Culturally Responsive Built Environments Dr. Ram Sateesh … · Now, in a contrary of it, we were...

Culturally Responsive Built EnvironmentsDr. Ram Sateesh Pasupuleti

Department of Architecture and PlanningIndian Institute of Technology, Roorkee

Lecture - 06Understanding Vernacular – Towards Anthropology

Welcome to the course Culturally Responsive Built Environments. Today, we are at

lecture 6; and we are going to talk about Understanding Vernacular and Towards

Anthropology. Till now we did discussed about how the vernacular could be classified,

and we talked about the primitive, we talked about the pre industrial vernacular, we

talked about the high vernacular, high or modern vernacular. And we talked about

vernacular architecture, it is not just a product, but it is also a process how it is designed

and built.

But then when we talk about the methods of how what kind of methods are more

appropriate for understanding vernacular architecture. In fact, this is a very complex

subject, and it is not very easy to just define only these methods will do for this, these

methods we will do for this. And they vary by context, and they vary by the situation,

they also vary by time, and they are also vary by perception from whose perspective you

are trying to understand.

Now, I would start with the simple question, being an architect, how to study a building

and a place? In fact, when as an architects, when we talk about a building, we obviously

look from a kind of perspective of how it was built, what are the spaces, and how it has

evolved, so maybe a kind of chronological thinking; In fact, if you look at in the Thai

house for instance, because the Thai houses are mostly referred from the 13th century.

And where the Lanna kingdom, Lanna, the traditional Lanna house, which have a kind of

conical this thing, and then they call it as a kind of ‘Chan’ which is about terrace, so this

is a kind of traditional Lanna house, and that is how the Thai house have gradually

evolved into this.

(Refer Slide Time: 02:11)

And this is how what you can see here is the Siamese or the Thai house, which is

evolved from the Lanna house. And one of the interesting aspect of how one can study a

building is, in fact there is also certain religious practices, which one can look at

understanding the social practices or the religious practices, how one perform in the

dwelling, and how and as a result what kind of spaces are produced, and how they

consume these places.


In fact, this they follow kind of Animism, and here they follow kind of Buddhism. So,

there are different practices and even that has a reflection in their form, in the way it

gives certain meanings and their association. Now, Poomchai Punpairoj, he talks about

the recalibrating the new Thai vernacular architecture. In fact, what he does is the post

13th century, I would say maybe you about a little correction in this, and you can see the

transformation of a traditional Thai house. He actually documents the way the Thai

house is gradually changing by its form by its usage.

So, initially if you see the kind of raised plinths on the timber post, they call it is the

Reun Thai which could be also easily dismantled and transportable; Because in

sometimes it could be taken to its original location or to be taken to the plants in the case

of floods or any other kind of any needed time. So, here the kind of functions they have

the kind of spaces which they have is a small this open space, which could is a part of

many cultural activities, and today daily life livelihood activities.

But now following the I would say from 1960’s onwards, I am not saying exactly from

19, more or less around the modernistic movements where the usage of car comes and

you can see that, you can see that these are all made at different levels. But what is

happening is there are 6 major transformations which have taken this place, one is the

central terrace. This terrace is now shifted like this. And the multi-level to a flat floor

now its all one straight, changes of an area under a raised dwelling.

So, in fact this whole part now they are using for a kind of car parking and things like

that and then disappearance of verandah and erection of a porch at the front. So, in fact

they are putting some kind of the traditional verandahs they are gone now, and the

orientations have slightly changed on to this side. And a bathroom at upper level and a

kitchen unit to cooking space.

But, now what is happening is mostly after the kind of invention of various construction

materials and techniques, and now the population are also increasing. And in order to

accommodate certain activities, and the whole system of the matrilineal kind of society

where after the son gets married, he moves away, and how the house is again used you

know, so these kind of practices are also defining certain add ones to the house.

And here when we talk about the reproduction of the Thai house which actually, how it is

taken further in the present context. The obvious features are the traditional roofs at

upper level, and the contemporary building at ground level. So, basically what they did

was, if you see the kind of contemporary building at ground level, now this is now a part

of kind of usable space, and then the roofs still remain our kind of traditional roofs, but

the material will be different for it.

So, the elements which they are using though they are kind of depicting, even the angles

are slightly changing in that, and the materials now the timbers some parts of it have

been made into concrete thing, and the easily dismantled and transportable is now

gradually becoming a kind of permanent. So, this is a kind of change one can see in a

Thai’s house. But what we are trying to say here is, so how an architect one he studying

about a particular traditional dwelling is looking at the kind of chronological order.


And, now one of the images of from Poomchai’s work is the kind how the societies are

framing these traditional elements by their appearance, but then but the kind of whole

structure is much more permanent as I showed you in the ground floor, it is completely a

build system. And then, how this whole or the production of a Thai traditional house to

the reproduction of the Thai house how the way it is performed, and the way the spaces

are performed, the way the spaces are celebrated how they are changing; Not only by its

space, but by their material and specific content.


So, here how buildings can study, one is by the chronological development, which I say

by so and so year, by so and so period, or by so and so age, so these buildings have been

transformed. But there is another thing, but which should help is much more relevant for

this particular course if from the specific point of view, or which from what point of view

we all looking at, are you looking from an anthropologist point of view, are you looking

from a sociologist point of view, are you looking from a development point of view, are

you looking from a vernacular architecture point of view.

So, which point because there is always a conflict between the tradition and the modern,

there is always a contested space somewhere a debate which comes. So, this is very

relevant of how specific point of view will be taken. I will give you a few examples from

my own work. What you see here is a kind of that house one is, this is in Tamil Nadu,

somewhere near Kovalam in the southern tip of Tamil Nadu. And this particular co-

dwelling has been given by the agencies to the fishermen communities.

Obviously a fisher man earlier all the co-dwelling units, they are all uniform and

standardized units. Now in that time, I think I am talking about 2006 or 2007 and many

people thought what kind of houses they have given, and why how can a, a fisherman

can accommodate can get accommodated in this houses. Now, when I look at it the

government and NGO the also had an option of giving a co-dwelling concept. In the co-

dwelling first they give the in a particular few cents of land you give them a co-dwelling.

So, under an impression that the family whenever he gets some financial support or when

he becomes better he obviously, modifies his dwelling, and within that limited. So, now

8 years after, I visited again the same places; now these dwellings have again taken a

new form. People started building the boundary walls; people started expanding this kind

of porches and with a tiled porches, which depict the kind of the traditional way of

façade. And they established they put the coconut trees, and the kind of all the landscape.

Now, the whole landscape is very different thing.

So, now if I talk about the context of how people have responded to it, and if I am

looking from a development perspective, and the way the people have responded with

their own resources is very different here. So, which perspective I am looking, am I

looking from a development perspective, and which point of time I am looking it. So,

now imagine the same thing, which I looked 7 years before I myself have thought about

it. But now I looked at it, so now it has given a different meaning, different impression.

Now, in a contrary of it, we were doing this vernacular architecture studio from School

of Planning and Architecture Bhopal, my previous work place. We took the architecture

students to study the Bhil tribes and the Gond tribes in the Chhattisgarh and Madhya

Pradesh area. And here we can see these kind of tribal dwellings, they are all built with

Rammed Earth which is completely Rammed Earth material. And they also have this

kind of black colour paintings, which they represent their belonging within that habitats.

Now, government has started giving in the name of development, they started giving

constructing toilets using brick and concrete. Now, now how communities have

perceived this is they are using it as a kind of storage. And many of the communities,

which we have visited in these villages, they hardly use this space or they felt that it is a

kind of storage because neither there was some issues with the co-ordination of

fulfillment of giving, providing a toilet and neither they see some detachment of their

material culture with the modern materials.

And not only that another story I will say about this symbol, which is ‘Om’. In fact, I

thought when I went to this villages, every house is having a ‘Om’, and we thought they

really respect some kind of Hindu traditions or may be other religious. But then later

with some interactions with these tribal people, we came to know that their gods, they do

not refer themselves into the kind of Hindu gods, but they themselves pray certain gods

like the river gods Narmada, and some other gods who are actually locally known. But

they are not into the, they do not believe that they are into the, they follow all the Hindu

rituals or any kind of symbolic aspects.

But then what happened was some of the organizations names unknown that they say

they have spread rumors saying that there was an evil spirits going on in the village. So,

you need to put this in order to protect this symbol in fact, protect your house. Now,

every house have this symbol. So, now in a span of time, even if someone is putting a

new house building a new house is still putting a symbol without knowing a logical

reason behind it; So, in that way in this particular contested contest.

Now, how we can understand this built form; can we understand that what development

what any agency is thinking, how these how these people should be like or can we

understand, how these people are able to understand the other ideas, or how they are able

to absorb the other ideas which are coming externally, so that is where the specific point

of view is very much required. Are you looking from the very indigenous point of view,

are you looking from a very shallow point of view, or are you looking from a top down

point of view. So, that is what I showed like how the government have visualized, and

how people have responded, but how the people started rejecting these things so in a

same way.


And now I also relate here- it is not only the form, which is giving you the behavior, but

it is also the behavior, which is also giving the form. So, in fact, Rappaport talks about

there is a link between behavior and form in two senses ; one is the first sense

understanding of behavior patterns, including desires, motivations, and feelings is

essential to understand of built form. Since, built form is physical embodiment of these

patterns. Now, in the sense that forms, once built affect behavior and way of life. So,

basically it is a two-way process- one is a form, and another is a behavior. So, form

influencing the behavior and behavior influencing the form, this is a debate, which we

are talking about.

I will show you a small example of my own work in which I did in the Tsunami affected

areas of Tharangambadi. I was working in Tharangambadi area. What you can see here is

the Tharangambadi, it is a mental map which I have taken from the fisherman. In the

fisherman societies, what they are very closely and they are living next to the sea. You

can see that there is a sea here. And I asked them to draw after the Tsunami, I gave a

pencil to them, and I asked them to draw, can you draw the mind map of your settlement

how it has changed. Then the pen started shivering, because for the first time some of

them have not touched the pencil in their life.

So, now I did another technique of, what I did was I have taken a printout of before

Tsunami, and after Tsunami. So, this one was before, and this one was after. So, now in

this layout you can see that this whole thing is a complete settlement of itself, which is

with, they have a quarters of, there is a quarter of Danish people living here as a pre-

colonial buildings, which are occupied by the Muslim community, Muslim community

here, and Danish and the fisherman.

Now, I asked him in the old, in the pre Tsunami context, where was your dwelling. He

just pointed out here. when I asked him how do you moved out, how you use to move

around, he said my children go to school in the Princess street, and then we go to the

town centre, and this ice factory, and this a temple- Renuka Devi temple, this is all the

movement pattern is there; But whereas, in the post Tsunami they have moved to a new

location here somewhere here. Now, I asked him how you are moving. Now, the moment

in his factor, on the moment I said here is the Renuka Devi temple as a landmark, he

immediately recognizes his house. And then he started pulling down the way he is going

to the school.

I think in both the ways they are moving, but the fundamental difference, which I find

here was, in one of the interviews, I got a Muslim family they are feeling very bad

because, they are missing their friends from the other clusters. I did not realize why they

were missing. But, here now I came to know this map is telling me the difference, why

they are missing their neighbors. Because, these people are moving completely on the

periphery of the town, and they are not using this Princess street, which is connecting the

three family, three clusters of the fisherman, the Muslim, the Danish. So, this movement

itself is affecting their connections with the neighbor’s connection, and that is how it is

weakening the neighborhood interaction.

So, now this is a very good example of a small pedestrian movement or small eyesight

towards looking at how they are walking, how they are meeting them, and how and, now

these Muslim communities, they started feeling lonely, because no one is around, and

they started selling the houses and moving around.


And again we talk about certain spaces in the Iquitos, Peru, which is also referred as a

kind of floating villages. Here you can see that floating village. Sometimes the

vernacular architecture, they always say about this is a kind of climatically adaptable.

And this is one of the best, people have made it as much more appropriate with the

climate.

But, however Rappaport bring certain examples of how it may not be necessarily for

every time it is for climatic reasons, but it could be of also for some other reasons, it

could be of a status reasons, it could be of a social, and the economic reasons. So, he

gives a little example of in the native port of Belen, especially in the Iquitos floating

houses, they have this kind of identical frame, and construction, and this addition of solid

walls being the only major change.

So, when they started because, being a floating house obviously, it has to be little light

weight. And now, the way they are adding the solid walls, that is actually making them

uncomfortable. Because it might have been because of the permanency status, of the

desire of status in that has introduced by the new cultures, and also almost reflects the

new attitudes to the requirements of privacy. So, obviously the whole house forms it is

not just a climatic need, but it is also something about how the status, and the symbolic

aspects are influenced their the way of life.


Now, I will little bit talk about the Chams from the Cambodia and Vietnam side on the

South East Asia. And these are often referred as the skillful artisans, where they have this

kind of weaving traditions, and the dying traditions, so the Chams are very well known

as an artisans. And Rappaport also brings that certain religious proscriptions not

necessarily every time he talks about climatic, but it also brings anticlimatic solutions.

For examples, we always say in Indian cultures, we say that there should be a tulsi plant

and there is a neem tree, which can actually protect from any kind of bacterial infections

or any other thing. Similarly, but it is little; they said who regard shade cast by tress as

unlucky. You can see that, so that the both houses and streets are exposed to the terrible

sun and trees never planted. You can see of course, here you can notice a small banana

plantations, but which is a local culture there, but otherwise if we can see the whole

landscape, these all looks very dry in the hot sun.

And in Cambodia a similar lack of shade of trees is brought about by the belief that it is

unlucky for roots to find their way under the house. So, the moment you having a big

tree near the house, obviously when the roots starts growing, obviously it will have its

impact on the house building structure. So, there is a technical reasons behind it why

they want the trees to be little far away.


Now, in the dwellings of Cham they have a kind of the courtyard systems, where they

dry the grains, and the fish or any seafood like that. And you can see that all these some

of them are built with the kind of mud walls, and the way they follow certain patterns,

and they follow they have certain forces or they have certain implications on how they

use the spaces.


Now, with all these discussion of the understanding of vernacular architecture, it is not

only from a technical point of it, it is a climatic point of it, or it is a political point of it, it

is also the consumption point of it, in all the examples which we discussed. And it is also

not from just how it is evolving from a chronological point, and it is also from which

post perspective we are looking at. I think this is where Marcel Vellinga, who is now the

director of the vernacular architecture center in Oxford Brookes.

He talks about ‘The End of Vernacular, Anthropology and the Architecture of the Other’;

it is a very good summarization of how he brings anthropology and architecture in a

relation. And in fact there has been, a lot of work has been done in the field of

anthropology and especially he points out to certain literature on Southeast Asian

architecture.


However, it fails to take into account the mutually constitutive relation between people

and things that has been explored at the same time in the fields of material culture studies

and consumption, and the study of perception of the environment. So, this is where he

says that there has been a little disconnect between what anthropology experts have

done, and what architecture have thought about.

And now, mainly when we talk about vernacular, it is actually comes from a very

linguistic psychology and it is a kind of linguistic term, how it is locally used, and locally

produced, and locally domestically produced and domestically consumed the kind of

linguistic paradigm and how it is reflected in the architecture.


So, it has been defined through various decades by various different philosophers and

with differences in emphasis mainly, on national and disciplinary backgrounds and

affiliations. And they talk basically about to establish a normative distinction between

vernacular, and the other architectural traditions that is explicitly based on differences in

product. So, whenever we are talking from the vernacular we are obviously, making a

difference between the other architectural traditions, other building products ok.

And what is this other? Let us see how it is mostly it is often discussed to distinguish it

from modern or a polite forms of architecture that are seen to be more national or

international in nature. So in fact, the moment, starting Amos Rappaport, starting from

Bernard Rudofsky’s time, how the vernacular architecture is already almost discussed is

they are saying this is a common man this is a prisons dwelling. But, it is making at the

moment you are discussing a particular subject, it is obviously making a distinction of

the other subject.


Like for instance when we say when Steen talks about vernacular as built by hand, so

handmade architecture, which is handed down from generation to generation. Whereas

Rudofsky, he talks about a non-pedigreed architecture in his book of architecture without

architects. But it and again in Rappaport, he talks about ‘House, Form and Architecture’

that is there again. And here Oliver, he brings to discussion of architecture of the people.

So, all these, these where it is they are pointing out to distinguish from more

industrialized, and formalized or elitist forms of architecture.

In fact, why we are discussing about this kind of distinction or may be an in our

subconscious we are talking about a specialized interest of that; at the same time, we are

ignoring the processes that are making us to distinguish with the other, so that is what he,

he this other the architecture of the other. So, how are the experts started understanding

architecture in order to make distinguishing with the modern and the polite forms of

architecture.

So, now the moment we are talking about how to understand vernacular, and that is

where Anthropology is one of the important- anthropology of shelter is one of the

important tool, how we can integrate like for instance, I can show you one of the

important component of my own work. How the dwelling in the Tsunami affected area,

and how it has been modified, and how people started responding to it, it involves a

greater ethnographic research and a greater interaction with the community, and it is not

only about the technical part of it, but it is also social and the cultural part of it.

Thank you very much.

Culturally Responsive Built Environments Dr. Ram Sateesh … · Now, in a contrary of it, we were...

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