0360-0572/99/0815-0395$08.00395Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999. 25:395418Copyright 1999 by Annual Reviews. All rights reservedCULTURAL CRIMINOLOGYJeff FerrellDepartment of Criminal Justice, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona,86011-5005; e-mail: Jeff.Ferrell@nau.eduKEY WORDS: crime, culture, media, subculture, meaningABSTRACTAs an emergent orientation in sociology, criminology, and criminal justice,cultural criminology explores the convergence of cultural and criminal pro-cessesincontemporarysociallife. Drawingonperspectivesfromculturalstudies, postmodern theory, critical theory, and interactionist sociology, andon ethnographic methodologies and media/textual analysis, this orientationhighlightsissuesofimage,meaning,andrepresentationintheinterplayofcrime and crime control. Specifically, cultural criminology investigates thestylizedframeworks andexperiential dynamics of illicit subcultures; thesymboliccriminalizationofpopularcultureforms; andthemediatedcon-struction of crime and crime control issues. In addition, emerging areas of in-quiry within cultural criminology include the development of situated mediaand situated audiences for crime; the media and culture of policing; the linksbetweencrime,crimecontrol,andculturalspace;andthecollectivelyem-bodied emotions that shape the meaning of crime.INTRODUCTIONThe concept of cultural criminology denotes both specific perspectives andbroader orientations that have emerged in criminology, sociology, and crimi-nal justice over the past few years. Most specifically, cultural criminologyrepresents a perspective developed by Ferrell & Sanders (1995), and likewiseemployed by Redhead (1995) and others (Kane 1998a), that interweaves par-ticular intellectual threads to explore the convergence of cultural and criminalprocessesincontemporarysocial life. Morebroadly, thenotionofculturalcriminology references the increasing analytic attention that many criminolo-gistsnowgivetopopularcultureconstructions, andespeciallymassmediaAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.constructions, of crime and crime control. It in turn highlights the emergenceof this general area of media and cultural inquiry as a relatively distinct domainwithincriminology, asevidenced, forexample, bythenumberofrecentlypublishedcollectionsundertakingexplorationsofmedia,culture,andcrime(Anderson&Howard1998, Bailey&Hale1998, Barak1994a, Ferrell &Sanders 1995, Ferrell & Websdale 1999, Kidd-Hewitt & Osborne 1995, Potter&Kappeler1998).Mostbroadly,theexistenceofaconceptsuchasculturalcriminology underscores the steady seepage in recent years of cultural and me-diaanalysisintothetraditionaldomainsofcriminologicalinquiry,suchthatcriminological conferences and journals increasingly provide room and legiti-macy for such analysis under any number of conventional headings, from ju-venile delinquency and corporate crime to policing and domestic violence.Given this range, across tightly focused theoretical statements and particularcase studies to wider analytic and substantive (re)orientations, this essay incor-porates the work of the growing number of scholars who consciously identifytheirworkasculturalcriminologybutalsoincludestheworkofthosewhomoregenerallyexplorethevariousintersectionsofculturalandcriminaldy-namics. Further, while it considers existing works that might now be retroac-tively gathered under the heading of cultural criminology, it focuses on recentscholarship, and especially on work nowdeveloping in and around the fields ofcriminology and criminal justice. Thus, cultural criminology at this point canbe seen to denote less a definitive paradigmthan an emergent array of perspec-tives linked by sensitivities to image, meaning, and representation in the studyof crime and crime control. Within this broad and fluid framework, a numberoftheoretical, methodological, andsubstantiveorientationscanbeseentoprovide a degree of commonality as well.FOUNDATIONS OF CULTURAL CRIMINOLOGYHistorical and Theoretical FrameworksAt its most basic, cultural criminology attempts to integrate the fields of crimi-nology and cultural studies or, put differently, to import the insights of culturalstudiesintocontemporarycriminology.Giventhis,muchscholarshipincul-tural criminology takes as its foundation perspectives that emerged out of theBritish/Birmingham School of cultural studies, and the British new criminol-ogy (Taylor et al 1973), of the 1970s. The work of Hebdige (1979, 1988), Hall&Jefferson(1976), Clarke(1976), McRobbie(1980), Willis(1977, 1990),and others has attuned cultural criminologists to the subtle, situated dynamicsof deviant and criminal subcultures, and to the importance of symbolism andstyle in shaping subcultural meaning and identity. Similarly, the work of Cohen(1972/1980), Cohen & Young (1973), Hall et al (1978), and others has influ-enced contemporary understandings of the mass medias role in constructing396 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.the reality of crime and deviance, and in generating new forms of social andlegal control. At times, contemporaryscholarshipincultural criminologysimplyassumesthisintellectual foundationor utilizesit onlypartially. Atother times, though, cultural criminologys lineage in British cultural studiesandthe Britishnewcriminologyis made explicit (Cohen1996, Redhead1995:3346). In the introduction to a recent volume on crime and the media,for example, Kidd-Hewitt (1995) outlines five key works that set the agendafor subsequent research into crime, representation, and social control: Young(1971), Cohen(1972/1980), Cohen&Young(1973), Chibnall (1977), andHall et al (1978).Asahybridorientation,though,culturalcriminologyhasbeenbuiltfrommore than a simple integration of 1970s British cultural studies into contempo-raryAmericancriminology. Certainly, cultural criminologists continue todraw on the insights of cultural studies as a developing field and on currentculturalstudiesexplorationsofidentity,sexuality,andsocialspace(During1993, Grossberg et al 1992). Moreover, with its focus on representation, im-age, and style, cultural criminology incorporates not only the insights of cul-tural studies, but the intellectual reorientation afforded by postmodernism. Inplace of the modernist duality of form and content, and the modernist hierar-chy that proposes that formmust be stripped away to get at the meaningful coreof content, cultural criminology operates fromthe postmodern proposition thatform is content, that style is substance, that meaning thus resides in presenta-tionandre-presentation.Fromthisview,thestudyofcrimenecessitatesnotsimply the examination of individual criminals and criminal events, not eventhe straightforward examination of media coverage of criminals and crimi-nal events, but rather a journey into the spectacle and carnival of crime, a walkdown an infinite hall of mirrors where images created and consumed by crimi-nals, criminalsubcultures, controlagents, mediainstitutions, andaudiencesbounce endlessly one off the other. Increasingly, then, cultural criminologistsexplore the networks...of connections, contact, contiguity, feedback and gen-eralized interface (Baudrillard 1985:127; see Pfohl 1993) out of which crimeandcrimecontrolareconstructed, theintertextualmedialoops(Manning1998)throughwhichtheseconstructionscirculate, andthediscursiveinter-connections that emerge between media institutions, crime control agents, andcriminal subcultures (Kane 1998b). As part of this exploration, they in turn in-vestigate criminal and deviant subcultures as sites of criminalization, criminalactivity, and legal control, but also as subaltern counterpublic[s], as paralleldiscursivearena[s]wheremembers...inventandcirculatecounterdiscoursesand expand discursive space (Fraser 1995:291).Grounded as it is in the frameworks of cultural studies and postmodernism,cultural criminology is at the same time firmly rooted in sociological perspec-tives. Perhaps because of its emergence out of sociological criminology,CULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 397Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.though, cultural criminology has to this point drawn less on the sociology ofculturethanit hasonvariousother sociological orientationsmorecloselyaligned, historically, with criminology. Central among these is the interaction-ist tradition in the sociology of deviance and criminology (Becker 1963, Pfuhl1986). In examining the mediated networks and discursive connections notedabove, cultural criminologists alsotracethemanifoldinteractions throughwhich criminals, control agents, media producers, and others collectively con-struct themeaningofcrime. Insodoing, cultural criminologistsattempt toelaborateonthesymbolicinsymbolicinteractionbyhighlightingthepopular prevalence of mediated crime imagery, the interpersonal negotiationof style within criminal and deviant subcultures, and the emergence of largersymbolic universes within which crime takes on political meaning. These un-derstandings of crime and crime control as social and political constructions,andthisendeavortounravel themediatedprocessesthroughwhichtheseconstructions occur, also build on more recent constructionist perspectives insociology (Best 1995). Yet while cultural criminology certainly draws on con-structionist sociology, it also contributes to constructionist orientations a sen-sitivity to mediated circuits of meaning other than those of the mass media,and it offers a spiraling postmodern sensibility that moves beyond dualisms ofcrimeeventandmediacoverage,factualtruthanddistortion,whichattimesframe constructionist analysis (Ferrell & Websdale 1999).Finally,culturalcriminologyemergesinmanywaysoutofcriticaltradi-tions in sociology, criminology, and cultural studies, incorporating as it does avariety of critical perspectives on crime and crime control. Utilizing these per-spectives, culturalcriminologistsattempttounravelthepoliticsofcrimeasplayed out through mediated anti-crime campaigns; through evocative culturalconstructionsofdeviance,crime,andmarginality;andthroughcriminalizedsubcultures and their resistance to legal control. To the extent that it integratesinteractionist, constructionist, andcritical sociologies, cultural criminologythusundertakestodevelopwhatCohen(1988:68)hascalledastructurallyand politically informed version of labeling theory, or what Melossi (1985)has similarly described as a grounded labeling theorythat is, an analysisthat accounts for the complex circuitry of mediated interaction through whichthemeaningofcrimeanddevianceisconstructedandenforced. Putmoresimply,culturalcriminologyheedsBeckers(1963:183,199)classicinjunc-tionthat we look at all the people involved in any episode of alleged devi-ance...allthepartiestoasituation,andtheirrelationshipsandincludesinthis collective examination those cultural relationships, those webs of meaningand perception in which all parties are entangled.In its mix of historical and theoretical foundations, cultural criminology canthus be seen to incorporate both more traditional sociological perspectives andmore recently ascendant cultural studies and postmodern approaches. As such,398 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.cultural criminology likewise embodies the creative tension in which sociol-ogy and cultural studies/postmodernism often exist (Becker & McCall 1990,Denzin 1992, Pfohl 1992), a tension which at its best produces attentiveness tostructures of power and nuances of meaning, to fixed symbolic universes andemergent codes of marginality, to the mediated expansion of legal control andthe stylized undermining of legal authorityand to the inevitable confoundingof these very categories in everyday criminality.Methodological FrameworksCultural criminologys melange of intellectual and disciplinary influences alsosurfaces in the methodologies that cultural criminologists employ. In explor-ing the interconnections of culture and crime, researchers utilize ethnographicmodels rooted in sociology, criminology, cultural studies, and anthropology;modifications of these models suggested by recent developments in feminist,postmodern, and existentialist thought; and a range of methods geared towardmedia and textual analysis. Further, as will be seen, researchers at times com-bine or overlay these methods in the course of particular projects. Nonetheless,there remains within the broad framework of cultural criminology a significantsplit betweenmethodologies orientedtowardethnographyandfieldworkpractice, and those oriented toward media and textual analysis.Ethnographic research in cultural criminology reflects the long-standingattentivenessof cultural studiesresearcherstoprecisenuancesof meaningwithin particular cultural milieux. Willis (1977:3), for example, notes that hisuseofethnographictechniqueswasdictatedbythenatureofmyinterestinthe cultural. These techniques are suited to record this level and have a sensi-tivity to meanings and values.... At the same time, ethnographic research inculturalcriminologyreflectsthesociologicalandcriminologicaltraditionofdeepinquiryintothesituateddynamicsofcriminalanddeviantsubcultures(Adler1985,Becker1963,Humphreys1975);especiallyinfluentialherearePolskys(1969)manifestoonthenecessarypoliticsandpracticeoffieldre-search among deviant and criminal populations, and Hagedorns (1990) morerecent echoingof thesethemes. Inaddition, thepracticeof fieldresearchwithin cultural criminology incorporates recent reconsiderations of fieldmethod among sociologists, criminologists, and anthropologists (Burawoy etal1991,Ferrell&Hamm1998,VanMaanen1995a),andamongfeminists,postmodernists, and existentialists (Fonow & Cook 1991, Clough 1992, Den-zin 1997, Sanders 1995, Adler & Adler 1987) inside and outside these disci-plines. Together, these works suggest that field research operates as an inher-entlypersonalandpoliticalendeavor,profoundlyengagingresearcherswithsituations and subjects of study. These works thus call for reflexive reportingontheresearchprocess,foranethnographyofethnography(VanMaanenCULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 399Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.1995b),whichaccountsfortheresearchersownroleintheconstructionofmeaning.An extreme version of this ethnographic perspective within cultural crimi-nology,yetonerootedinsociologicalparadigms,isthenotionofcrimino-logical verstehen (Ferrell & Hamm 1998). Drawing on Webers (1978:45)formulation of verstehen in terms of interpretive understanding and sympa-thetic participation, and on later refinements within qualitative methodology(Adler & Adler 1987), the concept of criminological verstehen denotes a fieldresearcherssubjectiveappreciationandempathicunderstandingofcrimessituatedmeanings,symbolism,andemotions,inpartthroughthesortsofdi-rectlyparticipatoryresearchthatcanfosteramethodologyofattentiveness.Fromthisview, theresearchersownexperiencesandemotionsemergeaswindows into criminal events and criminal subcultures, and into the collectiveexperiencesandunderstandingsofthoseinvolvedinthem. Whilecertainlyfraught with personal and professional danger, and limited by issues of indi-vidual and collective identity, this approach seeks to move deep inside the cul-tures of crime and crime control by dismantling dualistic epistemic hierarchiesthat positiontheresearcheroverandapart fromresearchsubjects, abstractanalysis over and beyond situated knowledge, and sanitary intellect over andoutside human experience and emotion. The concept of criminological verste-henthusincludestheresearcher, andtheresearchersownsituatedexperi-ences, in the collective construction of crimes reality.Alternatively, other bodies of research in cultural criminology are based notinresearchersdeepparticipatoryimmersionincriminalworlds,butintheirscholarly reading of the various mediated texts that circulate images of crimeandcrimecontrol. Therangeof substantivescholarshipthat has recentlyemerged is itself remarkable, exploring as it does both historical and contem-porary texts, and investigating local and national newspaper coverage of crimeandcrimecontrol(Brownstein1995,Websdale&Alvarez1998,Perrone&Chesney-Lind 1997, Howe 1997); filmic depictions of criminals, criminal vio-lence, andcriminaljustice(Newman1998, Cheatwood1998, Niesel1998);television portrayals of crime and criminals (Tunnell 1998, Fishman &Caven-der1998);imagesofcrimeinpopularmusic(Tunnell1995);comicbooks,crime, and juvenile delinquency (Nyberg 1998, Williams 1998); crime depic-tions in cyberspace (Greek 1996); and the broader presence of crime and crimecontrol imagerythroughout popularculturetexts(Barak1995, Marx1995,Surette1998,Kidd-Hewitt&Osborne1995,Kooistra1989).Manyofthesestudies utilize conventional content analysis techniques to measure the degreeof crime coverage, the distribution of source material, or the relative presenceof crimeimagery. Others incorporateless formal, descriptiveaccounts ofprominent media constructions (Barak 1996), or illustrative case-by-casecomparisonsamongmediatexts. Still others, ofteninfluencedbyfeminist400 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.methodology and epistemology, develop imaginative readings, counter-read-ings,andsociologicaldeconstructions(Pfohl&Gordon1986,seeYoung1996, Clough 1992) of crime texts and criminal justice formations.While this divergence between ethnography and textual analysis does char-acterize much of the scholarship in cultural criminology, a number of scholarshave in fact begun to produce works that usefully integrate these two methodo-logical orientations. Chermak (1995, 1997, 1998), for example, has combinedcontentanalysiswithethnographicobservationandinterviewingtoproducemultilayered studies that explore not only the sources and symbolic character-istics of mediated crime accounts, but the organizational dynamics underlyingthem.Situatingherworkintheoverlappingfieldsofethnographyandcul-tural studies, Kane (1998b:8, 1998a) has engaged in extensive, cross-culturalfield research in order to analyze and place herself within, contrasting publicdiscoursesofpublichealthandlawaroundAIDSandHIV.Byintegratingethnographicresearchamongneo-Nazi skinheadswithdetailedanalysisofpopularmusicshistoricalandthematicstructures, Hamm(1993, 1995)hassucceededinexplicatingthebroadsymbolicunderpinningsoftheskinheadsubculture and the specific place of musical idioms within it. Ferrell (1996) haslikewiseinterwovenextendedparticipant observationamongurbangraffitiwriters with an analysis of media and criminal justice campaigns against themto reveal the ongoing, reflexive process by which each party to the conflict hasreappropriated and reconstructed the meanings of the other.Theseandotheremergingworkssuggest that anysharpdisjunctionbe-tween ethnographic research and textual/media analysis in cultural criminol-ogy not only makes little sense methodologically, but to some degree actuallyunderminestheverymandateofculturalcriminologyitself. Atfirstglance,thismethodologicaldisjunctionwouldseemtobejustifiedbyaparalleldis-junction in subject matter, with ethnography best suited for exploring criminalsubculturesandsituations, andtextualanalysisbestsuitedforinvestigatingmedia constructions of crime and crime control. Yet, as contemporary researchbegins to show, these subjects are never as distinct as they first seem. The massmedia and associated culture industries certainly produce an ongoing flood ofcrime images and crime texts; but media audiences, deviant and criminal sub-cultures, control agencies, and others subsequently appropriate these texts andimages, and in part reconstruct their meaning as they utilize them in particularsocialsituations.Similarly,themanysubculturesconcernedwithcrimeandcrime controlfrom gang members and graffiti writers to police associationsandpoliticalinterestgroupsthemselvesproducecomplexcircuitsofcom-munication, and within this circuitry all manner of images and symbols. Thesesituatedmediainturncirculatewithinandbetweensocial worlds, generatecompeting symbolic references and public perceptions of crime, and regularlyreappearascaricaturewithintherealmofmassmediaentertainmentandre-CULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 401Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.porting on crime. Thus, as before, it is not criminal subcultures and situationsthat merit the attention of cultural criminologists, nor mediated constructionsof crime, but rather the confounding and confluence of these categories in every-day life. And in this hall of mirrors, in this world of spiraling symbolism andfluid meaning, neither traditional ethnography nor textual analysis sufficesbut instead some mix of method that can begin to situate the researcher insidethe complex swirl of culture and crime.In this sense ethnography and media/textual analysis, whether utilized indi-viduallyorincombination,produceattheirbestinterpretivecasestudiescase studies that expose the dynamic cultural situations out of which crime andcrime control are constructed. In fact, Ferrell & Sanders (1995:3048) arguethat the subtlety and complexity of these dynamics are such that cultural crimi-nology is best served by an accumulation of in-depth case studies, rather thanbymoreshallowsurveyresearchor moreabstract statistical analysis. Yetwhile this reliance on case study method (Geis 1991, Ragin & Becker 1992)mayenhancetheanalyticsophisticationofculturalcriminology,itmayalsofunctiontomarginalizeit fromthecriminological andsociological main-stream. Feagin et al (1991:270), for example, contend that case study sociol-ogy has now been overtaken, and to some degree delegitimated, by a form ofmainstream journal-article sociology which accents quantitative-statisticaldata interpreted in a hypothetico-deductive positivistic framework.The long sweep of scholarly history reminds us that, for cultural criminol-ogy as for other emergent perspectives, such marginalization may or may notdevelop, and may or may not endure. Should marginalization result from cul-turalcriminologysrelianceoncasestudymethodandinterpretiveanalysis,though, it would dovetail doubly with the larger project of cultural criminol-ogy. First, this sort of methodological marginalization would perhaps suit anapproach developed out of cultural studies, postmodernism, critical and femi-nist theory, andother perspectives longsuspect withincertainquarters ofmainstream social science. Second, as will be seen, the contemporary practiceof cultural criminologyembodies not onlytheoretical andmethodologicalframeworksexteriortothepositivistmainstream,butanintellectualpoliticsforeign to traditional notions of objectivity and detachment as well.CONTEMPORARY AREAS OF INQUIRYFramedbythesetheoreticalandmethodologicalorientations,culturalcrimi-nologicalresearchandanalysishaveemergedinthepastfewyearswithinanumber of overlapping substantive areas. The first two of these can be charac-terized by an overly simple but perhaps informative dichotomy betweencrimeascultureandcultureascrime.Thethirdbroadareaincorporatesthe variety of ways in which media dynamics construct the reality of crime and402 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.crime control; the fourth explores the social politics of crime and culture andthe intellectual politics of cultural criminology.Crime as CultureTospeakofcrimeascultureistoacknowledgeataminimumthatmuchofwhat we label criminal behavior is at the same time subcultural behavior, collec-tively organized around networks of symbol, ritual, and shared meaning. Putsimply, it is to adopt the subculture as a basic unit of criminological analysis.While this general insight is hardly a newone, cultural criminology develops itinanumberofdirections.Bringingapostmodernsensibilitytotheirunder-standing of deviant and criminal subcultures, cultural criminologists argue thatsuch subcultures incorporateindeed, are defined byelaborate conventionsof argot, appearance, aesthetics, and stylized presentation of self and thus op-erate as repositories of collective meaning and representation for their mem-bers. Within these subcultures as in other arenas of crime, formshapes content,image frames identity. Taken into a mediated world of increasingly dislocatedcommunication and dispersed meaning, this insight further implies that devi-ant and criminal subcultures may nowbe exploding into universes of symboliccommunicationthatinmanywaystranscendtimeandspace. Forcomputerhackers, graffiti writers, drug runners, and others, a mix of widespread spatialdislocationandprecisenormativeorganizationimpliessubculturesdefinedless by face-to-face interaction than by shared, if second-hand, symbolic codes(Gelder & Thornton 1997:473550).Understandably,then,muchresearchinthisareaofculturalcriminologyhasfocusedonthedisperseddynamicsofsubculturalstyle.FollowingfromHebdiges(1979)classicexplorationofsubculture:themeaningofstyle,cultural criminologistshaveinvestigatedstyleasdefiningboththeinternalcharacteristics of deviant and criminal subcultures and external constructionsof them. Miller (1995), for example, has documented the many ways in whichgang symbolism and style exist as the medium of meaning for both street gangmembersandtheprobationofficerswhoattempt tocontrol them. Readinggangstylesasemblematicofgangimmersionandgangdefiance,enforcingcourtordersprohibitinggangclothing,confiscatinggangparaphernalia,anddisplayingtheirconfiscatedcollectionsontheirownofficewalls,theproba-tion officers in Millers study construct the meanings of gang style as surely asdothegangmembersthemselves. Likewise, Ferrell (1996)hasshownhowcontemporary hip hop graffiti exists essentially as a crime of style for graffitiwriters, whooperateandevaluateoneanotherwithincomplexstylisticandsymbolicconventions,butalsoformediainstitutionsandlegalandpoliticalauthorities who perceive graffiti as violating the aesthetics of authority es-sential to their ongoing control of urban environments. More broadly, Ferrell(in Ferrell &Sanders 1995:16989) has explored style as the tissue connectingCULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 403Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.culturalandcriminalpracticesandhasexaminedthewaysinwhichsubcul-turalstyleshapesnotonlyaestheticcommunities,butofficialandunofficialreactionstosubculturalidentity.Finally,Lyng&Bracey(1995)havedocu-mented the multiply ironic process by which the style of the outlaw biker sub-culturecamefirsttosignifyclass-basedculturalresistance,nexttoelicitthesorts of media reactions and legal controls that in fact amplified and confirmedits meaning, and finally to be appropriated and commodified in such a way asto void its political potential. Significantly, these and other studies (Cosgrove1984)echoandconfirmtheintegrativemethodologicalframeworkoutlinedabovebydemonstratingthattheimportanceofstyleresidesnotwithinthedynamics of criminal subcultures, nor in media and political constructions ofits meaning, but in the contested interplay of the two.If subcultures of crime and deviance are defined by their aesthetic and sym-bolic organization, cultural criminology has also begun to show that they aredefined by intensities of collective experience and emotion as well. BuildingonKatzs(1988)wide-rangingexplorationofthesensuallyseductivefore-groundofcriminality, cultural criminologistslikeLyng(1990, 1998)andFerrell (1996)haveutilizedverstehen-orientedmethodologiestodocumenttheexperiencesofedgeworkandtheadrenalinrushimmediate,incan-descent integrationsofrisk, danger, andskillthat shapeparticipationandmembership in deviant and criminal subcultures. Discovered across a range ofillicitsubcultures(Presdee1994,OMalley&Mugford1994,Tunnell1992:45, Wright &Decker 1994:117), these intense and often ritualized moments ofpleasure and excitement define the experience of subcultural membership and,by members own accounts, seduce them into continued subcultural participa-tion. Significantlyfor asociologyof thesesubcultural practices, research(Lyng & Snow 1986) shows that experiences of edgework and adrenalin existas collectively constructed endeavors, encased in shared vocabularies of mo-tive and meaning (Mills 1940, Cressey 1954). Thus, while these experiencescertainly suggest a sociology of the body and the emotions, and further verste-hen-oriented explorations of deviant and criminal subcultures as affectuallydetermined (Weber 1978:9) domains, they also reveal the ways in which col-lective intensities of experience, like collective conventions of style, constructshared subcultural meaning.Culture as CrimeThe notion of culture as crime denotes the reconstruction of cultural enter-priseascriminal endeavorthrough, for example, thepubliclabelingofpopularcultureproductsascriminogenic, orthecriminalizationofculturalproducers through media or legal channels. In contemporary society, such re-constructionspervadepopular cultureandtranscendtraditional highandlow cultural boundaries. Art photographers Robert Mapplethorpe and Jock404 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.Sturges, for example, have facedhighlyorchestratedcampaigns accusingthem of producing obscene or pornographic images; in addition, an art centerexhibiting Mapplethorpes photographs was indicted on charges of panderingobscenity, and Sturgess studio was raided by local police and the FBI (Dubin1992). Punk and heavy metal bands, and associated record companies, distribu-tors, and retail outlets, have encountered obscenity rulings, civil and criminalsuits, high-profile police raids, and police interference with concerts. Perform-ers, producers, distributors, and retailers of rap and gangsta rap music havelikewise faced arrest and conviction on obscenity charges, legal confiscationof albums, highly publicized protests, boycotts, hearings organized by politi-cal figures and police officials, and ongoing media campaigns and legal pro-ceedingsaccusingthemofpromotingindeed,directlycausingcrimeanddelinquency(Hamm&Ferrell 1994). Morebroadly, avarietyoftelevisionprograms, films, and cartoons have been targeted by public campaigns alleg-ingthat theyincitedelinquency, spinoffcopy-catcrimes, andotherwiseserve as criminogenic social forces (Ferrell 1998, Nyberg 1998).These many cases certainly fall within the purview of cultural criminologybecausethetargetsofcriminalizationphotographers,musicians,televisionwriters,andtheirproductsareculturalinnature,butequallysobecausetheir criminalization itself unfolds as a cultural process. When contemporaryculture personas and performances are criminalized, they are primarily crimi-nalized through the mass media, through their presentation and re-presentationas criminal in the realm of sound bites, shock images, news conferences, andnewspaper headlines. This mediated spiral, in which media-produced popularculture forms and figures are in turn criminalized by means of the media, leadsonce again into a complex hall of mirrors. It generates not only images, butimages of imagesthat is, attempts bylawyers, policeofficials, religiousleaders,mediaworkers,andotherstocraftcriminalizedimagesofthoseim-ages previously crafted by artists, musicians, and filmmakers. Thus, the crimi-nalization of popular culture is itself a popular, and cultural, enterprise, stand-ing in opposition to popular culture less than participating in it, and helping toconstruct the very meanings and effects to which it allegedly responds. Giventhis,culturalcriminologistshavebeguntowidenthenotionofcriminaliza-tion to include more than the simple creation and application of criminal law.Increasingly, they investigate the larger process of cultural criminalization(Ferrell 1998:8082), the mediated reconstruction of meaning and perceptionaround issues of culture and crime. In some cases, this cultural criminalizationstands as an end in itself, successfully dehumanizing or delegitimating thosetargeted, thoughnoformallegalchargesarebroughtagainstthem. Inothercases,culturalcriminalizationhelpsconstructaperceptualcontextinwhichdirectcriminalchargescanmoreeasilyfollow. Ineitherscenario, though,media dynamics drive and define the criminalization of popular culture.CULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 405Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.The mediated context of criminalization is a political one as well. The con-temporarycriminalizationofpopularculturehasemergedaspart oflargerculture wars (Bolton 1992) waged by political conservatives and culturalreactionaries. Controversies over the criminal or criminogenic characteristicsofartphotographersandrapmusicianshaveresultedlessfromspontaneouspublic concern than from the sorts of well-funded and politically sophisticatedcampaigns that have similarly targeted the National Endowment for the Artsand its support of feminist/gay/lesbian performance artists and film festivals.In this light it is less than surprising that contemporary cultural criminalizationisaimedtimeandagainat marginal(ized)subculturesradical punkmusi-cians, politicallymilitant blackrapgroups, lesbianandgayvisual andper-formanceartistswhosestylizedcelebrationofandconfrontationwiththeirmarginalitythreatenparticularpatternsofmoral andlegal control. Culturalcriminalization in this sense exposes yet another set of linkages between sub-cultural styles and symbols and mediated constructions and reconstructions ofthese as criminal or criminogenic. In addition, as a process conducted largelyin the public realm, cultural criminalization contributes to popular perceptionsand panics, and thus to the further marginalization of those who are its focus. Ifsuccessful, it constructs a degree of social discomfort that reflects off the faceof popular culture and into the practice of everyday life.Media Constructions of Crime and Crime ControlThe mediated criminalization of popular culture exists, of course, as but one ofmany media processes that construct the meanings of crime and crime control.As noted in earlier discussions of textual methodologies, cultural criminologyincorporates a wealth of research on mediated characterizations of crime andcrime control, ranging across historical and contemporary texts and investigat-ingimagesgeneratedinnewspaperreporting, popularfilm, televisionnewsand entertainment programming, popular music, comic books, and the cyber-spaces of the Internet. Further, cultural criminologists have begun to explorethe complex institutional interconnections between the criminal justice systemand the mass media. Researchers like Chermak (1995, 1997, 1998) and Sand-ers & Lyon (1995) have documented not only the mass medias heavy relianceoncriminaljusticesourcesforimageryandinformationoncrime,butmoreimportantly, the reciprocal relationship that undergirds this reliance. Workingwithin organizational imperatives of efficiency and routinization, media insti-tutions regularly rely on data selectively provided by policing and court agen-cies. In so doing, they highlight for the public issues chosen by criminal justiceinstitutions and framed by criminal justice imperatives, and they in turn con-tribute to the political agendas of the criminal justice system and to the genera-tion of public support for these agendas. In a relatively nonconspiratorial but406 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.nonethelesspowerfulfashion,mediaandcriminaljusticeorganizationsthuscoordinate their day-to-day operations and cooperate in constructing circum-scribed understandings of crime and crime control.Alargebodyofresearchinculturalcriminologyexaminesthenatureofthese understandings and the public dynamics of their production. Like culturalcriminology generally, much of the research here (Adler &Adler 1994, Goode& Ben-Yehuda 1994, Hollywood 1997, Jenkins 1992, Sparks 1995, Thornton1994) builds on the classic analytic models of cultural studies and interaction-ist sociology, asembodiedinconceptssuchasmoral entrepreneurshipandmoral enterprise in the creation of crime and deviance (Becker 1963), and theinventionoffolkdevilsasameansofgeneratingmoralpanic(Cohen1972/1980)aroundissuesofcrimeanddeviance. Exploringtheepistemicframe-workssurroundingeverydayunderstandingsofcrimecontroversies, thisre-search (Fishman 1978, Best 1995, Acland 1995, Reinarman 1994, Reinarman&Duskin 1992, Websdale 1996) problematizes and unpacks taken-for-granted assumptions regarding the prevalence of criminality and the particu-lar characteristics of criminals, and the research traces these assumptions totheinterrelatedworkingsofinterestgroups,mediainstitutions,andcriminaljustice organizations.Emerging scholarship in cultural criminology also offers useful reconcep-tualizations and refinements of these analytic models. McRobbie & Thornton(1995), forexample, arguethattheessentialconceptsofmoralpanicandfolk devils must be reconsidered in multi-mediated societies; with the prolif-eration of media channels and the saturation of media markets, moral panicshave become both dangerous endeavors and marketable commodities, and folkdevils nowfind themselves both stigmatized and lionized in mainstreammediaand alternative media alike. Similarly, Jenkinss (1999) recent work has begunto refine understandings of crime and justice issues as social and cultural con-structions. Building on his earlier, meticulous deconstructions of drug panics,serial homicidescares, andother constructedcrimecontroversies, Jenkins(1994a,b) argues that attention must be paid to the media and political dynam-ics underlying unconstructed crime as well. Jenkins explores the failure toframeactivitiessuchasanti-abortionviolenceascriminalterrorism,situatesthis failure within active media and political processes, and thus questions themeaning of that for which no criminal meaning is provided.Throughall ofthis, cultural criminologistsfurtheremphasizethat intheprocess of constructing crime and crime control as social concerns and politi-cal controversies, the media also construct them as entertainment. Revisitingtheclassiccultural studies/newcriminologynotionof policingthecrisis(Hall et al 1978), Sparks (1995; see 1992), for example, characterizes the pro-duction and perception of crime and policing imagery in television crime dra-mas as a process of entertaining the crisis. Intertwined with mediated moralCULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 407Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.panic over crime and crime waves, amplified fear of street crime and strangerviolence, and politically popular concern for the harm done to crime victims,then,isthepleasurefoundinconsumingmediatedcrimeimageryandcrimedrama.Totheextentthatthemassmediaconstructscrimeasentertainment,wearethusofferednot onlyselectiveimagesandagendas, but theironicmechanism for amusing ourselves to death (Postman 1986) by way of our owncollective pain, misery, and fear. Given this, contemporary media scholarshipin cultural criminology focuses as much on popular film, popular music, andtelevisionentertainment programmingas onthemediatedmanufactureofnewsandinformation,anditinvestigatesthecollapsingboundariesbetweensuchcategories.Recentworkinthisareatargetsespeciallythepopularityofreality crime programs (Fishman &Cavender 1998). With their mix of streetfootage, theatrical staging, and patrol-car sermonizing, reality crime programssuch as C.O.P.S., L.A.P.D.,and True Stories of the Highway Patrol gen-erate conventional, though at times contradictory, images of crime and polic-ing. Along with talk shows devoted largely to crime and deviance topics, theyin turn spin off secondary merchandising schemes, legal suits over videotapedpolice chases and televised invasions of privacy, and criminal activities alleg-edly induced by the programs themselves. Such dynamics demonstrate the en-tangled reality of crime, crime news, and crime entertainment, and suggest thatas mediated crime constructions come to be defined as real, they are real intheir consequences (Thomas 1966:301).The Politics of Culture, Crime, and Cultural CriminologyClearly, acommonthreadconnectsthemanydomainsintowhichculturalcriminologyinquires:thepresenceofpowerrelations,andtheemergenceofsocial control, at the intersections of culture and crime. The stylistic practicesand symbolic codes of illicit subcultures are made the object of legal surveil-lanceandcontrolor,alternatively,areappropriated,commodified,andsani-tized within a vast machinery of consumption. Sophisticated media and crimi-nal justice culture wars are launched against alternative forms of art, music,andentertainment,therebycriminalizingthepersonalitiesandperformancesinvolved, marginalizing them from idealized notions of decency and commu-nity and, at the extreme, silencing the political critiques they present. Ongoingmediaconstructionsofcrimeandcrimecontrolemergeoutofanallianceofconvenience between media institutions and criminal justice agencies, serve topromote and legitimate broader political agendas regarding crime control, andin turn function to both trivialize and dramatize the meaning of crime. Increas-ingly, then, it is televisioncrimeshows andbigbudget detectivemovies,nightlynewscasts andmorningnewspaper headlines, recurrent campaignsagainst thereal andimaginedcrimesofthedisenfranchisedthat constitute408 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.Foucaults (in Cohen 1979:339) hundreds of tiny theatres of punishmenttheatresinwhichyoungpeople, ethnicminorities, lesbiansandgays, andothers play villains deserving of penalty and public outrage.At the same time, cultural criminologists emphasize and explore the variousforms that resistance to this complex web of social control may take. As Sparks(1992, 1995) and others argue, the audiences for media constructions of crimeare diverse in both their composition and their readings of these constructions;they recontextualize, remake, and even reverse mass media meanings as theyincorporate them into their daily lives and interactions. Varieties of resistancealso emerge among those groups more specifically targeted within the practiceof mediated control. Artists and musicians caught up in contemporary culturewarshaverefusedgovernmental awards, resignedhigh-profilepositions,wonlegaljudgments,organizedalternativemediaoutletsandperformances,andotherwiseproducedpubliccounterattacks(Ferrell 1998). Withinothermarginalizedsubcultures, personal andgroupstylecertainlyexistsasstig-mata, inviting outside surveillance and control, but at the same time is valuedas a badge of honor and resistance made all the more meaningful by its endur-ingdefianceofoutsideauthority(Hebdige1988).Likewise,asLyng(1990,1998) andFerrell (1996) emphasize, thoseimmersedinmomentsof illicitedgeworkandadrenalinconstructresistancedoubly. First, bycombininginsuchmomentshighlevelsofriskwithpreciseskillsandpracticedartistry,those involved invent an identity, a sense of crafted self, that resists the usualdegradationsofsubordinatestatusanddeskilled,alienatedlabor.Second,asthesemomentsbecomemoredangerousbecausetargetedbycampaignsofcriminalizationandenforcement, participantsinthemfindanenhancementand amplification of the edgy excitement they provide, and in so doing trans-form political pressure into personal and collective pleasure. In investigatingthe intersections of culture and crime for power relations and emerging formsof social control, then, cultural criminologists carry on the tradition of culturalstudies(Hall&Jefferson1976)byexaminingthemanyformsofresistancethat emerge there as well.Moreover, cultural criminology itself operates as a sort of intellectual resis-tance, as a diverse counter-reading and counter-discourse on, and critical in-tervention(Pfohl &Gordon1986:94) into, conventional constructions ofcrime. Indeconstructingmoments of mediatedpanicover crime, culturalcriminologists work to expose the political processes behind seemingly spon-taneoussocialconcernsandtodismantletherecurringandoftenessentialistmetaphorsofdisease, invasion, anddecayonwhichcrimepanicsarebuilt(Brownstein 1995, 1996, Reinarman 1994, Reinarman & Duskin 1992, Murji1999). Beyond this, Barak (1988, 1994a) argues for an activist newsmakingcriminologyinwhichcriminologistsintegratethemselvesintotheongoingmediated construction of crime, develop as part of their role in this processCULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 409Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.alternative images and understandings of crime issues, and in so doing producewhat constitutivecriminologists(Henry&Milovanovic1991, Barak1995)callareplacementdiscourseregardingcrimeandcrimecontrol. Muchofcultural criminologysethnographicworkinsubcultural domainsfunctionssimilarly, asacritical moveawayfromtheofficial definitionsofreality(Hagedorn 1990:244) produced by the media and the criminal justice systemand reproduced by a courthouse criminology (see Polsky 1969) that relies onthese sources. By attentively documenting the lived realities of groups whomconventional crime constructions have marginalized, and in turn documentingthe situated politics of this marginalization process, cultural criminologists at-tempt to deconstruct the official demonization of various outsiders (Becker1963)from rural domestic violence victims (Websdale 1998) to urban graf-fitiwriters(Ferrell1996,Sanchez-Tranquilino1995),gayhustlers(Pettiway1996), and homeless heroin addicts (Bourgois et al 1997)and to produce alter-native understandings of them. Approaching this task from the other direction,Hamm(1993)andotherslikewiseventureinsidetheworldsofparticularlyviolent criminals to document dangerous nuances of meaning and style ofteninvisible in official reporting on such groups. In its politics as in its theory andmethod, then, cultural criminologyintegratessubcultural ethnographywithmedia and institutional analysis to produce an alternative image of crime.TRAJECTORIES OF CULTURAL CRIMINOLOGYIn describing an emergent orientation like cultural criminology, it is perhapsappropriatetoclosewithabriefconsiderationofitsunfinishededges.Thefollowingshortdiscussionsarethereforemeanttobeneithersystematicnorexhaustive;theysimplysuggestsomeofwhatisemerging,andwhatmightproductively emerge, as cultural criminology continues to develop.Situated Media, Situated AudiencesThe dynamic integration of subcultural crime constructions and media crimeconstructionshassurfacedtimeandagaininthisessayasoneofculturalcriminologys essential insights. This insight further implies that the everydaynotionofmediamustbeexpandedtoincludethosemediathattakeshapewithin and among the various subcultures of crime, deviance, and crime con-trol. As noted in the above methodological discussions, various illicit subcul-tures certainly come into regular contact with the mass media, but in so doingappropriate and reinvent mass media channels, products, and meanings. Fur-ther, illicit subcultures regularly invent their own media of communication; asMcRobbie &Thornton (1995:559) point out, even the interests of folk devilsare increasingly defended by their own niche and micro-media. Thus, alter-410 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.native and marginalized youth subcultures self-produce a wealth of zines (al-ternativemagazines)andwebsites;streetgangmembersconstructelaborateedificesofcommunicationoutofparticularclothingstyles,colors,andhandsigns;andgraffitiwritersdevelopacontinent-widenetworkoffreighttraingraffiti that mirrors existing hobo train graffiti in its ability to link distant sub-cultural members within a shared symbolic community. As also suggested inabovediscussions,multiple,fluidaudienceslikewisewitnessefflorescencesof crime and crime control in their everyday existence, consume a multitude ofcrimeimagespackagedasnewsandentertainment, andinturnremakethemeaning of these encounters within the symbolic interaction of their own lives.Investigating the linkages between media and crime, then, means investigat-ing the many situations in which these linkages emerge, and moreover the situ-atedplace of media, audience, andmeaningwithincriminal worlds (seeVaughan1998).Ultimately,perhaps,thisinvestigationsuggestsblurringtheanalytic boundarybetweenproducer andaudiencerecognizing, inotherwords, that a variety of groups both produce and consume contested images ofcrimeand moving ahead to explore the many microcircuits of meaning thatcollectively construct the reality of crime.The Media and Culture of PolicingIncreasingly, theproductionandconsumptionofmediatedmeaningframesnot only the reality of crime, but of crime control as well. Contemporary polic-ing can in fact hardly be understood apart from its interpenetration with mediaat all levels. As reality crime and policing television programs shape publicperceptions of policing, serve as controversial tools of officer recruitment andsuspect apprehension, andengenderlegal suitsovertheireffectsonstreet-level policing, citizensshoot videofootageof policeconduct andmiscon-ductsomeofwhichfindsitsway,full-circle,ontonewsandrealitypro-grams. Meanwhile, withinthepolicesubcultureitself, surveillancecamerasandon-boardpatrolcarcamerascapturethepracticesofpoliceofficersandcitizensalikeand, asWebsdale(1999)documents, policecrimefilesthem-selves take shape as situated media substrates which, like surveillance andpatrol carfootage, regularlybecomebuildingblocksforsubsequent massmediaimagesofpolicing.Thepolicingofapostmodernworldemergesasacomplex set of visual and semiotic practices, an expanding spiral of mediatedsocial control (Manning 1998, 1999a,b).From the view of cultural criminology, policing must in turn be understoodasasetofpracticessituated,likecriminalpractices,withinsubculturalcon-ventions of meaning, symbolism, and style. In this regard, Kraska & Kappeler(1995:85)integrateperspectivesfrompolicestudies,feministliterature,andcriticaltheorytoexplorethesubculturalideologies, situateddynamics, andbroader cultural and structural context within which police deviance and po-CULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 411Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.lice sexual violence against women develop. Perhaps most interesting here, inlight of the reflexive methodologies discussedabove, is Kraskas (1998)grounded investigation of police paramilitary units. Immersing himself and hisemotions in a situation of police paramilitary violence, Kraska details the styl-ized subcultural status afforded by particular forms of weaponry and clothing,and he documents the deep-seated ideological and affective states that definethecollectivemeaningofsuchsituations.Withcrimecontrolaswithcrime,subcultural and media dynamics construct experience and perception.Crime and Cultural SpaceMany of the everyday situations in which crime and policing are played out,and in fact many of the most visible contemporary controversies surroundingcrime and policing issues, involve the contestation of cultural space. Incorpo-rating perspectives from cultural studies, cultural geography, and postmoderngeography (Merrifield & Swyngedouw 1997, Scott & Soja 1996, Davis 1992),the notion of cultural space references the process by which meaning is con-structedandcontestedinpublicdomains(Ferrell1997). Thisprocessinter-twines with a variety of crime and crime control situations. Homeless popula-tions declare by their public presence the scandal of inequality, and they are inturn hounded and herded by a host of loitering, vagrancy, trespass, public lodg-ing, and public nuisance statutes. Gutter punks invest downtown street cor-ners with disheveled style, skate punks and skateboarders convert walkwaysand parking garages into playgrounds, Latino/a street cruisers create mobilesubcultures out of dropped frames and polished chromeand face in responseaggressiveenforcementoflawsregardingtrespass, curfew, publicsleeping,andevencarstereovolume.Streetgangscarveoutcollectiveculturalspacefromsharedstylesandpublicrituals; criminal justiceofficialsprohibit andconfiscate stylized clothing, enforce prohibitions against public gatherings byknowngangmembers, andorchestratepublicganground-ups.Graffitiwritersremakethevisuallandscapesandsymboliccodesofpubliclife, butthey do so in the face of increasing criminal sanctions, high-tech surveillancesystems, and nationally coordinated legal campaigns designed to remove themand their markings from public life.As with the mediated campaigns of cultural criminalization discussedabove, these conflicts over crime and cultural space regularly emerge aroundthemarginalizedsubculturesofyoungpeople, ethnicminorities, andothergroups, and thus they raise essential issues of identity and authenticity(Sanchez-Tranquilino1995). Suchconflicts inturnincorporateacomplexcriminalization of these subcultures as part of a systematic effort to erase theirself-constructed public images, to substitute in their place symbols of homoge-neityandconsensus, andtherebytorestoreandexpandtheaestheticsof412 FERRELLAnnu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.authoritynotedinabovediscussions. Ultimately, thesedisparateconflictsovercrimeandculturalspacerevealthecommonthreadofcontestedpublicmeaning, and something of the work of control in the age of cultural repro-duction.Bodies, Emotions, and Cultural CriminologyPerhaps the most critical of situations, the most intimate of cultural spaces inwhich crime and crime control intersect are those in and around the physicalandemotionalself(Pfohl1990).Throughoutthisessaysuchsituationshavebeen seen: the development of subcultural style as marker of identity and locusof criminalization; the fleeting experience of edgework and adrenalin rushes,heightenedbyriskoflegalapprehension;theutilizationofresearchersownexperiences and emotions in the study of crime and policing. These situationssuggest that other moments merit the attention of cultural criminology as well,from gang girls construction of identity through hair, makeup, and discourse(Mendoza-Denton 1996) and phone fantasy workers invocation of sexualityand emotion (Mattley 1998), to the contested media and body politics of AIDS(Kane 1998b, Watney 1987, Young 1996:175-206). Together, these and othersituationsinturnsuggest acriminologyoftheskin(seeKushner1994)acriminology that can account for crime and crime control in terms of pleasure,fear, andexcitement andthat canconfront thedeformitiesofsexualityandpower,controlandresistancethatemergeintheseinsidespaces.Theyalsodemand the ongoing refinement of the reflexive,verstehen-oriented method-ologiesandepistemologiesdescribedaboveofwaysofinvestigatingandknowingthatareatthesametimeembodiedandaffective(Scheper-Hughes1994), closer to the intimate meaning of crime and yet never close enough.CONCLUSIONSAs an emerging perspective within criminology, sociology, and criminal jus-tice, cultural criminology draws from a wide range of intellectual orientations.Revisiting and perhaps reinventing existing paradigms in cultural studies, thenewcriminology, interactionistsociology, andcriticaltheory;integratinginsights from postmodern, feminist, and constructionist thought; and incorpo-rating aspects of newsmaking, constitutive, and other evolving criminologies,cultural criminology seek less to synthesize or subsume these various perspec-tives than to engage them in a critical, multifaceted exploration of culture andcrime. Linking these diverse intellectual dimensions, and their attendant meth-odologies of ethnography and media/textual analysis, is cultural criminologysoverarching concern with the meaning of crime and crime control. Some threedecades ago, Cohen (1988:68, 1971:19) wrote of placing on the agenda of aCULTURAL CRIMINOLOGY 413Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.orgby University of Kent on 11/13/13. For personal use only.culturally informed criminology issues of subjective meaning, and of devi-anceandcrimeasmeaningfulaction.Culturalcriminologyembracesandexpandsthisagendabyexploringthecomplexconstruction,attribution,andappropriation of meaning that occurs within and between media and politicalformations, illicit subcultures, andaudiences aroundmatters of crimeandcrime control. In so doing, cultural criminology likewise highlights the inevi-tabilityoftheimage. 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Kang, Aage B. Srensen121Declining Violent Crime Rates in the 1990s: Predicting Crime Booms and Busts, Gary LaFree145Gender and Sexual Harassment,Sandy Welsh 169The Gender System and Interaction, Cecilia L. Ridgeway, Lynn Smith-Lovin191Bringing Emotions into Social Exchange Theory, Edward J. Lawler, Shane R. Thye217Aphorisms and Cliches: The Generation and Dissipation of Conceptual Charisma, Murray S. Davis245The Dark Side of Organizations: Mistake, Misconduct, and Disaster, Diane Vaughan271Feminization and J uvenilization of Poverty: Trends, Relative Risks, Causes, and Consequences,Suzanne M. Bianchi307The Determinants and Consequences of Workplace Sex and Race Composition, Barbara F. Reskin, Debra B. McBrier, Julie A. Kmec335Recent Deveopments and Current Controversies in the Sociology of Religion,Darren E. Sherkat, Christopher G. Ellison363Cultural Criminology, Jeff Ferrell 395Is South Africa Different? Sociological Comparisons and Theoretical Contributions from the Land of Apartheid, Gay Seidman419Politics and Institutionalism: Explaining Durability and Change, Elisabeth S. Clemens, James M. Cook441Social Networks and Status Attainment, Nan Lin 467Socioeconomic Position and Health: The Independent Contribution of Community Socioeconomic Context, Stephanie A. Robert489A Retrospective on the Civil Rights Movement: Political and Intellectual Landmarks, Aldon D. Morris517Artistic Labor Markets and Careers, Pierre-Michel Menger 541Perspectives on Technology and Work Organization, Jeffrey K. Liker, Carol J. Haddad, Jennifer Karlin575Organizational Innovation and Organizational Change, J. T. Hage 597Inequality in Earnings at the Close of the Twentieth Century, Martina Morris, Bruce Western623The Estimation of Causal Effects From Observational Data, Christopher Winship, Stephen L. Morgan659Annu. Rev. Sociol. 1999.25:395-418. 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