
and all revealed terminal ring symbols (zv zvv
zzv or zzvv) that suggest unhealthy trees
(Ahlstrom 1985 614ndash617) The large collection of
dead trees dated to 1098 and 1099 just after a
prominent warm dry period between 1089 and 1092
(Van West and Grissino-Mayer 2005 table 331)
when the die-off of trees may have accelerated These
elements are always associated with large clusters of
samples firmly dated in the early 1100s and they
must represent trees harvested with the later dated
elements The selection of dead trees was narrowly
restricted by Chacoan standards only those less than
a decade or two old were selected for construction
The initial tree harvest for the later additions began
late in the growing season of 1100 the majority of the
73 samples (almost exclusively ponderosa pine) were
cut with complete rings but a quarter of them were
incomplete This suggests cutting in September or
early October when most trees had stopped summer
growth The smaller 1101 sample reflects mostly
incomplete growth suggesting that trees were cut
slightly earlier late in the growing season of 1101 and
perhaps in smaller numbers The pattern of 1101 is
repeated in 1102 smaller numbers of trees were cut
late in the growing season (ie August or
September) In 1103 we see the pattern of 1100
repeated large numbers of trees were cut mostly with
complete outer rings but a third have incomplete
rings For the first time Douglas-firs were harvested
in large numbers with many cut in the spring during
its short growing season Finally the 1104 dates
reveal mostly incomplete outer rings but there were
fewer elements mirroring the pattern of 1101 and
1102 There are almost no dates in the following
years marking the cessation of major tree harvesting
In summary it appears that major tree-felling
efforts occurred late in the growing season of
September or early October in 1100 and 1103 with
smaller efforts in 1101 1102 and 1104 that took
place slightly earlier in the year (late August or in
September) with the exception of Douglas-fir
Proveniences with large clusters of dates show that
no single yearrsquos elements were exclusively cut between
1100 and 1104 Instead mixed cutting dates within
the same architectural units indicate that tree harvest-
ing took place over four years (1100ndash1104) before the
actual construction occurred in 1104 or shortly
afterwards Thus in the first four years trees were
cut and then stockpiled before construction took
place allowing the wood to cure and for the full
supply of wood to be accumulated
Despite the length of the period for amassing the
construction wood for Pueblo del Arroyo there was
not differential selection of tree species for specific
tasks Wood for lintels latillas and vigas was cut in
approximately proportional numbers based on the
number of each class that dated A different strategy
that might seem appropriate given our knowledge of
construction (Bannister and Robinson 1978 133
Windes and McKenna 2001) was not practiced by
the Chacoans in this casemdashcutting the large diameter
vigas first so that their greater weight and bulk would
be offset by a longer period of curing (drying) and
then cutting the roof latillas last because they are the
least essential component for completing wall con-
struction and are much lighter elements to carry The
effort required to haul in fresh heavy vigas (Syngg and
Windes 1998) for Pueblo del Arroyo suggests that
large labor crews were involved and that some change
from earlier transportation methods had occurred It
might be that more laborers were available to harvest
and transport timbers because no other greathouses
are known to have undergone major construction in
the years 1100ndash1105 In addition the period was one
of increased moisture when more food should have
been available to support specialized activities Among
large construction projects in Chaco the early 1100s
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
90 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
additions to Pueblo del Arroyo involved the most
estimated labor hours and person trips to procure
timbers (Lekson 1984 257ndash267 Windes and
McKenna 2001 table 4) This effort would have
required suprahousehold organizational capabilities
to schedule and mobilize long-distance acquisition
of timber that superseded almost all previous
construction projects
Correlates of Social BehaviorThe Pueblo del Arroyo samples provide insights into
the strategies of tree harvesting for two prehis-
toric construction periods which are informative
about the changing strategies of construction and
probable shifts in the oversight and control of
these building projects First the trees destined for
Pueblo del Arroyo rarely came from a common
canyon stockpile generated from multiple construc-
tion efforts but the majority of these were used in the
early construction The Pueblo del Arroyo building
periods are unique for known greathouse construc-
tions in the canyon Trees cut for the addition of the
southeastern part of Pueblo Bonito were harvested
only a few years after the earliest construction at
Pueblo del Arroyo with some cuttings overlapping
the two periods Laborers could have harvested
timbers for the two sites during a continuous process
of successive cutting years but the ratio of species use
varied between the two greathouses suggesting that
different forest stands were harvested perhaps by
separate labor crews
Second we do not know how the trees were
processed for delivery to the sites whether they were
trimmed debarked cut to preplanned lengths or
whether the ends were finished before shipment If
this work was conducted on the site it left no
evidence although we would expect that wood debris
would have been used for fuel or other crafts The
paucity of axes in the greathouses (Breternitz 1997
991ndash994 Windes 1987b 294ndash296) suggests that on-
site axe-work was rare and that the majority of work
was completed before shipment Bundles of the small
elements for lintels could have been carried on the
back (Windes and McKenna 2001 131 133) but
larger elements required more coordinated effort
Vigas in particular must have been carried by teams
perhaps using latillas under the vigas as the carrying
poles (Snygg and Windes 1998) a method demon-
strated by Zuni workers for Judd (1925 234) during
his investigations at Pueblo Bonito It seems prudent
that wood preparation would be completed before
shipment to make the elements easier to transport
and to eliminate the bulk waste and extraneous
weight (limbs bark and the wood from cutting the
elements to size) A curing time of three to five years
would have been necessary to dry vigas and
lessen their carrying weight (Snygg and Windes
1998 17ndash18)
Considerable effort was expended to finish the
rough axe-cut ends of the Chaco beams which for
other Southwestern societies examined by the author
are left unmodified after cutting Exposed and hidden
viga ends and latillas were typically whittled-flat
presumably with sharp-flake cutting tools Of the 274
recorded prehistoric modified beam ends 77
revealed whittled- (nibbled- or nicked-) flat ends
the highest for any greathouse (Windes and
McKenna 2001 fig 5 table 2) A large set of these
crafted beams survives in the intact roofs of Rooms 8
and 9 where all the visible latilla ends were carefully
flattened Tools for this activity have not been
identified at the sites but our lack of knowledge of
woodworking has precluded their identification in the
material culture (Windes and McKenna 2001 fig 4)
In rare instances when deadwood was used the ends
were sanded flat The special care exhibited in the
roofs of Rooms 8 and 9 suggests the importance of
these enclosed spaces and the specialized efforts of a
single individual or of an exceptionally skilled
construction crew Room 9 is also unusual in its
extraordinary length of 34 m (FIG 10) although it was
later subdivided
Third expectations for organization of the harvest
and transportation of the elements range from
individual social units to specialized labor How
was the wood distributed for construction at the site
Species distribution within the features suggests that
often but not always elements from the same or
Figure 10 The long corridor of Room 9 in Pueblo del Arroyo
looking west in about 1925 Note the bark removal marks
along the replacement beam under the second-story wall
Photograph by O C Havens (National Geographic Society)
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 91
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
similar trees were kept together until placed in a
feature For rare species such as Douglas-fir spruce
and fir this would be difficult to achieve if the wood
had been stockpiled without regard to individual
construction units For instance samples from some
late roof latillas in individual rooms are almost
entirely Douglas-fir even though proportionally the
species comprises only 14 of the total This is
particularly evident in the southeastern section
where Rooms 13ndash14 21 and 23ndash24 yielded latilla
samples that were exclusively Douglas-fir spruce-fir
or both This means that beams for individual rooms
may have been pre-ordered and kept together during
their transportation from the source to the site
Overall species identification was determined to
some extent in 66 roofs at the site
The use of aspen for all roof latillas in Room 44
illustrates the planned selection of a single species cut
at a far distance and kept together during transit for
use in a single roof construction The adjacent Room
43 contains some aspen latilla stubs but these were
stabilized and it is unclear if they are original or not
Several other rooms also contain selected rare species
While the Room 43 and 44 roofs are unusual in their
use of aspen in Chaco Canyon the beam ends reveal
little alternation after the initial axe-cut which
suggests that the additional labor required to flatten
the ends was not performed This could be a result of
the replacement of the roofs it is clear that the
standards for the beam end treatments here were less
rigorous than many others Excavations revealed that
Rooms 44 and 47 were inhabited they were sooted
and contained firepits and other features associated
with domestic use A row of habitation suites facing
east may have been the primary component of the
initial roomblock The beam-end sample (n525)
from the earliest constructed rooms is small but only
40 exhibit flattened ends This suggests that the
necessity of this extra-laborious work on beam ends
greatly increased later during the early 1100s con-
struction perhaps in response to increased ritual
activities or displays of prestige at the site
Harvest totals and impactsVast quantities of trees were cut for greathouse
construction in Chaco Canyon An estimated 26000
elements procured for construction at Chetro Ketl
suggested that about 18700 trees were cut (Dean and
Warren 1983 205 table V 5) while an estimated
25000ndash50000 trees were cut for Pueblo Bonito
(Windes and Ford 1996 297) At Pueblo del
Arroyo between about 6000 and 18000 trees were
cut (TABLE 1) Few Chacoan elements are matched to
the same tree therefore the numbers are based
mostly on the premise that a single large element
represents a single tree Efforts to expedite matches
are part of the tree-ring laboratory analysis (Richard
Warren personal communication 1994) for instance
there are numerous matches in the sample recovered
from Pot Creek Pueblo (Crown 1991 313 footnote
2) Matching is most applicable for elements with
long ring series and distinguishing anomalies There
are cases where matches are inevitable (eg the
burned fragmented roofing in the Alto refuse
mound Windes 1987a 211) and yet fail to produce
any duplicates Thus the estimation of numbers
procured for a single construction event is hampered
by the quality of the data For the most part the lack
Figure 11 Location of Pueblo del Arroyo and other major sites in and around Chaco Canyon
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
92 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
of significant taper for long elements plus the clusters
of high altitude species within the same features
indicate harvesting of stands that yielded multiple
elements from individual trees which is reflected in
the higher estimated number of total elements in
Table 1
The recent sampling at Pueblo del Arroyo relied
heavily on small elements with short ring series and
so identifying duplicates is difficult Duplicate
matches at Chaco may be hampered by a number
of factors exclusive to the area Many of the
specimens exhibit short ring records from rapidly
growing saplings which limit the specimen varia-
bility For instance Bannisterrsquos laboratory notes cite
the similar growth characteristics of the roof latillas
to a particular yearrsquos frost ring from Room 93 in
Chetro Ketl and attributes these to a single groove of
trees Most limiting to the study is the prevailing use
of small-diameter core samples that make matches
difficult Lastly exhaustive study for duplicates in
large samples is not always carried out because of
time constraints and the need to reexamine all
previously analyzed samples For sites like Pueblo
Bonito and Chetro Ketl gathering all the samples for
matching analysis from different projects can be
formidable and costly
Aside from difficulties in matching duplicates
there is the question of harvest effort The short ring
series and small trunk taper ratio of much of the
Pueblo del Arroyo wood indicate widespread cutting
of fast-growing saplings in wet climatic localesmdashtrees
ideal for yielding multiple elements The same rare
species of trees utilized in individual features and the
slight differences in their pith dates suggest that
multiples were cut from the same tree stem Selection
of these trees also reduces the number of cuts needed
for individual elements and provides long even-
tapered elements that yield symmetrical sets of
feature elements The uniformity of elements used
in construction appears to have been standardized
during the late 11th-century greathouse construc-
tions but it contrasts with other cultural traditions
Given the considerable effort and organization
required to harvest the elements for Pueblo del
Arroyo labor could have been economized by using
residents from near the wood procurement areas
such as those living along the eastern slope of the
Chuska Mountains rather than residents of Chaco
Canyon (Windes and McKenna 2001 135ndash136)
Wills (2000 35) argues that the act of timber
harvesting for greathouses is part of the calendrical
sequence of communal activities that follow astro-
nomical cycles Thus work parties gathering timbers
in the distant mountains are symbolically connected
to the form and function of greathouses While all
three greathouses probably obtained much of their
structural wood from the Chuska Mountains
(Reynolds et al 2005) the variety of wood species
obtained indicates different sources for each great-
house and the possibility of different labor crews and
different areas under control of the neighboring
residents of the Chuska Mountains
Discussion and ConclusionPueblo del Arroyo is an interesting example of a
Chacoan greathouse but what was its role within the
larger Chacoan picture With Pueblo Bonito only
200 m away and the crowding of other large
structures and small house sites nearby in Chacorsquos
core why was it necessary to build Pueblo del
Arroyo Two contemporary small multistory great-
houses (29SJ 823 and 29SJ 1119) directly across the
Chaco Wash from Pueblo del Arroyo (Judd 1954
plate 4 lower Force et al 2002 fig 41a) were
inexplicably buried beneath the flood plain sediments
Pueblo del Arroyo rests mainly on the flood plain
(post-Bonito channel fill Force et al 2002 21)
adding to the mystery of this cluster of three unusual
buildings Masonry style plan and ceramics suggest
that the three houses are approximately the same age
Pueblo del Arroyo is the only large greathouse in
Chaco Canyon located in the middle of the canyon
What effect did the construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo have on the social and religious dynamics
within the network of houses and special-use
structures in downtown Chaco The structural wood
provides some insights into these questions
Based on the plan and the relatively small size of
the initial roomblock at Pueblo del Arroyo along
with the two adjacent roomblocks these greathouses
do not appear to be important structures in the
Chaco core although their proximity to the great-
house giants Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl indicates
a relationship with the users of these important
buildings and the area around them There is some
evidence that the initial roomblock at Pueblo del
Arroyo was partly used for habitation although
much of it remains unexamined In the 1070s a shift
in greathouse building strategies is mirrored in a shift
in the processing and treatment of wood for
construction (Windes and McKenna 2001 133
137) Pueblo del Arroyo marks the beginning of a
large architectural renewal effort (Lekson 1984
fig 52 Van Dyke 2004 Vivian 1990) when new
planners and builders may have resided in the cluster
of these three small houses on the west side of the
Chaco core The initial construction of Pueblo del
Arroyo with some reused beams taken from nearby
stockpiles as well as the lack of treatment on beam-
ends suggest there was less emphasis on craftsman-
ship than during the construction events that
followed Small initial houses at nearby Pueblo
Alto (Windes 1987a) and the distant Salmon Ruins
(Baker 2008) which temporally bracket the initial
Pueblo del Arroyo construction suggest that some
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 93
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
on-site buildings were erected just prior to massive
labor investments in construction Although there
has been much discussion over the past twenty years
little has been resolved regarding the logistics of the
workforce that created the greathouses with the
exception of labor estimates (Lekson 1984 257ndash63
277ndash286 Metcalf 2003)
Judd (1959 172) first proposed that Pueblo del
Arroyo was constructed as a result of a factional
dispute at nearby Pueblo Bonito Factionalism within
puebloan society is well documented and the most
famous split occurred at Old Oraibi in 1906 (Levy
1992 Titiev 1944) which could be what Judd had in
mind when he proposed the founding of Pueblo del
Arroyo by a group of dissidents from Pueblo Bonito
Oddly few researchers have challenged Juddrsquos inter-
pretation The uncompleted expansion of Pueblo
Bonitorsquos Northeast lsquolsquoFoundationrsquorsquo Complex might be
indicative of factional construction disputes
(Ashmore 2007 194) but how this disruption among
the planners and builders would affect the construc-
tion of Pueblo del Arroyo is uncertain
Factional splits are often acrimonious affairs and
can result in one group leaving their homes and
moving some distance away (eg at Laguna Pueblo
Ellis 1979 446ndash448) Historically splits among the
puebloans resulted in one group taking up residence
far away from the point of conflict because the
disputes impacted local land tenure practices forcing
the losers to find new farming lands The distance
between Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo is so
small that it seems unlikely that feuding precipitated
the construction of Pueblo del Arroyo A non-hostile
split is proposed by Vivian (1990 480ndash481) who
envisions natural fissioning of groups at the large
older greathouses that resulted in new settlements
such as Pueblo del Arroyo If people had moved from
Pueblo Bonito to Pueblo del Arroyo we would
expect to find some evidence in the tree-ring record
Belongings of the disenfranchised including beams
from their old homes would have been moved to the
new site We find little overlap however in the tree-
ring records of the two sites and rare reuse of beams
in the initial construction Therefore the construction
of Pueblo del Arroyo must be ascribed to other
factors
Habitation at Pueblo del Arroyo appears to have
been limited There may have been a series of four or
five large living rooms in the 1070s core roomblock
facing east across the interior plaza (and perhaps two
more facing north in the south wing) but these were
mostly converted when several kivas were installed in
them and to the front Behind the living rooms were
about 36 two-story rooms probably used for storage
According to Anne Marshall (personal communica-
tion 2005) a maximum of four to seven room suites
existed at the initial site which was occupied by
about 24 to 42 people Although heavily sooted
rooms with firepits existed in at least two of the
possible living rooms and numerous mealing bins
were recovered from another there has been little
exploration of the original roomblock The additions
made in the early 1100s changed the character of the
space to resemble its neighbors with massive addi-
tions a lack of living areas the placement of large
elevated kivas and the enclosed plaza
Just to the south of the South Annex are the
remnants of a low block-masonry McElmo-style wall
that paralleled the south wing of the pueblo (Jackson
1878 443 Judd 1959 120) The true length of the
wall is unknown and much of it has collapsed into the
Chaco Wash although it may have once extended far
to the east It resembles the road walls found on the
nearby mesa tops but known road alignments do not
intercept it Judd (1959 120) proposed that it might
have been built to divert floodwaters away from
Pueblo del Arroyo The style of masonry suggests it
was built in the early 1100s or thereafter
Although prehistoric roads are not visible on the
ground in the flood plain where Pueblo del Arroyo is
located the west road from Pueblo Alto drops over
the cliffs at three staircases just west of Pueblo Bonito
(Stein et al 2007 plate 83 Windes 1987a fig 52)
Roads from these three staircases pass nearby along
the east and west sides of Pueblo del Arroyo (Force et
al 2002 21 33 fig 41a Stein et al 2007 plate 83)
The site lacks lsquolsquoroad-relatedrsquorsquo accessible storage
rooms (Windes 1987a 109ndash112) but Pueblo del
Arroyorsquos proximity to the road alignment is closer
than nearby Pueblo Bonito which does exhibit road-
related storage rooms The small unit building
constructed in the 1070s at Pueblo del Arroyo may
have been integral to the road traffic nearby but once
the subsequent expansion of the site occurred in the
early 1100s direct access to the western side was
blocked by the lack of doorways and the high back
walls The data are not detailed enough to establish
whether the roads predate Pueblo del Arroyo or
whether they were constructed or elaborated at the
same time as or shortly after the greathouse
construction
Pueblo del Arroyo has a commanding view from
the high three-story back rooftops to the south
through South Gap to prominent Hosta Butte which
is covered in shrines far to the south that the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito and Chetro Ketl lacked
People arriving from the south along the prehistoric
road would first see the concentrated architecture of
Pueblo del Arroyo at the end of the gap (Van Dyke
2008 161) perhaps an important consideration in its
construction (Stein and Lekson 1992 Van Dyke
2008 161ndash162) The location of the site allowed its
occupants to be alerted to the presence of road
travelers and to control traffic (see similar road
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
94 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
controls at Pueblo Alto Windes 1987a 109ndash111)
although everyday life would have been primarily
focused across the plaza EndashSE (115u) up-canyon This
orientation places the site along the azimuth for the
lunar minor standstill (Sofaer 2007 237) The east view
is important as it covers the vast open area of the plaza
and amphitheater between Chetro Ketl and Pueblo
Bonito on the north side the open area across the
middle of the canyon and the isolated Casa Rinconada
Mound the Rinconada great kiva and the small-house
community in the rincon to the south (Stein et al
2007) In addition a route from the Pueblo Bonito and
Hillside complex leads across this area to ascend the
hill next to Casa Rinconada (Stein et al 2007 plate 83
Windes in press) This area east of Pueblo del Arroyo is
unquestionably the most important space in the entire
canyon if not lsquolsquothe most important space in the Chaco
worldrsquorsquo (Stein et al 2007 208)
What Pueblo del Arroyo does share with the two
nearby large greathouses besides massive architec-
ture is elevation of a single very large kiva (Kiva L
wall-to-wall D 86 m) with 10 pilasters and a foot
drum built high and late in the second story that
overlooks the building and provides a broad view of
the surrounding area from its roof Another large
kiva (Kiva K) was placed immediately west of Kiva L
but was set much lower into the North Wing
roomblock This late period also corresponds to
when the rare three-story tower kivas appeared in
two Chacoan outliers and the shrine communication
system was operative (Hayes and Windes 1975
Windes et al 2000) suggesting that long-range
visibility and communication for increased regional
control had become important facets of Chacoan
society In addition the views offered by the elevated
late kivas may be relevant to the orientations thought
to have guided much of the greathouse construction
and the Chacoan shared cosmology
Pueblo del Arroyo lacks the broad landscaping
massive mounds full of refuse and architectural debris
and a great kiva that herald the special status of Chetro
Ketl and Pueblo Bonito Its association with these
greathouses however permits incorporation into the
activities that must have been conducted in these
special open spaces The small early 1100s midden to
the SE of the greathouse indicates that refuse-generat-
ing activities took place but not of the same magnitude
as at other greathouses in the core group Pueblo del
Arroyo lacks substantial refuse deposits as do its
newly built canyon contemporaries Activities such as
large regional celebrations and landscaping activities
that generated sizable mounds filled with refuse and
architectural debris elsewhere had ceased by the time
Pueblo del Arroyo was constructed
A new surge in greathouse and small house
construction followed the drought of the 1090s when
conditions were favorable for food production Thus
the main configuration of architecture at Pueblo del
Arroyo was established during a period of wide-
spread construction inside and outside the canyon
which suggests the implementation of work in concert
with social economic and political changes If these
changes were similar to Van Dykersquos (2004) Leksonrsquos
(1984 268ndash269) and Willsrsquo (2009) interpretation of
the rise of McElmo-style greathouses a decade or two
later then Pueblo del Arroyo may have become the
new center in downtown Chaco while Pueblo Bonito
and Chetro Ketl reverted to increased domestic use
suffering from widespread deterioration and lessened
social controls as much refuse was tossed into rooms
and kivas (Windes 2003) For a time in the early
1100s Pueblo del Arroyo may have provided the new
center for downtown Chaco events although it lacks
a great kiva but the near concurrent rise of Great
Kiva B in Pueblo Bonito at about 1113 indicates that
the latter still hosted important community activities
The expansion of Pueblo del Arroyo in the early
1100s coincides with other construction projects in the
canyon that overlap the planning groundwork and
construction of Tsin Kletzin Wijiji the renovation of
the elevated kiva complex in Chetro Ketl (Lekson et al
2007 158) and the construction of the Great Kiva B
complex in Pueblo Bonito (Windes 2003) among
others (FIG 10) There appears to be special emphasis
on the construction and renovation of kivas (Crown
and Wills 2003) Archaeomagnetic and tree-ring dates
from the small house sites (mainly from kivas) along
the north cliff near Chetro Ketl and in the rincon
around Casa Rinconada immediately south of Pueblo
Bonito also indicate that extensive small-house
renovations and construction occurred while Pueblo
del Arroyo was being enlarged Two greathouses with
identical ground plans were planned to the east but
were never completed Vivian and Mathewsrsquos (1965)
Headquarters Site (29SJ515) in the parkrsquos housing area
near Una Vida and Robertsrsquo Pueblo (29SJ2384) (Judd
1927 166ndash167) adjacent to Shabikrsquoeschee Village
This phase of construction and remodeling follows
a NndashS band from the initial core unit behind Kiva L at
Aztec West across the Chaco Canyon core and
south to the Kin Yarsquoa tower kiva near Crownpoint
Pueblo del Arroyo was the final large greathouse to
be built in the core canyon area and it is the last
where large quantities of nonlocal wood were utilized
in its 1100s construction Later greathouses in the
canyon area were constructed with more local wood
including reused elements and reduced the amount
of construction wood employed in roofs and wall
apertures (Windes and McKenna 2001 123) For
example at Wijiji almost all the door and ventilator
lintels were of stone rather than the 8ndash14 wooden
elements used in earlier apertures
The dramatic shift in architectural style ground
plans and workmanship that heralds the new
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 95
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
McElmo phase (Lekson 1984 Van Dyke 2004 Wills
2009) in greathouses and small houses is apparent at
Pueblo del Arroyo with the additions of the north
and south wings the small habitation rooms and
kivas built against the south wall and the later
construction of the Tri-wall Structure which is
unique in Chaco Canyon In addition more kivas
were added across the eastern front of the central
roomblock and in the northeastern corner of the
plaza as part of the potential habitation suites similar
to those noted at Pueblo Alto and in the plaza of
Pueblo Bonito The various constructions additions
and remodeling of Pueblo del Arroyo may provide
the best insights into the late 1000s and early 1100s
social and political dynamics in the Chaco core and
beyond The short occupation and large tree-ring
dated sample provide an opportunity to examine a
relatively brief period of Chacoan history in the core
area
The construction of Pueblo del Arroyo marks
renewed construction effort in the core but with
significant changes The construction of the two
massive multi-storied wings at the site was the last in
the downtown area that employed the architectural
concepts of earlier times (masonry style massive size
and the scale of the nonlocal construction timber
harvests) but also used the new McElmo-style
layoutmdashperhaps a symbolic bridging of the old and
new (Van Dyke 2004) The enhanced scale of
construction at Pueblo del Arroyo indicates increased
managerial control and the high cost of the project
from the gathering of masonry stone from an area
heavily impacted by previous greathouse construc-
tions to the importation of thousands of nonlocal
beams gathered from the mountain tops reveal the
magnitude of this final effort
The buildings that immediately follow the con-
struction of Pueblo del Arroyo construction often
referred to as McElmo-style greathouses (Lekson
1984 268) reveal a shift in planning and construction
(Wills 2009) Wood timbers are often reusedmdash
probably taken from the older greathousesmdashand
the craftsmanship reveals far less care and poor
symmetry resulting in a lack of uniform lintel
placement as well as an expedient use of wood It
appears that the forces enabling large-scale non-local
wood procurement which characterized earlier con-
struction had vanished and there was less oversight
and control on the projects Perhaps the teams of
specialized planners foremen and workers were
deployed north to where new greathouses were being
built such as at Aztecrsquos West Ruin (Brown et al
2008)
Pueblo del Arroyo was an important and integral
part of Chacorsquos core but its beginnings as a small
greathouse along with two others nearby forces
closer examination of its role in the Chacoan
community and center The early 1100s were a
critical time and the restructuring of Chacoan society
resonates in the changing architectural landscapes of
Chaco Canyon and across the San Juan Basin
Between 1104 when the last major batch of timbers
were cut for Pueblo del Arroyo and the construction
of the South Annex in or after 1109 there were major
changes in the built environment displayed in the
construction of Pueblo del Arroyo With its Tri-wall
Structure the site also must have played a key role
during the late 1100s resurgence in canyon popula-
tion when many large and small houses were
refurbished and reoccupied
AcknowledgmentsMy very best thanks to the many volunteers who
helped with this project over the years Angela R
Linse Drayton Vaughn Kim Green David Kosman
Charles Stearns and for most of the field work
Suzanne Hunt Special thanks to Cheryl Ford for the
data entry and to Eileen Bacha for additions and
statistical work Clay Mathers made the final digital
adjustments on the maps for which I am most
grateful A very special thanks to park archaeologist
Dabney Ford and Roger Moore the park staff and
to the Western National Parks Association Tucson
The Friends of Chaco and Chaco Culture National
Historical Park for funding Finally I would like to
thank Stephen Lekson and Stephen Nash for the
review comments Data used for this report have been
revised from the original database The uncorrected
database is online at httpwwwchacoarchiveorg
The original manuscript was produced in 1994 This
article is the 4th in a series of published greathouse
wood reports the others cover Pueblo Bonito
Salmon Ruin and the Aztec Ruins
Thomas C Windes (MA 1967 University of New
Mexico) is an adjunct lecturer at the University of
New Mexico His principal interests are Chacoan and
Mesa Verdean (Four Corners) puebloan archaeology
Pueblo I settlement in the interior San Juan Basin
Chacoan ornament production Chacoan shrine com-
munication systems chronometric dating and histor-
ical and prehistoric structural wood use in a variety of
architectural settings including Hispanic village set-
tlement along the Upper Pecos River Mailing address
305 Richmond Drive SE Albuquerque NM 87106
E-mail windesunmedu
ReferencesAdams R K and P F Reed 2006 lsquolsquoAn Overview of Excavations
at Salmon Ruinrsquorsquo in P F Reed ed Thirty-Five Years ofArchaeological Research at Salmon Ruins New Mexico Vol 1Introduction Architecture Chronology and ConclusionsTucson AZ and Bloomfield NM Center for DesertArchaeology and Salmon Ruins Museum 83ndash94
Ahlstrom R V N 1985 The Interpretation of Archaeological Tree-Ring Dates PhD dissertation University of Arizona TucsonAnn Arbor University Microfilms
Ashmore W 2007 lsquolsquoBuilding Social History at Pueblo BonitoFootnotes to a Biography of Placersquorsquo in S H Lekson ed The
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
96 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 179ndash198
Baker L L 2008 lsquolsquoSalmon Ruins Architecture and Developmentof a Chacoan Satellite on the San Juan Riverrsquorsquo in P F Reeded Chacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and theAscendency of the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100Salt Lake City The University of Utah Press 29ndash41
Bannister B 1965 Tree-Ring Dating of the Archaeological Sites inthe Chaco Canyon Region New Mexico Southwest Parks andMonuments Association Technical Series 6(2) Globe AZSouthwest Parks and Monuments Association
Bannister B and W J Robinson 1978 lsquolsquoThe Dendrochronologyof Room 97 Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in R G Vivian D N Dodge andG H Hartmann eds Wooden Ritual Artifacts from ChacoCanyon New Mexico The Chetro Ketl CollectionAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 32Tucson The University of Arizona Press 133ndash134
Breternitz C D 1997 lsquolsquoAn Analysis of Axes and Mauls fromChaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo in F J Mathien ed CeramicsLithics and Ornaments of Chaco Canyon Analysis of Artifactsfrom the Chaco Project 1971ndash1978 Vol III Lithics andOrnaments Publications in Archeology 18G Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service 977ndash996
Brown G M T C Windes and P J McKenna 2008 lsquolsquoAnimasAnamnesis Aztec Ruins or Aztec Capitalrsquorsquo in P F Reed edChacorsquos Northern Prodigies Salmon Aztec and the Ascendencyof the Middle San Juan Region after AD 1100 Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 231ndash250
Crown P L 1991 lsquolsquoEvaluating the Construction Sequence andPopulation of Pot Creek Pueblo Northern New MexicorsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 56 291ndash314
Crown P L and W H Wills 2003 lsquolsquoModifying Pottery andKivas at Chaco Pentimento Restoration or RenewalrsquorsquoAmerican Antiquity 68 511ndash532
Dean J S 1996 lsquolsquoDemography Environment and Subsistencersquorsquoin J A Tainter and B Bagley Tainter eds EvolvingComplexity and Environmental Risk in the PrehistoricSouthwest New York Addison-Wesley Publishing 25ndash56
Dean J S and R L Warren 1983 lsquolsquoDendrochronologyrsquorsquo in SH Lekson ed The Architecture and Dendrochronology ofChetro Ketl Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 6 Albuquerque Division of Cultural ResearchNational Park Service 105ndash240
Doxtater D 1991 lsquolsquoReflections of the Anasazi Cosmosrsquorsquo in OGroslashn E Englestad and I Lindblom eds Social SpaceHuman Spatial Behavior in Dwellings and Settlements OdenseDenmark Odense University Press 155ndash184
Doxtater D 2002 lsquolsquoA Hypothetical Layout of Chaco CanyonStructures via Large-Scale Alignments between SignificantNatural Featuresrsquorsquo Kiva 68(1) 23ndash47
Ellis F H 1979 lsquolsquoLaguna Pueblorsquorsquo in A Ortiz ed Handbook ofNorth American Indians Southwest Vol 9 Washington DCSmithsonian Institution 438ndash449
English N B J L Betancourt J S Dean and J Quade 2001lsquolsquoStrontium Isotopes Reveal Distant Sources of ArchitecturalTimber in Chaco Canyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Proceedings of theNational Academy of Sciences of the United States of America98 11891ndash11896
Force E R R G Vivian T C Windes and J S Dean 2002Relation of lsquolsquoBonitorsquorsquo Paleo-channels and Base-level Variationsto Anasazi Occupation Chaco Canyon New Mexico ArizonaState Museum Archaeological Series 194 Tucson TheUniversity of Arizona Press
Fritts H C D G Smith and M A Stokes 1965 lsquolsquoThe BiologicalModel for Paleoclimatic Interpretation of Mesa Verde Tree-Ring Seriesrsquorsquo Memoirs of the Society for AmericanArchaeology No 19 101ndash201
Hayes A C and T C Windes 1975 lsquolsquoAn Anasazi Shrine inChaco Canyonrsquorsquo in T R Frisbie ed Collected Papers inHonor of Florence Hawley Ellis Albuquerque Papers of theArchaeological Society of New Mexico 2 143ndash156
Jackson W H 1878 lsquolsquoReport on the Ancient Ruins Examined in1875 and 1877rsquorsquo in F Vandeveer Hayden Tenth Annual Reportof the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of theTerritories Embracing Colorado and Parts of the AdjacentTerritories Being a Report of the Progress of the Exploration forthe Year 1876 Washington DC US Government PrintingPress 411ndash450
Judd N M 1925 lsquolsquoEveryday Life in Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo The NationalGeographic Magazine 48(3) 227ndash262
Judd N M 1927 lsquolsquoArcheological Investigations in Chaco CanyonNew Mexicorsquorsquo Explorations and Field-Work of the Smithsonian
Institution in 1926 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections78(7) 158ndash168
Judd N M 1954 The Material Culture of Pueblo BonitoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections124
Judd N M 1959 Pueblo del Arroyo Chaco Canyon New MexicoWashington DC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections138(1)
Judd N M 1964 The Architecture of Pueblo Bonito WashingtonDC Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections 147(1)
Lekson S H 1983 lsquolsquoDating the Hubbard Tri-wall and other Tri-wall Structuresrsquorsquo Southwestern Lore 49(4) 15ndash23
Lekson S H 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco CanyonNew Mexico Publications in Archeology 18B Chaco CanyonStudies Albuquerque NM National Park Service
Lekson S H T C Windes and P Fournier 2007 lsquolsquoTheChanging Faces of Chetro Ketlrsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 155ndash178
Levy J E 1992 Orayvi Revisited Social Stratification in anlsquolsquoEgalitarianrsquorsquo Society Santa Fe School of American ResearchPress
Malville J M 1993 lsquolsquoChimney Rock and the Moon The Shrine atthe Edge of the Worldrsquorsquo in J M Malville and G Matlockeds The Chimney Rock Archaeological Symposium GeneralTechnical Report RM-227 Fort Collins CO Rocky MountainForest and Range Experiment Station 20ndash28
Metcalf M P 2003 lsquolsquoConstruction Labor at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo inJill E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 72ndash79
Morris E H 1924 The Aztec Ruins Annex Anthropological Papersof the American Museum of Natural History 26 (Part IV) NewYork The American Museum of Natural History
Nash S E 1999 Time Trees and Prehistory Salt Lake City TheUniversity of Utah Press
Reynolds A C J L Betancourt J Quade P J Patchett J SDean and J Stein 2005 lsquolsquo87Sr86SR Sourcing of PonderosaPine used in Anasazi Great House Construction at ChacoCanyon New Mexicorsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Science 321061ndash1075
Robinson W J B G Harrill and R L Warren 1974 Tree-RingDates from New Mexico B Chaco-Gobernador Area TucsonLaboratory of Tree-Ring Research University of Arizona
Sofaer A 1997 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and VB Price eds Anasazi Architecture and American DesignAlbuquerque University of New Mexico Press 88ndash132
Sofaer A 2007 lsquolsquoThe Primary Architecture of the ChacoanCulture A Cosmological Expressionrsquorsquo in S H Lekson edThe Architecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt LakeCity The University of Utah Press 225ndash254
Stein J R and S H Lekson 1992 lsquolsquoAnasazi Ritual Landscapesrsquorsquoin D E Doyel ed Anasazi Regional Organization and theChaco System Maxwell Museum of AnthropologyAnthropological Papers 5 Albuquerque Maxwell Museum ofAnthropology 87ndash100
Stein J R J E Suitor and D Ford 1997 lsquolsquoHigh Noon in OldBonito Sun Shadow and the Geometry of the ChacoComplexrsquorsquo in B H Morrow and V B Price eds AnasaziArchitecture and American Design Albuquerque University ofNew Mexico Press 133ndash148
Stein J R D Ford and R Friedman 2003 lsquolsquoReconstructingPueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel ed Pueblo Bonito Center ofthe Chacoan World Washington DC Smithsonian Books33ndash60
Stein J R R Friedman T Blackhorse and R Loose 2007lsquolsquoRevisiting Downtown Chacorsquorsquo in S H Lekson ed TheArchitecture of Chaco Canyon New Mexico Salt Lake CityThe University of Utah Press 199ndash223
Syngg J and T Windes 1998 lsquolsquoLong Wide Roads and GreatKiva Roofsrsquorsquo Kiva 64 7ndash25
Tennessen D R A Blanchette and T C Windes 2002lsquolsquoDifferentiating Aspen and Cottonwood in Prehistoric Woodfrom Chacoan Great House Ruinsrsquorsquo Journal of ArchaeologicalScience 29 521ndash527
Titiev M 1944 Old Oraibi A Study of the Hopi Indians of ThirdMesa Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeologyand Ethnology Harvard University 22(1) Cambridge MAPeabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology
Van Dyke R M 2004 lsquolsquoMemory Meaning and Masonry TheLate Bonito Chacoan Landscapersquorsquo American Antiquity 69413ndash431
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1 97
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1
Van Dyke R M 2008 The Chaco Experience Landscape andIdeology at the Center Place Santa Fe School for AdvancedResearch Press
Van West C R and H D Grissino-Mayer 2005lsquolsquoDendroclimatic Reconstructionrsquorsquo in E K Huber and C RVan West eds Environmental Studies Fence Lake ProjectArchaeological Data Recovery in the New MexicoTransportation Corridor and First Five-Year Permit AreaFence Lake Coal Mine Project Catron County New MexicoNo 3 Technical Series 84 Tucson Statistical Research 331ndash33129
Vivian G 1959 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-Wall Structures inNew Mexico and Colorado Archeological Research SeriesNo 5 Washington DC National Park Service
Vivian G and T W Mathews 1965 Kin Kletso A Pueblo IIICommunity in Chaco Canyon New Mexico SouthwesternMonuments Association Technical Series 6(1) Globe AZSouthwestern Monuments Association
Vivian G R Rixey and L Abel 1951 Stabilization ReportPueblo del Arroyo 1949ndash1950 Chaco Canyon NationalMonument Mobil Unit Southwestern National MonumentsNational Park Service Globe AZ Albuquerque NM ChacoArchives (CHCU 51981) National Park Service
Vivian W G 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan BasinNew York Academic Press
Wills W H 2000 lsquolsquoPolitical Leadership and the Construction ofChacoan Great Houses AD 1020ndash1140rsquorsquo in B J Mills edAlternative Leadership Strategies in the Prehispanic SouthwestTucson University of Arizona Press 19ndash44
Wills W H 2009 lsquolsquoCultural Identity and the ArchaeologicalConstruction of Historical Narratives An Example fromChaco Canyonrsquorsquo Journal of Archaeological Method andTheory 16 283ndash319
Windes T C 1985 lsquolsquoChaco-McElmo Black-on-white from ChacoCanyon with an Emphasis on the Pueblo del ArroyoCollectionrsquorsquo in N Fox ed Collected Papers in Honor ofAlden C Hayes Papers of the New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety No 10 Santa Fe New Mexico ArchaeologicalSociety 19ndash42
Windes T C 1987a Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volumes I and IISummary of Tests and Excavations at the Pueblo AltoCommunity Publications in Archeology 18F Chaco CanyonStudies Santa Fe National Park Service
Windes T C 1987b lsquolsquoSome Ground Stone Tools andHammerstones from Pueblo Altorsquorsquo in F J Mathien and TC Windes eds Investigations at the Pueblo Alto ComplexChaco Canyon New Mexico 1975ndash1979 Volume III Part 2Artifactual and Biological Analyses Publications in Archeology18F Chaco Canyon Studies Santa Fe National Park Service291ndash358
Windes T C 2003 lsquolsquoThis Old House Construction andAbandonment at Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo in J E Neitzel edPueblo Bonito The Center of the Chacoan WorldWashington DC Smithsonian Books 14ndash23
Windes T C 2008 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Canyon Sample Setrsquorsquo in R LDubois ed Geomagnetic Results Secular Variation andArchaeomagnetic Chronology United States andMesoamerica Including Archaeomagnetic Data and TimeAssignments Special Publication 2008-2 Norman TheUniversity of Oklahoma 81ndash163
Windes T C in press Early Puebloan Occupations in the ChacoRegion Excavations and Survey of Basketmaker III and PuebloI Sites Chaco Canyon New Mexico Reports of the ChacoCenter No 13 Santa Fe Anthropology Projects NationalPark Service
Windes T C and D Ford 1996 lsquolsquoThe Chaco Wood Project TheChronometric Reappraisal of Pueblo Bonitorsquorsquo AmericanAntiquity 61 295ndash310
Windes T C R M Anderson B K Johnson and C A Ford2000 lsquolsquoSunrise Sunset Sedentism and Mobility in the ChacoEast Communityrsquorsquo in J Kantner and N M Mahoney edsGreat House Communities Across the Chacoan LandscapeAnthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 64 TucsonUniversity of Arizona Press 39ndash59
Windes T C and P J McKenna 2001 lsquolsquoGoing Against theGrain Wood Use in Chacoan Societyrsquorsquo American Antiquity 66119ndash140
Windes Dendrochronology and Structural Wood Use
98 Journal of Field Archaeology 2010 VOL 35 NO 1