• Declining Mortality Rates• While heart disease and cancer, the two leading causes of death,

accounted for nearly half (48.5 percent) of all deaths in 2007, mortality rates declined significantly for eight of the 15 leading causes of death:

• influenza and pneumonia (down 8.4 percent)• homicide (down 6.5 percent)• accidents (down 5 percent)• heart disease (down 4.7 percent)• stroke (down 4.6 percent)• diabetes (down 3.9 percent)• hypertension (down 2 .7 percent)• cancer (down 1.8 percent)

http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/pyramid-pyramide/his/index-eng.cfm

Sources: Statistics Canada, censuses of population, 1921 to 2011.

Number of children aged 14 and under and of people aged 65 and over, Canada, 1921 to 2011

Subtyping Ageism: Policy Issues in Succession and Consumption

Michael S. North and Susan T. FiskePrinceton University

North, M. S., & Fiske, S. T. (2013). Subtyping ageism: Policy issues in Succession and Consumption. Social issues and policy review, 7(1), 36-57.

Susan FiskeEugene Higgins Professor of Psychology; Professor of Psychology and Public AffairsWoodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton UniversityPh.D., Harvard University, 1978

• Michael North, a fifth-year graduate student in psychology at Princeton University

• Earned his Ph.D in Psychology and Social Policy from Princeton, under the supervision of Professors Susan Fiske and Alex Todorov.

• Currently a Postdoctoral Researcher at Columbia University. I recently

Ageism

• “systematic stereotyping of and prejudice against people because they are old” (Robert Butler, 1969)

Ageism• Ageism research tends to lump “older people” together as one group, as

do policy matters that conceptualize everyone over 65 as “senior.” • This approach is problematic primarily because it often fails to represent

accurately a rapidly growing, diverse, and healthy older population. • Argue that ageism theory has disproportionately focused on the old-old

and differentiate the forms of age discrimination that apparently target each elder subgroup.

• In particular, we highlight the young-old’s plights predominantly in the workplace and tensions concerning succession of desirable resources; by contrast, old-old predicaments likely center on consumption of shared resources outside of the workplace.

• The old-old face discrimination stemming from perceptions of pity, uselessness, or burden.

• Common beliefs about older workers include that they are inflexible, resistant to change, slower to train, lack technology skills, and have more health problems compared to younger workers.

• Old-old policy concerns center around passive consumption of shared resources. Current fears center over depletion of Medicare and Social Security, both of which are running out sooner than expected.

• Future policies catering to the old-old need should fulfill three practical goals: (1) utilize the old-old’s considerable life-acquired skill set, (2) promote a sense of agency and purpose, and (3) be cost effective.

• Prejudice against the young-old stems more from perceptions of allegedly not knowing when to step aside.

• On one hand, they are at or near traditional retirement age, which fosters expectations among employers (and younger workers awaiting job opportunities) for these older employees to retire. On the other hand, older workers’ relative good health and often-steady job performance leaves them little motivation or readiness to quit.

• Thus, the young-old face discrimination around the notion of succession—the ambiguity surrounding when is the proper time to step aside, pass along, and make way for younger generations.

• A recessed economy has saddled the young-old age group with the longest duration of unemployment by a significant margin, suggesting that clinging to one’s job is a prudent move.

• Claiming Social Security benefits before full retirement age permanently reduces one’s monthly payments by 25% or greater. Moreover, the average amount of 401(k) funds held by near-retirement workers is only about $98,000—well below the recommended $250,000 amount needed to maintain an adequate standard of living for the rest of their lives.

• Despite considerable research indicating that job performance does not decrease with age evidence indicates that young-old job applicants are rated less positively than younger ones, even when similarly qualified

• Either way, the recent recession has begun to bring young-old, succession based issues to the forefront of policy, making salient the limited number of available jobs

A closer look at ageismResearchers say stereotypes of what older people should be, known as prescriptive stereotypes, center on three key issues.Consumption: The idea that older people shouldn't consume so many scarce resources.Identity: The idea that older people shouldn't attempt to act younger than they are.Succession: The idea that older people should move aside from high-paying jobs and prominent social roles to make way for younger people.

Illustration by Matilda LukPrinceton University, Office of Communications

http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/business-jan-june13-makingsense_03-18/

• Stephen Trachtenberg – 75• Don Gallehr - 71• Larry Sulak – 69• Sheldon Glashow – 80• 38-year-old Joe Fruscione (7 years post phd)• Lou Buffardi - retiring at 70• Claire Potts - will retire at 67• PAUL SOLMAN - 68

Faculty Age Profile – University of Saskatchewan -

Source: IRP website, University of Saskatchewan

Faculty Age Profile – University of Manitoba -

Source: IRP website, University of Manitoba

Faculty Age Profile – York University -

Source: IRP website, York University

Faculty Age Profile – Simon Fraser University -

Source: IRP website, SFU

• Thoughts……

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pkqzFUhGPJg

• Neugarten (1974) who first identified subtypes of older people.• Her 1970s depiction of the young-old comprised people aged 55 to 75, with some

degree of affluence, health, education, political activeness, and freedom from traditional familial and work responsibilities.

• This depiction was in contrast to that of the old-old, who were less active and predominantly retired. Moreover, according to Neugarten, the young-old should find new ways of maximizing opportunities for self-enhancement and community participation, rendering them potential “agents of social change in creating an age-irrelevant society”

• Although Neugarten’s specified age bracket may be changing with an ever increasing lifespan,

• In many ways, the current young-old greatly resemble past middle-agers in their health, wealth, and influence

• Indeed, the phrase “60 is the new 40” has become a rallying cry for the young-old, who for the first time find themselves free of many responsibilities but still healthy enough to enjoy their freedom and put it to good societal use

• GERONTOPHOBIA IS THE FEAR OF OLD AGE, especially of growing old.

• 7 markers inducing this phobia:– If young is good, then old is bad– If the young have it all, the old are losing it– If the young are creative, the old are dull– If the young are beautiful, then the old are unattractive– If the young are stimulating, then the old are boring– If the young are full of passion, then the old are beyond caring– If the children are tomorrow, the old represent yesterday

• (Age Wave, Ken Dychtwald)

Figure 7Proportion (in percentage) of the population aged 65 and over, Canada, provinces and territories, 2006 and 2011Sources: Statistics Canada, censuses of population, 2006 and 2011.http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-311-x/2011001/fig/fig7-eng.cfm

• population aging has emerged as a major demographic trend worldwide. Declining fertility, and improved health and longevity, have swelled the older populations dramatically—and at an unprecedented rate.

• For the first time in history, people aged 65 and over will soon outnumber children under the age of 5. • Throughout the world today, there are more people aged 65 and older than the entire populations of Russia, Japan, France,

Germany and Australia—combined.• By 2040, the global population is projected to number 1.3 billion older people—accounting for 14 percent of the total. • By 2050, the U.N. estimates that the proportion of the world's population age 65 and over will more than double, from 7.6%

today to 16.2%.• SOME SURPRISING FACTS:• The United States contains more people age 65 and older than the total population of Canada.• UNLIKE THEIR PARENTS GENERATION , Boomers will be a market with very different characteristics. They exercise twice as

much as previous generations. No bocci ball or badminton—no rocking chairs or vegitating in the desert sun.• They'll continue to bike, hike, swim, sail, and ski—play softball and basketball. They'll move to the mountains, beaches,

islands, college towns— where the physical and intellectual action is.• A survey by Del Web showed that half of them expect to work at least part-time once they retire. And they'll want offices in

their homes—with highspeed internet connections for those two or more computers, which 40 percent of them already own.

• As LeRoy Hanneman, president and CEO of Del Web says...• "Boomers should be called "Zoomers."

• Despite widespread knowledge that the notion of aging may be changing, social policies lag behind. The official designation of “senior citizen” still refers the population over 65 (or sometimes as young as 60). In the United States, full Social Security benefits begin at age 66, and Medicare benefits begin at 65 (U.S. Social Security Administration, 2011a,b). Therefore, in the eyes of Western society, young-old and old-old distinctions currently do not appear to hold much practical importance.

• ageist behavior toward the old-old often takes a benevolent form, free of ill intent but nevertheless demeaning and deleterious.

• Distancing is another common, though more indirect form of ageist discrimination, and includes both physical forms (e.g., placing older people in retirement homes, avoiding places typically frequented by older people) and psychological ones (e.g., emphasizing differences in attitudes and traits between oneself and older people, using derogatory words to describe them.

• In its worst forms, the discrimination endured by the old-old can take a nasty turn, resulting in financial exploitation or abuse

• More recent work has demonstrated prejudiced beliefs among younger people concerning the old-old’s depletion of resources, or passive consumption. These prescriptive beliefs emphasize a desire to limit older people’s exhaustion of shared resources (e.g., government money) that allegedly could be best used by younger generations. Prescriptive stereotypes of consumption primarily target the old-old because their predominant low status, noncompetitive societal place dictates minimal usage of the shared resource pool. Thus, when the old-old reap shares disproportionate to their low status (such as when they decide to undergo optional but resource-intensive medical procedures), they come to be perceived as exploitative in the eyes of the young

• that both research and policy have lagged behind demographic trends in understanding age-based prejudice. Psychological research has fixated on characteristics most relevant to the old-old in fostering ageism, whereas policy has anachronistically categorized all people over 65 as “senior.” Such conceptions may have effectively captured the nature and needs of older people in the past, but do not adequately enhance understanding of the dynamics of age-based prejudice. Moreover, such definitions ignore the tremendous rise in health, vitality, and activity of the current older population. Naturally, if policies are enacted to accommodate the older population, they must be done with consideration of their intergenerational implications.

• raising the retirement age might increase elder employment, but could have a similar residual effect as the current recession, which is causing a record number of young people to be unemployed

• lowering retirement age would interfere with the civil rights of capable older people and might increase unemployment as a whole

• For the old-old, the creation of alternate roles should utilize a sufficient amount of resources to make these endeavors worthwhile but should not detract too much from younger age groups. In both cases, the main point is that society needs to avoid “age wars” between generations over scarce resources

• Ultimately, clearer societal paths and increased options for both the young-old and the old-old would go a long way toward precluding such tensions, as would better awareness of the unique prejudices endured by these disparate elder subtypes

• that both research and policy have lagged behind demographic trends in understanding age-based prejudice. Psychological research has fixated on characteristics most relevant to the old-old in fostering ageism, whereas policy has anachronistically categorized all people over 65 as “senior.” Such conceptions may have effectively captured the nature and needs of older people in the past, but do not adequately enhance understanding of the dynamics of age-based prejudice. Moreover, such definitions ignore the tremendous rise in health, vitality, and activity of the current older population. Naturally, if policies are enacted to accommodate the older population, they must be done with consideration of their intergenerational implications.

• raising the retirement age might increase elder employment, but could have a similar residual effect as the current recession, which is causing a record number of young people to be unemployed

• lowering retirement age would interfere with the civil rights of capable older people and might increase unemployment as a whole

• For the old-old, the creation of alternate roles should utilize a sufficient amount of resources to make these endeavors worthwhile but should not detract too much from younger age groups. In both cases, the main point is that society needs to avoid “age wars” between generations over scarce resources

• Ultimately, clearer societal paths and increased options for both the young-old and the old-old would go a long way toward precluding such tensions, as would better awareness of the unique prejudices endured by these disparate elder subtypes

• Whereas the old-old appear to face discrimination stemming from perceptions of pity, uselessness, or burden, prejudice against the young-old stems more from perceptions of allegedly not knowing when to step aside.

• On one hand, they are at or near traditional retirement age, which fosters expectations among employers (and younger workers awaiting job opportunities) for these older employees to retire. On the other hand, older workers’ relative good health and often-steady job performance leaves them little motivation or readiness to quit. Thus, the young-old face discrimination around the notion of succession—the ambiguity surrounding when is the proper time to step aside, pass along, and make way for younger generations.

• Unlike the retired, less active old-old, the young-old are not only highly active, but may have risen to the top of their occupation. Moreover, in the eyes of the younger generation, elders’ postponing of retirement inhibits their own job opportunities.

• Indeed, clamoring from the younger generation for older people to “just retire already” has increased in recent years.• A recessed economy has saddled the young-old age group with the longest duration of unemployment by a significant

margin (AARP, 2011; Over 50 and Out of Work, 2011), suggesting that clinging to one’s job is a prudent move. Other practicalities justify delayed retirement. Claiming Social Security benefits before full retirement age permanently reduces one’s monthly payments by 25% or greater (Block, 2009). Moreover, the average amount of 401(k) funds held by near-retirement workers is only about $98,000—well below the recommended $250,000 amount needed to maintain an adequate standard of living for the rest of their lives (Geoghegan, 2011; Klein, 2010).

• despite considerable research indicating that job performance does not decrease with age evidence indicates that young-old job applicants are rated less positively than younger ones, even when similarly qualified

• Common beliefs about older workers include that they are inflexible, resistant to change, slower to train, lack technology skills, and have more health problems compared to younger workers. Although some of these perceptions may have a degree of merit (fluid intelligence does decline with age, inhibiting the learning of novel tasks such as new technologies, they are often exaggerated or completely unfounded. Moreover, such preconceptions overlook the numerous benefits of older workers, who tend to be more motivated, cheerful, dependable, loyal, and prideful of their work than their younger counterparts —not to mention offering considerable wisdom and experience.

• Either way, the recent recession has begun to bring young-old, succession based issues to the forefront of policy, making salient the limited number of available jobs

• The take-home message of this article is that older age is more nuanced than traditional stereotypes, research, and policy currently suggest. Though numerical age is a useful indicator, it is an imprecise one when it comes to distribution of societal resources contributive ability. Age-related characteristics are evolving all the time, but social policies seem stuck in the past, uncertain how to accommodate shifting age dynamics (as evidenced by impending Social Security and Medicare crises). Grouping people over a certain age may have made sense half a century ago, but such definitions of “old” are antiquated. They will only become more outdated in the future, given expectations for half the children born since 2000 to live past their hundredth birthday

• Regardless of the specific elder subtype involved or the culture in which they work, policymakers must be sensitive to the needs of all older age groups.

• As noted, in contrast to Succession issues targeting the young-old, old-old policy concerns center around passive consumption of shared resources. Current fears center over depletion of Medicare and Social Security, both of which are running out sooner than expected (Wolf, 2011). The recent recession has only exacerbated consumptive tensions, both in the realm of healthcare (increasingly expensive) and the home (increasingly forced to accommodate aging parents; Luo, 2011).

• A primary domain of importance for subtyping age-based prejudice concerns the workplace. Indeed, a large part of the ambiguity in age discrimination cases lies in the uncertain definition of “old.” Are young-old workers actually past their prime, or at least do they present costs that truly outweigh their benefits? Or do employers’ preconceived stereotypes unfairly categorize older workers as unworthy of much investment and career advancement? Clearly, firms should tailor hiring practices to the abilities of individuals, rather than stereotyping them on the basis of age (e.g., Brooke&Taylor, 2005). At the very least, recent evidence suggests that age-related cognitive decline—far more characteristic of the old-old than the young-old—has been greatly exaggerated, supporting the urgent need for employers to update their impressions of older workers (Seeing as the majority of the old-old are in or near retirement, policymakers should focus their creative energy on developing new kinds of societal roles. Such positions might end up situated outside of the traditional workplace, but nevertheless can be highly contributive and meaningful.

• broader initiatives can make use of the talent, energy, and experience of older individuals. Numerous societal sectors—including schools and hospitals— have already recognized the benefits of dedicated, experienced, older volunteers. Having these extra pairs of hands benefits both sides: institutions reap extra, inexpensive help, while such contributive activities positively impact the old-old’s well-being and longevity

• Future policies catering to the old-old need not be limited to the ideas presented here. But broadly speaking, such enterprises should fulfill three practical goals: (1) utilize the old-old’s considerable life-acquired skill set, (2) promote a sense of agency and purpose, and (3) be cost effective.

http://www4.hrsdc.gc.ca/.3ndic.1t.4r@-eng.jsp?iid=33

• THE DRAMATIC INCREASE in the number of people reaching age 65 — coupled with their increased life expectancy — have expanded the classification of those age 65 and older to include three sub-populations commonly referred to as the "young old," the "old," and the "old-old" groups

• Young-old (age 65-74)• Old (age 75-84)• Old-old (age 85 +)

A sustained decline in mortality and fertility rates during the twentieth century has resulted in a shift towards older populations worldwide. Canada, while somewhat younger than the average among developed countries, still has an all-time high proportion of seniors. According to Statistics Canada, between 1981 and 2011, the number of Canadians increased significantly amongst the three age groups:For those aged 65 to 74, from 1.5 million (6% of the total population) to 2 million (8%)For those between 75 and 84, from 695,000 (2.8%) to 1.6 million (4.9%)For those aged 85 and older, from 196,000 (0.8%) to 492,000 (2%)The number of seniors in all age groups is expected to continue to rise, and by 2041, seniors are projected to comprise nearly a quarter (24.5%) of the Canadian population, as compared to 14.8% today.Footnote 2 Those aged 85 and over are expected to nearly triple to 5.8% of the total population by 2041.Footnote 3

The chart below illustrates the growth of the older population since 1921.

Table 1: Where Seniors LiveLiving Arrangements

% of Seniors Aged65–74

% of Seniors Aged75–84

% of Seniors Aged85+

Institution 2.2 8.2 31.6With Spouse 54.4 39.9 16.2With Children or Grandchildren

18.9 16.0 15.8

Alone 21.5 33.0 33.7Other 2.9 2.8 2.6

As shown in Table 1, most people over 65 reside at home, either with a spouse or alone. According to a study released in 2002 by Health Canada, three quarters of seniors enjoyed housing considered to be affordable, adequately sized and in good condition.Footnote 10

A small percentage of seniors live in institutions, including long-term care facilities and hospitals, though rates of institutionalization rise sharply with age.Footnote 11 Reasons cited for institutionalization include increasing frailty and care needs that exceed the capacity of family or friends. In many cases, family and friends continue to provide care even after institutionalization.Footnote 12

Source: Statistics Canada (2007).

http://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=res&dir=rec/part/sen&document=index&lang=e

• The 2010 U.S. Census bureau splits the American population 49.2% male and 50.8% female. As their share of the population increases with age, women characteristically comprise the majority of the older population.

• The sex ratio (the number of men per 100 women) also changes over the human life span.

• For every 100 females In the 65-74 age group, we find only 86 males. Their number continues to drops to 72 in the 75-84 age group. For the old-old groups (85 and older) the sex ratio becomes even more pronounced expanding to an astounding 49 men for every 100 women.

Figure 2Growth rate (in percentage) of age groups between 2006 and 2011, CanadaSources: Statistics Canada, censuses of population, 2006 and 2011.http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-311-x/2011001/fig/fig2-eng.cfm

Figure 3Proportion (in percentage) of the population aged 65 and over, G8 countries, 2006 and 2011Sources: Statistics Canada, censuses of population, 2006 and 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, 2006 and 2010; National Institute of Statistics (Italy), 2006 and 2011; National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (France), 2006 and 2011; Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2006 and 2011; Russian Federation Federal State Statistics Service, 2006 and 2010; and Human Mortality Database for Germany, 2006 and 2010, and for United Kingdom, 2006 and 2010.http://www12.statcan.ca/census-recensement/2011/as-sa/98-311-x/2011001/fig/fig3-eng.cfm