Cult Continuity a Religious Biography of the Maltese Archipelago From the Neolithic Up Till 535...

8/12/2019 Cult Continuity a Religious Biography of the Maltese Archipelago From the Neolithic Up Till 535 CE-Libre

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/cult-continuity-a-religious-biography-of-the-maltese-archipelago-from-the-neolithic 1/134

Cult and Continuity

A religious biography of the Maltese

archipelago from the Neolithic up till 535 CE

J.L. van Sister



Cover image: Statue of a female deity, originating from Malta (Bonanno 2005, 163).

Name: J.L. van Sister

E-mail: [email protected]



1

LEIDEN UNIVERSITY

Cult and Continuity

A religious biography of the Maltese

archipelago from the Neolithic up till 535 CE

J.L. van Sister

15/12/2013

S0912395

MA Thesis; ARCH 1044WY

Supervisors: Dr. M.J. Versluys and Dr. H.H. Stöger

Classical and Mediterranean Archaeology

Leiden University, Faculty of Archaeology

Leiden, 2013



2



3

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................. 6 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 7 2. History of Malta ............................................................................................................ 13

2.1 Prehistoric developments ....................................................................................... 13 2.1.1 The Early Neolithic phases .............................................................................. 14 2.1.2 The Temple Period ........................................................................................... 15 2.1.3 The Bronze Age ............................................................................................... 20

2.2 Proto-historic phases .............................................................................................. 22 2.2.1 Arrival of the Phoenicians ................................................................................ 23 2.2.2 Influence from the West ................................................................................... 24

2.3 Roman Period ......................................................................................................... 27 2.3.1 Roman Conquest; Malta under the Republic ................................................... 27 2.3.2 Imperial Malta .................................................................................................. 28 2.3.3 Late Antiquity .................................................................................................. 30

3. Theoretical discussion ................................................................................................... 33 3.1 Critical review of Malta’s historical chronology ................................................... 33 3.2 Reconstructing religion ........................................................................................... 34

3.2.1 Discussing and recognising religion ................................................................ 34 3.2.2 Defining concepts............................................................................................. 36

3.3 Cultural universalism or relativism? ....................................................................... 39 3.3.1 Mediterraneanism ............................................................................................. 39 3.3.2 A question of identity ....................................................................................... 40 3.3.3 Insularity .......................................................................................................... 41

4. Prehistoric island cult .................................................................................................... 43



4

4.1 Early evidence for ritual activities .......................................................................... 43 4.2 Cult during the Temple period ................................................................................ 46

4.2.1 Function and use of the temples ....................................................................... 47 4.2.2 Burial customs .................................................................................................. 53

4.3 A break in traditions ............................................................................................... 55 5. Growing connectivity and influence of city-states ........................................................ 57

5.1 'Phoenician' religious developments ....................................................................... 57 5.1.1 Epigraphic evidence for religious activity ....................................................... 58 5.1.2 Continuity in cult locations: Phoenician temples ............................................ 59 5.1.3 Burial customs .................................................................................................. 61

5.2 The Hellenising and Punic influence on religious developments ........................... 63 5.2.1 The continuation and erection of cult locations ............................................... 63 5.2.2 Recognising the deities .................................................................................... 67 5.2.3 Mortuary customs............................................................................................. 69

5.3 Apotropaic amulets ................................................................................................. 72 6. Malta under Roman hegemony ..................................................................................... 75

6.1 Clinging to old traditions (218 BCE to the 1stcentury BCE) .................................. 75 6.1.1 Votive inscriptions ........................................................................................... 76 6.1.2 Syncretism on coins ......................................................................................... 77 6.1.3 Continuity of cult locations .............................................................................. 81

6.1.3.1 Tas-Sil ..................................................................................................... 81 6.1.3.2 Ras-Ir-Raeb ............................................................................................. 81 6.1.3.3 Ras Il-Wardija ........................................................................................... 82

6.2 A time of change (1st century BCE-Late Antiquity) ............................................... 85 6.2.1 Evidence for religious developments ............................................................... 85 6.2.2 Presence of 'Eastern' cults ................................................................................ 88



5

6.2.2.1 Isis and other Egyptian deities .................................................................. 88 6.2.2.2 Mithras ...................................................................................................... 91

7. Palaeo-Christianity and Judaism on the islands ............................................................ 95 7.1 The Jewish community on Malta ............................................................................ 95 7.2 Palaeo-Christianity ................................................................................................. 99

7.2.1 Early Christian cult locations ........................................................................... 99 7.2.1.1 Tas-Sil ..................................................................................................... 99 7.2.1.2 San Pawl Milqi ........................................................................................ 101

7.2.2 Hypogea ......................................................................................................... 103 8. Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 109

8.1 Synthesis of the 'Religious biography' .................................................................. 109 8.2 Possibilities for future research............................................................................. 114

Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 117 List of figures .................................................................................................................. 119 Literature ......................................................................................................................... 123

Primary Sources .......................................................................................................... 123 Regular Sources .......................................................................................................... 123 Online sources ............................................................................................................ 132



6

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my thanks to Dr. Versluys for accepting to be my thesis supervisor

and for believing in me and trusting me. I also would like to thank Dr. Stöger for her

continuous support while writing the thesis and the effort she put in reading it and

commenting on it. By constantly challenging me and the work written she pushed me to

go further and often gave me the encouragement I needed.

My sincere thanks go to Prof. Dr. Anthony Bonanno and Dr. Nicholas Vella, both from

the University of Malta, Department of Classics and Archaeology. Both of them showed

great support and help when I asked them for assistance. Without them I would have not

have been able to access some very vital sources.

Further gratitude is owed to Heritage Malta for allowing me to use some of their images

and photos in this publication and for allowing me access to the site Tas-Sil in January,

after I handed in this thesis. Thanks to Louis Vella for sending me some of his photos of

objects I studied and allowing me to use them.

Finally I would like to thank my beloved. Without her constant support I would not have

been able to finish. Her remarks after reading chapter drafts were insightful and

stimulated me to once more go through everything.

Thank you.



7

1. Introduction

This study is concerned with the ‘religious biography’ of the Maltese islands from a long-

term perspective. This research analyzes the islands’ religious development in terms of

the (dis)continuity of religious activities from the Neolithic period until the incorporation

of Malta into the Byzantine Empire in 535 CE. This study will focus on the period before

the islands' incorporation into the Byzantine Empire, so as to include the early forms of

Christianity and the end of the Roman Empire, a clearly defined temporal scope and still

a period large enough to be able to recognise patterns. This temporal approach will

identify and explain diverse religious traditions, as well as highlight regional

developments through the continuous use of select cult sites as well as the associated

cultic practices.

The Maltese archipelago, located to the southeast of Sicily, lies well situated in the centre

of the Mediterranean (figure 1.1). While the Maltese islands only cover 314 square

kilometers (Malta 243 km2, Gozo 69 km2 and Comino 2 km2) (Trump 1972, 13-15), a

remarkably diverse history and high levels of connectivity between the islands and other

regions are observable. Owing to their geographical location, the islands were subject to

many different cultural and political encounters, ranging from economic exchange to

fully-fledged colonial domination. From the Early Neolithic until modern times the

islands have been home to a great number of different people, ushering in different

cultural phases, which are often chronologically distinct and clearly reflected in the

islands’ material heritage. During this extensive period, from the Neolithic to the

Byzantine era, many different influences from various geographical regions and diverse

political systems affected the religious activities on the islands.

Figure 1.1: Map of the Mediterranean showing Phoenician trade routes (Bonanno 2011, 39).



8

The Neolithic stone complexes, which number more than 30, have been described by

Colin Renfrew as the 'earliest free-standing monuments of stone in the world' (1973,

147). These megalithic buildings, referred to as temples, have been explored intenselyfrom different perspectives, ranging from discussions about aspects of prehistoric cult

(e.g. Barrowclough and Malone 2007) to studies into the material culture. The latter

studies were conducted to draw inferences about Malta’s connectedness with the wider

Mediterranean (van Dommelen and Knapp 2010, 5). Although diverse assumptions exist

concerning the religious nature of these Neolithic structures, recent efforts have

deconstructed earlier simplistic views about the so-called temples and the associated

Neolithic belief systems (Barrowclough and Malone 2007; Trump 2002).

Malta continued to be a place of importance during the first Millennium BCE, when sea-

faring activities intensified throughout the Mediterranean. The archipelago was then a

prime strategic location between not only north and south, but foremost between the

eastern and western Mediterranean. During the Punic Wars, Malta was a sought-after

military outpost, prompting Roman sources to specifically name (and date) the moment of

conquest in 218 BCE (Livy, 21, 51, 1-2). After Malta had been under Roman rule, the

islands witnessed a period of Byzantine occupation, followed by a sequence of foreign

domination, including Muslim and Frankish rule, as well as a number of subsequent

ruling powerhouses of the Mediterranean and beyond (Aragon, The Knights of St. John,

the French and finally the British), until Malta eventually gained independence in 1964.

This rich exposure to cultural diversity, accumulated over time, makes the islands a

suitable case study to investigate the correlation and the interplay between insularity and

connectivity and more specifically, the effect these forces had on religious developments,

taking into account the local impact and the influences from outside.

Previous studies have looked at various aspects of Malta’s religious landscape mainly in

isolation or by time period. This study has the stated aim to achieve a synoptic approach

pursued from a long-term perspective. Therefore the main research question posited by

this study is: How have the influences of connectivity and insularity, two seemingly

opposing forces, influenced and shaped the religious developments occurring on the

Maltese archipelago from the Neolithic until the beginning of the Byzantine period

in 535 BCE?



9

In order to answer this question this research will examine the development of religious

activities over time with specific attention to breaks and/or continuity in cult location,

ritual practice and venerated deities. By focusing on various aspects of cult location, ritualpractice and prevalent or specific divinities, this study seeks to identify patterns of

continuous tradition, adaptation, assimilation, or new beginnings. Naturally, such an

expansive chronological range can only allow for an exploratory rather than an

exhaustive examination of religious phenomena. The dataset explored is derived from the

extensive corpus of publications dealing with the prehistory and history of the Maltese

archipelago and no unpublished material will be discussed in this thesis.

The combined results of this study will construct the religious biography of the Maltese

islands, describing chronologically the development of religious activities, as well as the

presence and absence of certain cults. In compiling this religious biography, the main

focus is on the continuity of religious activities throughout different periods, as well as

any cultural and societal information (e.g. indications for trade or social stratification)

that can be gleaned from these investigations into the material evidence of religious

practice.

The study of the development of religion and ritual allows insights into the cultural

interactions and may therefore help to understand the development and cultural character

of the Maltese islands within a larger geographical and political context. The analysis of

several continuous aspects of religion, such as rituals and cult locations, can help to

comprehend better how these phenomena developed. By discussing not only one period

(e.g. prehistory), but multiple periods, long-term patterns of continuity can be recognised

and the developmental stages of persisting traditions can be recognised appropriately. A

complete overview of religious developments for these rich and varied Mediterranean

islands has never been achieved, while separate chronological phases or religious

phenomena have been studied extensively and only several cult sites (such as Tas-Sil)

have been studied diachronically. An earlier study to understand cult through the material

culture has been conducted for the prehistoric period, with a specific focus on the

contextualisation of ritual in the archaeological heritage of Malta (Barrowclough and

Malone 2007). The Phoenician, Punic, and Roman periods have been studied by Anthony

Bonanno and others, while the evidence for early Judaism and palaeo-Christianity has

been analyzed by Mario Buhagiar. This study will thus contribute to a more

comprehensive understanding of Malta’s religious development by covering all of these



11

continuity. Chapter Six covers the period from 218 BCE until Late Antiquity, examining

religious changes during the era of Roman rule. The introduction of new cults and the

development of already established cults are the subject of this chapter, followed by acritical assessment of the presence of mystery cults on the islands. Chapter Seven

concentrates on the evidence for Christian and Jewish activities on the islands until 535

CE, effectively covering the last period studied in this research.

Chapter Eight, the concluding chapter, synthesises what has been argued for and

achieved in this thesis. Conclusions drawn and observations made while studying the

evidence for religion during continuous temporal phases, assessed in the light of the

theoretical discourse pertaining to insularity and connectivity, are presented, which thus

chart the island’s religious biography. Periods of increased religious influence due to

connectivity can be witnessed on several occasions in Maltese history, when we see the

appearance of new religious phenomena on the islands. With the exception of the hiatus

in the Bronze Age, there is however an overall continuity visible in the development of

religion. New and old traditions are selectively maintained or adopted and this is reflected

in both the continuity of cult sites and the syncretism of several deities. Finally, the

concluding chapter points out the areas where future research can provide more clarity.

Those areas in Malta's religious landscape, which are very unclear at the moment, should

be examined in the future.

During this large-scale research into this complex subject matter, what will be lost in

details will hopefully be gained in long-term overview.



12

Figure 1.2: Map of the archipelago showing archaeological sites and locations (Bonanno 2005, 282-283).



13

2. History of Malta

This chapter will outline the history of the Maltese archipelago from the Neolithic period

until the incorporation of the islands into the Byzantine Empire in 535 CE. This outline

will provide the chronological framework for the cultural developments which will be

discussed in the following chapters. The chronology presented here follows the work of

established scholars in Maltese archaeology. The timeframe will be presented within the

context of the connections between the islands and the areas of the Mediterranean from

where new people and new cultural influences hailed from. The influences resulting from

these connections, combined with the effect of the insularity of the Maltese islands are at

the core of this thesis and will be explored through the islands’ religious biography. It is

vital for the understanding and contextualisation of the religious developments covered in

the following chapters to have discussed the cultural complexities of the past and their

characteristics (figure 2.1).

2.1 Prehistoric developments

Figure 2.1: A chronological overview of cultural sequences in Malta (Fenech 2007, 37, figure 3.1).



14

2.1.1 The Early Neolithic phases

The early prehistory of the islands can only partly be reconstructed, as there are not many

archaeological sources available for this period of human occupation. The earliest known

evidence for human presence comes from Gar Dalam, a cave site in the area of

Birzebbuga in the southeast of Malta. The cave deposits yielded shards of pottery (Trump

2002, 28). Għar Dalam (5500-4100 BCE) thus became the type site for the earliest

period of human activity on the Maltese archipelago, marking the beginning of the

Neolithic (Driessen 1992, 28-39; Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 28). A number of

other sites have yielded Gar Dalam pottery, one of which is Skorba, the type site for the

next following periods.Gar Dalam

pottery has been dated to approximately 5000 BCE,

based on the radiocarbon dates of a sample from Skorba (5266-4846 BCE). The pottery

shares stylistic similarities with the Sicilian Stentinello ware, which lead to the theory that

early settlers came from this area (Driessen 1992, 29; Fenech 2007, 37; Stoddart et al.

1993, 6).

The earliest society seems to have been fully agricultural, a conclusion drawn from the

absence of small game (possibly extinct as a result of the early colonisation), and

restraints imposed by the islands’ biogeography. Agricultural production, as well as a

constant influx of new people, was necessary due to the limited natural resources offered

by the island (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 23-30).1 These people, possibly the

first settlers, brought with them domesticated animals, including cattle, sheep, goat and

pigs, as learned from evidence obtained from excavations at Skorba (Fenech 2007, 38).

During the Gar Dalam phase (Fenech 2007, 37) the early population utilised natural

caves for domestic purposes, but there is also evidence for the use of huts near the site of

Skorba, where also traces of a long wall have been uncovered (Trump 2002, 32-33).

The next two phases of Maltese prehistory have both been named after the type site

Skorba, and are mostly based on stylistic differences in pottery. The later Gar Dalam

wares seem to foreshadow already the succeeding Grey Skorba wares (4500-4400 BCE),

thereby pointing to a seamless continuity in the succession of these phases (Trump 2002,

1 It is beyond the scope of this research to completely cover the discussion about the early colonisation of the

archipelago. For more information on this discussion, see Trump 2002.



15

47-48). The Grey Skorba phase is solely distinguished on the basis of ceramic typology,

since no carbon dates have been established for this period. Directly developing from the

Grey Skorba wares is the Red Skorba style (4400-4100 BCE), which is similar to thecontemporary red slip Diana wares from Sicily and Italy (Evans 1971, 210-211; Fenech

2007, 39). Typological differences in the shape of the vessels lead to the distinction

between the two phases of Skorba pottery, while similarities in texture and method of

production of both types suggest continuous development (Trump 2002, 30-48). The

sudden appearance of red slip ware points to unbroken contact with Sicily and the

mainland of Italy (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 30). The Skorba periods saw a

consolidation of agricultural dependence, possible evidence for ritual and an increase in

village size, as is shown by the presence of the remains of a wall (Fenech 2007, 39;Stoddart et al. 1993, 6; Trump 2002, 31). The social organisation on the islands can be

described as a largely egalitarian society, with most activity at a household level, while

sometimes different groups would collaborate in a larger project (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6-

7; Trump 2002, 36).

2.1.2 The Temple Period

The Żebbu phase (4100-3700 BCE), preceding the construction of the megalith temples,

displays a break in the continuous development of pottery and the start of a new period

(Evans 1971, 212; Fenech 2007, 39). The shape, fabric and decorations of Żebbu ware

have little in common with the Red Skorba wares, but display a remarkable similarity

with San Cono-Piano Notaro styles, which can be found in Sicily (Stoddart et al. 1993, 6-

7; Trump 2002, 30-49), thereby implying the arrival of new settlers from that region

(Fenech 2007, 40). During the Żebbu phase there was continuous cultural contact with

mainland Italy, Sicily and the smaller islands, and an ongoing exchange of 'exotic' goods,

which brought obsidian from Lipari and ochre from Sicily (Evans 1977, 19; Stoddart et al.

1993, 6-7; Trump 2002, 38-39).

For the next millennium-and-a-half no break in the development of the islands can be

observed. While certain objects were imported from the outside, there was continuous

development of crafts on the islands and an increasing complexity in architecture and

other fields. All in all, the islands did not seem to have been dependent on an influx of

outside material (Evans 1977, 20-21; Trump 2002, 40). Society is thought to have

consisted of extended family groups, whom were often buried together in rock-cut tombs



16

as well as natural caves. These larger family groups would have engaged in competitive

activities, possibly the gaining of prestige/status through exchange (Stoddart et al. 1993,

6-7; Trump 2002, 40-44).

The next period in Maltese prehistory, the Marr phase (3800-3600 BCE), is not well

represented in the archaeological landscape of Malta and only has a few known deposits.

During this phase we see a change in the ceramics, but also a continuation of most of the

established phenomena such as the exchange of obsidian with Lipari (Evans 1971, 215).

The pottery made during this phase can be described as being "on the whole better made,

harder fired, and darker in colour than Żebbu " (Trump 2002, 217). Not much funerary

or domestic architecture from this period has survived and little can be derived from what

is left. Some scholars describe the phase as a transition between the earlier Żebbu and

the succeeding gantija phases (Evans 1971, 215), while others identify the Marr phase

as a new phase based on the discovery of a sterile level during the excavations in Skorba,

distinguishing different periods (Trump 2002, 218).

The pottery of the next period in the chronology of Malta, the gantija phase (3600-

3000 BCE), is characterised by incised decoration of lines, scratched on the surface after

firing (Evans 1971, 215). There is little to suggest a big change in the way people lived

their lives (Trump 2002, 209). Most researchers prefer to see this period as one of

growing insularity and cultural isolation, whereby an increased ritualisation of the

landscape commenced (Stoddart et al. 1993, 7). While trade still continues, there is no

excessive amount of imported objects present in the archaeological material, therefore it

is highly likely that the simple mixed economy maintained the shape it had in

contemporary cultures in the Mediterranean (Trump 2002, 234). There is still little

evidence for the domestic life of the people in this phase of prehistory, but a single hut

and traces of a few more have been uncovered at Skorba (Evans 1971, 218; Trump 2002,

207).

The gantija phase marks not only the next development in the typology of pottery, but

also the physical start of the construction of megalithic buildings, often described as

Temples (Evans 1977, 23) and therefore henceforth referred to as such in this study.

There have been extensive studies looking at the development and the typology of these



17

temples.2 This study will not specifically focus on the megalith structures, it will however

briefly discuss the role of the temples in the religious landscape and their use (Chapter

Four). These temples are an interesting development, as the society that built themdiffered not a lot from the contemporary societies in the Mediterranean, which developed

along different trajectories and did not produce monumental buildings on such a scale.

Evidence from these temples might suggest social stratification in the form of priesthood,

but there is little evidence to support this idea (Trump 2002, 236). There is also not

enough evidence the support an often mentioned theory of chiefdom rivalries (Evans

1977, 23; Renfrew 1973), since there is not enough evidence to support the notion of

chiefdoms at all (which could be recognised through -among other factors- social

differentiation in burial or warfare) (Trump 2002, 234-235). Nevertheless the clusteringof the temples, as well as the similarities between them, suggest some sort of social

competition and emulation, possibly between rivaling families (Evans 1977, 23; Stoddart

et al. 1993, 7; Trump 2002, 236).

The next transitional phase is called the Saflieni phase (3300-3000 BCE), named after the

type site al Saflieni, connecting the gantija and Tarxien phases. Originally thought to

have been a small variation in pottery, separate levels of the phase have been found at

Skorba, Santa Verna and Marr (Evans 1971, 218; Trump 2002, 223). The pottery showsa clear continuation of the decorations used in the gantija phase, with slight differences,

foreshadowing later pottery styles (Evans 1971, 219; Trump 2002, 224-225). There was

also a further import of alabaster and other stone wares. The type site of this phase, al

Saflieni, shows a continuous development of the temples from the beginning of the

Marr/gantija period until the end of the Temple period, indicating a state of

continuous development and alterations (Trump 2002, 237).

The final phase of the Temple Period is the Tarxien period (3150-2400 BCE), named

after the type-site Tarxien. During this phase a continuation of established traditions,

including types of pottery, can be witnessed, as well as the introduction of new types of

pottery (Evans 1971; 219; Trump 2002, 226). However, in contrast to the earlier Saflieni

and gantija phase, a crudeness and uncertainty is noticeable in the decoration of the

Tarxien pottery, which gave rise to suggestions that these decorations were imitating

2 See Trump 2002, 69-203, as well as Driessen 1992.



18

foreign pottery. At the same time, the continuation of established tradition gives more

weight to internal development than foreign influx (Evans 1971, 219). This phase in

prehistory yielded a remarkable amount of diverse pottery, in quantity more than everyother period combined (Trump 2002, 226), which could be the result of the long span this

phase stretches, or it could indicate population growth (Fenech 2007, 42).3 This period

also shows a continuation of the use of existing Temples and the construction of new ones

(Evans 1971, 222; Fenech 2007, 42). During this phase a cycle of rebuilding of the

temples can also be distinguished (Robb 2001, 177). Furthermore, there is some evidence

for the weaving industry, in the form of two conical clay spindle-whorls (Evans 1971,

222), and a continuation of the use of bone, encountered in small quantities in earlier

periods, is visible as well (Evans 1971, 221).

One of the characteristics for this phase is the occurrence of carved objects from

globigerina limestone, such as cups, bowls and 'slingstones', but also for more complex

items such as carved plates, a phenomenon dubbed the 'flowering of plastic art' by Evans

(1971, 223). There is an increase in the representation of the human form, as shown by

figurines, cult figures, local figures and votive offerings (Evans 1971, 223). Most of these

items resemble the style of representation popular in the eastern Mediterranean during

this period. The Tarxien period, like its predecessor the gantija phase, was a long-spanning phase and contacts with other cultures are thus well attested in the material

record. The pottery and architecture shows influence from the west, while the figurines

tend to show more of an influence from the east (Evans 1971, 223).

The main source of food for the society during this phase remains agriculture, as well as

dependence on domestic animals, such as sheep, goat, pig and cattle (Evans 1971, 223).

Elaborate arrangements in the temples, as well as the style of terracotta figurines

originating from Tarxien, which seem to portrait priests, lead scholars to the proposition

that there was an increase in social distinction during the Tarxien period (Evans 1971,

223; Robb 2001, 183). The evidence for a priestly caste, the presence of so-called 'oracle-

rooms', and evidence for a healing cult support this hypothesis. Human remains

originating from the Xemxija tombs, displaying a society living a soft live with the

absence of a lot of physical work, which seems to indicate they were not involved in the

3For an overview of the pottery and its typology for this period see Evans 1971.



19

manual labors of building the temples, and that a different stratum than the Tarxien phase

might be represented here, possibly the gantija phase, for many of the finds were

gantija, and only some were Tarxien (Evans 1971, 223; Trump 2002, 162-165).

Figure 2.2: Overview of the carbon dates from the Maltese archipelago (Fenech 2007, 36, table 3.2).



20

2.1.3 The Bronze Age

After the Tarxien Temple4 phase a second complete break in tradition is witnessed, which

has not yet been adequately explained (Driessen 1992, 39; Evans 1971, 224; Trump 2002,

38). There is much debate about the chronology and even more about the reasons for this

discontinuity. Common theories are that famine, warfare, plague or possibly contact with

new cultures played a role in the cultural break with the earlier phases. Evidence for

warfare for the Early Bronze Age is absent, while the succeeding phases do shown signs

of conflict (Driessen 1992, 39;Fenech 2007, 42; Trump 2002, 239). Taking all of this into

consideration, it seems unlikely that the complete civilisation would have been wiped out

(Trump 2002, 239). Some scholars argue for a break in sequence of about 500 years

(Anati in Driessen 1992, 39; Fenech 2007, 42). This would imply that the people who

represent the following Tarxien Cemetery phase (2400-1500 BCE) had settled on an

empty island. However, one of the carbon dates (T-BM101) suggests an overlap of 400

years between the Tarxien Temple and the Tarxien Cemetery phases (figure 2.2), which

would make both phases contemporaneous. In addition, this would link the Tarxien

Cemetery with the Sicilian Castelluccio culture, with which there are many similarities

(Fenech 2007, 42). Further similarities to the Capo Graziano culture of Lipari are also

attested (Evans 1971, 224; Fenech 2007, 43; Trump 2002, 248). However, the complete

absence of an overlap in material cultures between the two (Tarxien Temple and

Cemetery) phases makes it rather unlikely that the two cultures met. Bonanno argues

against the introduction of new people and rather suggests a break in traditions. His

argument is based on the fact that evidence for the Tarxien Cemetery phase has been

found in the Late Temple Period, when the temples were still in use. Bonanno argues that

the Bronze Age saw a new ritual expression that eliminated the need for monumental

construction (Bonanno et al., 1990, 202-203).

The temples were not left to decay fully during the new phases. While some temples

(Tarxien, Skorba and Haqar Qim) shown signs of destruction by fire (Driessen 1992, 39;

Trump 2002, 238), others show signs of repurposing, either as a house, as it is the case at

Bor in-Nadur (Driessen 1992, 38; Trump 2002, 238), or as cemetery, thus providing the

4 Which is the preceding Tarxien phase. The 'Temple' bit is added to avoid confusion with the succeeding Tarxien

Cemetery phase.



21

phase with its name. At Tarxien parts of the Temples were used as burial grounds for urns

with cremated remains (Fenech 2007, 43; Trump 2002, 247-248). These new influences

brought with them knowledge of metal (Trump 2002, 246), as well as conflict. This isillustrated by the presence of bronze weapons and an increase in fortification (Driessen

1992, 40; Fenech 2007, 43). The Tarxien Cemetery society most likely supported a mixed

economy (Trump 2002, 255) and lived in domestic huts, as well as in the temples on

some occasions (Fenech 2007, 43). Overall this period does not show much evidence for

cult (Trump 2002, 258), but this will be reviewed in Chapter Four. New stone

constructions in the shape of dolmens were erected on the islands in, attributed to this

period, for some of the dolmens are exclusively datable to this phase. (Evans 1971, 224;

Fenech 2007, 43). The function of these dolmens is unclear, but they might have beenused to house cremation burials (Fenech 2007, 43). The dolmens are very similar to the

ones encountered in the Otranto area in south eastern Italy, where similar pottery sherds

have been found (Evans 1971, 224; Fenech 2007, 43; Trump 2002, 250).

The next phase is named after the type site of Bor in-Nadur (1500-700 BCE), and

shows a survival of earlier tradition in pottery, which resembles the Tarxien Cemetery red

slip wares, but is different in colouring, shapes and decoration (Evans 1971, 225). While

pottery survived from this phase, however fragmentary, not much metal has survived(Evans 1971, 226). A new wave of immigrants seems to have introduced this new type of

pottery, which is similar in style to the Thapsos ware from south-east Sicily; these new

settlers might have co-existed with the Tarxien Cemetery people (Evans 1971, 226;

Fenech 2007, 43). The Bor in-Nadur period is characterised by settlements on easily

defendable hilltops, often fortified further with walls when deemed necessary (Evans

1971, 226; Fenech 2007, 44; Trump 2002, 252). In addition, there was settlement in caves

(Fenech 2007, 44; Trump 2002, 253) or in oval huts (Evans 1971, 226). Also known are

quite a few bell-shaped silos cut into the bedrock, which were used for grain and waterstorage (Evans 1971, Fenech 2007, 44), and loom weights and spindle-whorls provide

evidence for weaving (Evans 1971, 226; Trump 2002, 255).

The short Baħrija phase (900-700 BCE), spanning only two hundred years, can be

distinguished by its pottery. Most of the material originates from Barija, the type site.

The pottery resembles earlier ware, however with more complex decoration of foreign

inspiration. In addition, a new type of painted wares was introduced, which seems similar



22

to the Fossa Grave cultures of Calabria (Evans 1971, 227; Fenech 2007, 45). Co-existing

with the Bor in-Nadur culture, the Barija phase seems more of a regional

differentiation than a completely different culture (Evans 1971, 227; Trump 2002, 274).

2.2 Proto-historic phases

The end of the prehistory is marked by the arrival of the Phoenicians on the archipelago

and there is general consensus that this had happened by the end of the seventh century

BCE. Although the Phoenicians (700-550 BCE) were a literate people, they rarely used

their skills to write down history. This apparent lack of ‘historical accountability’ on the

part of the Phoenicians, prompted scholars of Maltese history (notably Trump) to

effectively start the Historic Period of Malta in 218 BCE, after the Roman conquest

(Trump 2002, 295). Whether one agrees with this or not, for reasons of practicality this

study follows Trump and groups the five centuries of Phoenician/Punic presence under

the proto-history of the islands. As we have seen in the previous sections, the prehistory

of the Maltese islands was divided into cultural sequences based on the coherence of their

material culture, mostly pottery. In contrast, the proto-history and historic phases are

distinguished by the prevailing political rule, e.g. Phoenician, Roman and Byzantine

(Fenech 2007, 45). Whereas the periods of political domination allow us to establish

chronological differentiation, the material culture might have spanned across several

periods of political rule.

When the Maltese islands still enjoyed their Bronze Age cultures, the East saw the rise of

a maritime people, often dubbed the Phoenicians. To understand properly the Phoenician

phase on Malta, one must define these new people and look at their motives for crossing

the Mediterranean Sea. The word "Phoenicians" is not the term used by the people

themselves, but rather one used by the Greeks to describe the "Canaanites", as the people

used to call themselves (Ball 2010, 4-5; Bonanno 2005, 14-15). They are also often

referred to as "Sidonians", or in a later period as "Carthaginians" or as being "Punic". All

of these words are labels created to group together the peoples of different city-states, the

foremost being Tyre. This study will use the term "Phoenicians" to refer to the seafaring

people originating from the Levantine littoral (comprising city-states such as Ugarit,

Byblos, Tyre, Sidon and some more), which colonised a large part of the islands and the



23

mainland surrounding the Mediterranean Sea. Several waves of Phoenician expansion can

be recognised5. During their second wave of expansion, in the ninth century BCE, the city

state of Carthage was founded on the North African coast (today’s Tunisia). WhileCarthage grew, Tyre declined, and a shift in power from East to the Southwest occurred.

That is why, from 550 BCE (after the Carthaginian defeat of the Greeks in Sicily)

onwards the term "Punic" will be used to discuss the sphere of influence of Carthage over

the Phoenician colonies (Ball 2010, 19).

2.2.1 Arrival of the Phoenicians

First contacts between the Phoenician people and the Maltese population most likely

occurred much earlier than 700 BCE. Most scholars argue that the actual colonisation

took place during the 8th century in the area of Mdina and Rabat (Bonanno 2011, 40;

Fenech 2007, 45). Sagona pushes the date of Phoenician contact back to 1000-900 BCE,

based on the pottery repertoire of the archipelago (2002, 2), while she confirms the period

of colonisation during the 8th century, calling this period the "Established Phase I: fully

fledged Phoenician colonisation" (Sagona 2008, 500). The island offered an ideal

situation for the seafaring merchants, with its sheltered harbors and its conditions as

"convenient stopovers on their long open-sea voyages between their motherland

Phoenicia in the east and their many colonies in the west" (Bonanno 2011, 38; Trump

2002, 296), a point confirmed by ancient authors such as Diodorus Siculus (Diod. Sic. 5,

12 in Bonanno 2005, 11-12), emphasising the importance of the islands as a shelter and as

a trade post.

The local people were not replaced by the new colonisers and no cultural break can be

witnessed during these phases (Trump 2002, 296). The archaeological material clearly

shows transitional phases of increased cultural contact before the 8th century and even

after the 8th century the remains are never purely Phoenician (Sagona 2008, 488; Trump

2002, 296-297). To sidestep the discussions about ancient territoriality, identity and

politics Sagona uses the word "Melita" to describe the population, local as well as

eventual settlers on the islands, rather than to talk about proper Phoenicians, so as to

indicate the large role the local population still played during these phases (Sagona 2008).

5See Ball 2010 or Moscati 1988 for a more complete overview of the history of the Phoenicians.



24

The Phoenicians would probably have settled first in the Mdina region, where the Bronze

Age population was very present, as well as in prominent harbour areas (Bonanno 2005,

22-23).

It is unclear how exactly the spread of Phoenician culture would have occurred, but it is

clear that this happened quite fast. Whether the Phoenician settlers themselves spread

across the islands, or the local people adopted and spread the customs is hard to discern.

The importance of the Phoenician hegemony on the islands is clear however, as their

influence can be traced throughout Maltese history. The language spoken on the islands

could well be a derivative of the old Phoenician language (Ball 2010, 7), or it might be

the result of Arabian conquest in later times.

Two inscriptions from the Early Phoenician phase have been found, both dedications to

the deity Baal Hammon, effectively the first written sources from the islands, marking the

true end of prehistory (Bonanno 2005, 42-43). One of the most important features from

this early phase is the re-introduction of rock-cut chamber tombs, used previously during

the Temple period (Bonanno 2005, 46-49; Malone et al. 2009, 98-99; Trump 2002, 296).

Most of these tombs, datable to the seventh and sixth centuries BCE, are located in the

Mdina-Rabat surroundings, suggesting that this area was the main urban settlement

(Bonanno 2005, 46-47). There is also evidence for the re-purposing of Temple buildings

in some areas for Phoenician deities (the most well-known example being Tas-Sil).

Furthermore, the material culture shows a tendency for contact with the East, rather than

the West, as is indicated by similarities in statuary, architecture and Aegyptiaca (Bonanno

2005, 49-50; Trump 2002, 296; Van Sister 2012).

2.2.2 Influence from the West

The succeeding Punic phase is in many ways a direct continuation of the Phoenicianphase. During this phase the Mediterranean was host to a number of commercial, political

and military hostilities between the different growing powers. Among the important

players during the Punic phase (550-218 BCE) are the Carthaginians, the Etruscans, the

Greeks and near the end of the phase (eventually giving rise to the next phase of Maltese

history) the Romans. Wars between the Greek city-states and the Carthaginians shaped

the area around Sicily (Bonanno 2005, 74-75), which was conquered by Carthage in 550

BCE (Ball 2010, 29). In 524 BCE the Phoenician homeland was incorporated into the



26

80). In addition, we find inscribed pottery with dedications to the goddess Ashtart

(Bonanno 2005, 83). Until the advent of the Roman period, no local coins have been

minted on the islands (Bonanno 2005, 86). Coinage had been in use from the sixthcentury BCE onwards, as is shown by the presence of fifth century BCE Greek coinage,

originating most likely from Greek Sicily, as well as fourth century BCE Punic coins

from Punic Sicily (Bonanno 201, 48).

While there is not much evidence for definitive settlements, it is thought that there were

at least two settlements present on the islands during this period (Bonanno 2005, 86).

This assumption is based on the clustering of rock-cut tombs. If this is to be taken as an

indication for settlements, than one could argue that another settlement might have been

located near Marsa, one of the favored harbor locations (Fenech 2007, 45). There is

ample evidence for a settlement near Mdina-Rabat, where Phoenician remains appear to

have been replaced and are cut into by Punic remains, in the form of an ashlar wall

(Bonanno 2005, 97; Fenech 2007, 46). There seems to have been separated domestic

quarters near Rabat, possibly indicating a shift in purpose from the main area of Mdina as

a city-center (Bonanno 2005, 87; Fenech 2007, 46). Bonanno also argues that the so-

called "round towers", often interpreted as Roman, are in fact from this period. Apart

from various religious buildings, which will be discussed later on, scholars argue for aspread of country houses during this period. While there is no conclusive evidence for

this, most later Roman villas have earlier foundations and are often accompanied by

Punic Pottery (Fenech 2007, 46).

During the Punic phase on the islands there is an increase in the use of rock-cut tombs,

changing only slightly in its floor plans (Bonanno 2005, 92-93; Fenech 2007, 45). Most

of the material culture surviving from this period originates from these tombs. As there

are more tombs than in earlier periods, there is also more archaeological material culture,

although limited to one specific category of finds (grave goods, rather than domestic

material). While the tombs are not poor, they lack some types of objects which are

common in Punic tombs in other regions, such as banded glass, ivory and faience

(Bonanno 2005, 94). A continuation of the import of Aegyptiaca and Greek precious

objects can be witnessed from the tombs (Bonanno 2011, 43-44). Most abundant in the

material culture is the pottery, which was extensively studied and classified by Claudia

Sagona (2005).



27

2.3 Roman Period

2.3.1 Roman Conquest; Malta under the Republic

As mentioned above, the islands were incorporated into the Roman sphere of dominance

in 218 BCE, when Tiberius Sempronius Longus conquered the islands with little

resistance (Bonanno 2005, 132). The islands were included in the province of Sicily,

which was under a propraetor chosen by Rome. During this time the islands were still

allowed to mint their own coins and they seem to have been quite autonomous during the

early Roman period (Bonanno 2005, 133). Most information for this period of early

Roman occupation is gained from literary sources. Titus Livius discusses the conquest of

the islands in his books covering the Punic Wars (Livy, 21, 51, 1-2 in Bonanno 2005,

143) and Marcus Tullius Cicero accuses Caius Verres of many wrongdoings and crimes

committed when he was governor of Sicily for three years (Cic., Verr., 2, in Bonanno

2005, 145-148). Cicero’s allegations against Verres give us an opportunity to learn more

about the social-political climate in the civitates. Malta is also discussed by Strabo

(Strabo, Geog., 6 and 17, in Bonanno 2005, 149) and the contemporary situation of the

islands to the author has been delivered to us by Diodorus Siculus (Diod. Sic. 5, 12 in

Bonanno 2005, 149). Sicily, along with Lipari and Malta, was divided into multiplecivitates with different rules regarding each community. Their main function was to

provide Rome with a manageable administrative unit, mainly to collect taxes (Bonanno

2005, 140-141). The local administration however was left largely in the hands of the

locals, leading to large differences in different civitates under Roman rule. Malta thus

remained largely under the influence of the earlier (and concurrent) Punic hegemony, but

was also affected by Hellenistic influences, as well as dependent on interaction between

Sicily and the Maltese archipelago.

These cultural interactions are reflected in the material culture. Much of the Hellenising

movement can be recognised in statuary (Bonanno 2005, 163) and in other aspects of the

material culture, such as mosaics. Despite these influences there is much survival of

Punic traditions present on the islands, most of them religious (Fenech 2007, 46). While

the iconography of female deities seemed to Hellenise more and the deities were

associated with Graeco-Roman counterparts, the male deities remained in their original

forms (Bonanno 2005, 188-189). This is no strange phenomenon, considering the



28

Romans tolerable stand on foreign religions and the relative autonomy of the civitates.

The same goes for language, the Punic language might have survived even up to the fifth

or sixth century AD (Fenech 2007, 46). Within the numismatics of the islands a clearevolution can be distinguished during the early period of Roman occupation, where the

coins first display Egyptian and Levantine iconography with Punic legends, which slowly

get replaced by Greek ones, maintaining the Punic iconography (Bonanno 2005, 157).

Near the end of the Republican period Latin gets introduced into the legend.

Many sites and locations of settlement from the preceding phase continued to be used.

Most of the aforementioned country houses originate from this period and the

concentrated urban centers present during the Punic phase continue to grow, a

development clearly visible in the corpus of pottery (Fenech 2007, 47). The cluster of

activity found at Mdina-Rabat is now identified as the Roman city Melita (Fenech 2007,

47). There is also evidence for the continuous use of several sanctuary sites, such as Tas-

Sil. Further continuation of earlier customs can be witnessed in the mortuary customs.

Inhumation, cremation and the use of specific burial urns, set into underground rock-cut

tombs remain the main method of burial (Bonanno 2005, 162-163; Fenech 2007, 47).

These tombs adopted a rectangular shaft and chamber and became more clustered in the

form of hypogea, which can mostly be found in the Mdina-Rabat area near the countryhouses or among the coast (Bonanno 2005, 163; Fenech 2007, 47).

The continuation of these former traditions, both religious and in material culture, lead

some scholars to consider this phase as an extension of the Punic period (Sagona 2000,

84; Said-Zammit 1997, 5), or as Romano-Punic (Bonanno 2005, 190). There are a

number of objects datable to this phase that are often classified as "Roman" (difficult this

terminology might be, considering the Hellenising nature of art during this phase), such

as statuary, but also pottery, among which the famous terra sigillata and normal "Roman"

pottery (Bonanno 2005, 168-170).

2.3.2 Imperial Malta

The Roman period was not by large homogenous, but showed fluctuations in activity and

political situations. On Malta the peak in activity would have been between the second

century BCE and the early third century CE, after which a decrease in activity occurred,

which would not recover until the end of the Roman period (Fenech 2007, 47). In 27 BCE



29

the political situation in Rome changed when Octavian emerged victoriously from the

civil wars and became the first emperor of the Roman Empire. During this civil war

Malta and Gozo lost many of their autonomous rights, possibly because they chose thewrong side (Bonanno 2005, 195). In the subsequent division of provinces between the

emperor and the senate, Sicily became a senatorial province, governed by a proconsul,

and often assisted by not only quaestors and legates, but also by an emissary from the

emperor, a procurator (Bonanno 2005, 195-196). The political status of Malta is unclear

during the first part of the period, possibly a setback from the infraction mentioned above.

During the second century CE however there is epigraphic evidence for Malta having a

municipal status (Bonanno 2005, 232). Social differentiation was a standard during the

Roman period and although its exact amount of strata is unknown, it is often expressed inthe holding of religious priesthood (Bonanno 2005, 234).

Confirmation of the names of the urban areas is given by the geographer Ptolemy (100-

178 CE), who mentions the cities of Melita and Gaulos, as well as two sanctuaries (one

for Juno and one for Hercules) and a landmark called Chersonnesos (Bonanno 2005, 200-

202). Their exact location is hard to determine, although many scholars have published on

the whereabouts of the sanctuaries (such as Vella 2002). It is from this period that we

have inscriptions in Latin, among which not only dedications, but also onecommemorating the good deeds in reconstructing a temple by one of Augustus'

proconsuls (Bonanno 2005, 203-204). Most of the Roman architectural material remains

from the islands are datable to this period. While the necropoleis continue to be used and

grow, there is also a lot of evidence for the opening and re-use of already existing tombs

(Bonanno 2005, 218). Isolated rock-cut tombs became less used during the second

century CE, possibly indicating a shift in burial rites (Bonanno 2005, 218). Coinage was

now minted not locally, but in other parts of the Roman Empire, such as Sicily (Bonanno

2005, 227).

During the pax Romana Malta benefited greatly from her geographic position in the

Mediterranean and prospered, as is displayed in the restoration of buildings, as well as the

import of luxury goods from far away (Bonanno 2005, 238). The presence and

distribution of so many rustic villas suggest an intensive cultivation of olives and grapes

(Bonanno 2005, 240-252). The textile industry is attested for by the presence of loom

weights and spindle whorls (Bonanno 2005, 241). During the early Principate the



30

archipelago appears to accepted the Roman influence and Latin became the official

language, while Punic remained the spoken language of the commoners (Bonanno 2005,

253).

2.3.3 Late Antiquity

During the third century CE there was a general crisis in the Roman Empire. Emperor

Diocletian (284-305 CE) took measures, among which was the introduction of the

tetra rchy (the rule of four emperors), effectively dividing the empire into two parts, each

governed by a co-emperor and a lieutenant. One of those Augusti, co-emperors, went as

far as to move his seat of power to Byzantium, giving rise to the Byzantine empire. While

the Eastern Byzantine Empire grew and prospered, the Western Empire declined

evermore, until the deposition of Romulus Augustulus, last emperor of the west, in 476

CE. Malta was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire in 535 CE, during the time of

expansion under the Emperor Justinian I (Bonanno 2005, 258; Fenech 2007, 48). Three

hundred years later it was won over by the Muslim Arabs in 870 CE (Bonanno 2005,

258).

Figure 2.4: Overview of the chronology of the Maltese archipelago as set by different authors (Fenech 2007,

35, figure 3.1).



31

The periods between the third century CE and Malta’s incorporation into the Byzantine

Empire are hardly represented in the archaeological records and therefore leave more

questions than answers. Around 445 CE Malta is thought to have been occupied by theVandals and around 477 CE possibly by the Ostrogoths (Bonanno 2005, 258; Fenech

2007, 48). Most of the evidence from these phases is of religious nature, in the form of

the basilica of Tas-Sil and the shrine attached to a rock -cut tomb of L-Abbatija tad-Dejr

in Rabat (Bonanno 2005, 259). There are a few inscriptions from the early fourth century

CE on Gozo, which imply that Gozo by this point had an autonomous government

(Bonanno 2005, 160-161). It is during this period that Christianity most likely developed

on the islands, visible mostly in the burial rites, while there is also evidence for a Jewish

community. For a complete overview of the chronology of the islands, as set by differentauthors, see figure 2.4.



32



33

3. Theoretical discussion

This chapter will explore some of the theoretical problems related to the study of

religious developments in the past. Several of these problems cannot be solved perfectly,

and compromises need to be made, while others can be solved by providing good

definitions and setting boundaries. This is necessary to address at the start of the study,

so as to be aware of theoretical problems and to be able to avoid them. This study

concerns the religious developments in an insular context and is thus prone to several of

these problems. The chapter opens with a brief critical review of the established

chronology and addresses the problems arising from compartmentalising the past. The

second part of this chapter will be dedicated to the array of problems related to the study

of past religion. Definitions of related terminology will be provided, which will be

followed during the rest of the study. The last part of the chapter will focus on the unit of

analysis and on the problems that arise when drawing parallels between different

geographic regions. Mediterraneanism, as a theoretical discourse, will briefly be

discussed, for phenomena (especially religious phenomena) are often drawn in a broader

context than they should, and this comparative approach could well lead to assumptions

one does not want.

3.1 Critical review of Malta’s historical chronology

There are many issues that arise when studying the prehistory and history of the Maltese

archipelago, some of them practical, while others are on a more theoretical level. For

instance, there are not many carbon dates available for the entirety of prehistory (see

figure 2.2) and these dates already show quite some discrepancies in itself. The current

chronology is therefore based mostly on the typology of ceramics, supplemented by the

carbon dates. One can even go as far as to say that most archaeologists try to fit the

carbon dates into what the typology dictates, which in itself is a faulty way of studying

the past. The units into which the prehistory has been compartmentalised are mostly

based on the cohesion of the pottery wares, which in its turn might show colonisation

waves or other waves of interaction, but is not a definitive indication thereof. In case of a

continuous development, as can be witnessed for some periods, such as the Grey and Red

Skorba, where does one draw the line between periods and why does one draw this line?

There is no simple answer to this theoretical problem, but for now it is sufficient to say

that to adequately discuss changes in past human behavior, an artificial distinction is



34

necessary to properly contextualise these changes. The same is true for regional

distinctions, such as the Barija, and for the afore-mentioned 'transitional' phases, such

as the Saflieni phase. For the sake of discussion, these phases will be distinguished asdiscussed in Chapter Two.

The proto-history and the history of the Maltese archipelago have been set-up in phases

based upon the political domination. This is in contrast to prehistory, which is set-up

based upon changes in material culture. The problem with the socio-political distinction is

that this is often not directly reflected in the material culture. It might take years for the

influence to be shown in the overall material culture. One can discuss then what is the

better way of dividing the past. Attempts have been made to synthesise a chronology

which fits both systems, socio-political as well as material-based (e.g. the Romano-Punic

phases recognised by Claudia Sagona), but this often leads to more complications. One

needs to remember that most of the terminology we apply to the past are only labels

which we constructed and make use of. As long as we are aware of this, as well as the

fact that even in a socio-political division the material culture does not directly follow this

division, it should not raise that many problems.

3.2 Reconstructing religion

The reconstruction of past religious and ritual activities is not an easy feat and it is always

subjected to different opinions and criticism. The historiography of religious studies is a

vast subject in its own right and therefore will not be treated within this study. Religion is

one of the aspects of human life that is present in almost every instance from the Upper

Paleolithic onwards (Insoll 2004, 5) and has huge consequences for the development of

cultures, as well as for our interpretation thereof. Considering the subject of this thesis,

the development of religion throughout the ages on the Maltese archipelago, it is

necessary to briefly look at the definitions related to the study of ancient religion and tobriefly mention often made mistakes related to this, so as to avoid them and to identify

correctly religious activities on the islands and discuss them adequately within their

cultural and historical context.

3.2.1 Discussing and recognising religion

There is no conclusive definition of religion that suits all situations and fits every model

and for which there is unanimous agreement. The lack of clear definitions is also true for



35

other concepts related to the study of religion, such as ritual, sanctuary, temple and shrine,

but also to broader concepts such as culture and civilisation. Nevertheless most of these

concepts have been used to describe phenomena and activities in the past, so as to makethese phenomena more tangible and to be able to discuss them. While religion in itself

can be considered to be intangible, thus creating a paradox when made tangible, it is

indeed necessary to make use of some labels, for without them discussing these

phenomena would become impossible. But in its core, religion remains indefinable, and it

can be seen as a created discursive formation, which includes the irrational, the

indefinable and the intangible (Insoll 2004, 6-7).

Many problems arise when separating the secular and the spiritual worlds, creating an

artificial dichotomy, and viewing these parts from a contemporary point of view, while in

the past this division was not even present. Contemporary ideologies played (and still

play) a large role in study of the past, as can be witnessed when reviewing the way past

scholars discussed religion. It is not within the scope of this research to discuss all of

these discourses, but suffice it to say that while not one of them offers a complete view of

reconstructing past life, most of them offer valuable partial views. The reductionist view

offered by evolutionary paradigms, such as those by Tyler and Frazer (Pals 2006), the

distinction between sacred and profane, as offered by Durkheim (Durkheim 1912), as

well as the phenomenological viewpoints offered by Eliade (Eliade 1956) and later post-

processual archaeologists each add value to the broader understanding of past religion.

Processual archaeology placed religion in a larger system, but did so at the cost of the

individual. One has to step beyond established biases within the archaeology of religion

(of which there are many) and break established dichotomies when creating a working

definition of these concepts. These concepts again are necessary to not fall into the post-

modern trap of deconstructing everything and saying that we know nothing at all.

After defining religion and its related concepts, there is still the problem of properlyrecognising it in the material record. It is in this area that there are many biases within the

field of archaeology, placing the focus on ritual and funerary archaeology. As a result of

the compartmentalisation of the processual archaeologist, as well as for practical reasons

when excavating in the field, the archaeology of religion is often limited to the study of

temples and burials, and the classification of 'weird' or 'exotic' objects as religious objects.

In the words of Ian Hodder, "archaeologists use the term ritual for the two-closely

connected reasons that what is observed is non-functional and not understood " (Hodder



36

in Insoll 2004, 11). By classifying an object as being religious or related to ritual, many

archaeologists assume that they understand the role of the object in society. The complex

interplay between ritual and religion is often neglected and these concepts are often usedtogether or in the place of one another, and while they are indeed closely intertwined,

they are not inter-exchangeable. Many conclusions are drawn from small finds, by

assuming quite a lot on the basis of unproven information. The object or space interpreted

is often viewed in a reductionist paradigm, letting modern preconceptions play a large

role, and it is often placed in an already established view of past religion. As it is put

elegantly in a volume covering ancient cult, "Rather than an integrated and holistic

approach to the archaeological cult context in its entirety (as might be expected for the

study of a 'traditional' society where ritual is embedded within all aspects of life),researchers have tended to separate or conflate the components that survive from a once

rich cosmological and ceremonial environment" ( Malone et al. 2007, 3).

3.2.2 Defining concepts

To be able to identify correctly and study remains of past religious life, it is necessary to

provide working definitions of the concepts associated with these activities. This

subchapter will provide working definitions of a series of concepts related to the study of

ancient religion. These definitions are by no means binding for every situation and must

be viewed as dynamic means to discuss the past, not as a static set of rules into which the

past has to be forced.

Religion, which forms the main theme of this study, is hard to define and many attempts

have been made in the past. Most of these definitions center on the notion of the

supernatural and the sacred and on the dichotomy between life and death, as is shown by

the Oxford dictionary definition: "Action or conduct indicating a belief in or reverence

for and desire to please a divine ruling power" (Renfrew 2007, 9). Looking at the

etymology of the word 'religion' does not yield a useful definition, as the descriptive tool

we nowadays call 'religion' is not comparable to what used to be the 'religiones' from

ancient Rome, which would be described nowadays as different aspects of religion

(Nongbri 2008, 448-449). A close look at the contemporary definitions of religion might

be helpful. Religion is deeply intertwined with the concepts of ritual and cult, yet not

solely consisting thereof, and neither are they merely an aspect of religion. Some

definitions however, such as those by Durkheim and Geertz, however fitting they might



37

seem, neglect the transcendental or supernatural factor of religion (Renfrew 2007, 10). In

a volume covering the Cult on the Maltese island in a broader context the definition of

religion is put as: "religion can be understood as the formalized recognition of somehigher, unseen, divine power as having control over human destiny, and as a

consequence is worthy of reverence, obedience and organized worship" (Barrowclough

2007, 45). The only adaption I would like to offer is to reconsider the use of the terms

'formalized' and 'organized', as these exclude religion on a personal level. Cult and ritual

are then two related concepts, which might be a further result of this reverence, obedience

and organised worship and they will be discussed separately.

Related to discussions of religion in Antiquity is the concept of embedded religion or

embedded ritual. The concept is derived from Karl Polanyi's concept of 'embeddedness',

as applied to the economic history of pre-modern people, where the economy was not

seen as an isolated aspect, but rather one embedded into the society (Nongbri 2008, 442).

The concept has become widely used by scholars studying religions of the past to denote

the difference between the contemporary practice of religion and past religions. While

one could in depth argue that the semantics surrounding the words 'religion', 'religions'

and 'religiones' (as Nongbri has indeed done), the addition of the word "embedded"

implies the absence of a separate phenomenon of religion in society, but rather religion is

a part of almost every aspect of daily life of those societies. The application of this

terminology thus allows archaeologists (and other scholars) to use religion as an

analytical tool when studying the past.

Cult can be defined as 'a particular form of religious worship that implies devotion to a

particular person or thing' (Malone et al. 2007, 2), which is broadly useable and

interpretable. Cult, like 'ritual' and 'religion', is a concept often used without thinking it

through, and like ritual, it is used by archaeologist as a label to discuss those objects they

cannot place in another category. Cult can be seen as a particular form of religion, oftenon a smaller scale or a local scale and less systematic (Barrowclough 2007, 45-46). The

interplay between cult and religion is complex, as a religion can contain cults (such as the

cult of Mithras or Isis), but it does not have to, and a religion can be built upon what once

started as a cult, of which Christianity might be an example.

To add to the complex story of interplaying concepts there is the often misused concept of

ritual. Within archaeology, ritual is almost solely used to describe religious activities.

Ritual however can be both religious and secular and simply suggests the repetition of a



38

custom, habit or practice, often bound to a specific location and audience (Barrowclough

2007, 45). This practice needs not be religious, but could well be something like

celebrating one's birthday every year with family. It is true however that ritual often isthe physical manifestation of religion, as rituals can be recovered from the material

culture, while beliefs themselves are harder to distinguish. While the material used during

past rituals can be archaeologically assessed and interpreted, the mental activities during a

ritual are harder to reconstruct. Recognising ritual in the material record itself is not that

problematic, but identifying the ritual as being 'religious', 'cultic' or 'secular' might be

more of a challenge. When trying to identify a site as belonging to either one of those

categories, one should look at the broader context and look if there are similarities in the

area, to suggest a structured worship (thus classifying it as religious). There aresystematic studies on how to recognise cult and religion, the most famous being

Renfrew's sixteen indicators to identify religious behavior (Barrowclough 2007, 46).

Besides ritual, one other often occurring physical manifestation of religious or cultic

activities can be witnessed in the presence or absence of monuments, be them large or

small. When looking at Malta the most often used concept to discuss religious spaces is

'temple', indicating a monumental structure, often quite large, used for religious purposes.

The terminology surrounding religious spaces is largely influenced by the study of

classical Antiquity. The word 'temple' is derived from the Latin 'templum', which is used

to denote not only a building, but a defined sacred space, clearly separated from the other

spaces, not restricted to the ground (Egelhaaf-Gaiser 2011, 206). The religious building,

which is today referred to as 'temple', was known as an 'aedes sacra', a seat of the gods.

This distinction has mostly disappeared nowadays and most scholars use the word

'temple' to discuss buildings used for religious ritual activity, while the term 'sanctuary'

is often used to discuss either the building or the entirety of religious space. This study

will thus follow the popular scholarly terminology of defining a temple as a defined

monument used for religious rituals, rather than a space. The concept 'sanctuary' will be

used in a broader sense, using it to discuss religious space in a defined context, not just

monumental. A temple can thus be viewed as a sanctuary, but a sanctuary needs not be a

temple.

Finally, the word 'shrine' will be used to discuss a specific sacred place of

commemoration or worship, which need not be located in a sanctuary or temple.



39

Examples of a shrine would be an altar (be it in a temple or in a house), but also a chest

with relics or a location which was important in the life of a hero, deity or saint.

3.3 Cultural universalism or relativism?

This last part of the chapter will discuss the unit of analysis for research of phenomena in

the Mediterranean, as well as some of the problems associated with determining one.

Within the field of studying ancient religious activities many scholars have a tendency to

view the Mediterranean as an analytical tool in itself, a phenomenon dubbed

'Mediterraneanism'. This discourse then assumes a degree of cultural universalism, for it

chooses quite a large unit of analysis. Opposed to cultural universalism is a system that

assumes that every cultural complex is unique, namely cultural relativism, and

emphasises the importance of viewing phenomena solely in their immediate context.

Considering Malta's location in the middle of the Mediterranean it is important not to fall

into either trap and to know when to choose either approach. Furthermore, the dynamic

role of identity will briefly be discussed in this part of the chapter, as well as the effects of

insularity on the development of cultures.

3.3.1 Mediterraneanism

Phenomena and ritual activities are viewed as being of a similar nature during the period

of increased connectivity in the Mediterranean. During the first millennium BCE the

fragmented, geo-morphologically varied area led to the formation of several cultural units

(Hauschild et al. 2007, 312), which started trading and travelling more through the area of

the Mediterranean Sea, creating and improving the connections between formerly

separate cultural entities. While cultural relativists continue to emphasise the variations

between different geographical areas, a general trend towards universalism in this specific

area of study has led scholars to assume a common religious koinè in the geographic area

of the Mediterranean basin. This universalist view might however neglect some of the

insights that could be gained from studies with a clear focus on regional differences.

While there are indeed much similarities discernible, one needs to keep in mind that these

often can be explained by looking at shared characteristics in ideology and lifestyle. Most

of the cultures from this period share a similar outlook on the world, comparable ideals

and lifestyles and a similar urban situation (Johnston 2004, 6). At the same time the



40

amount of regional and personal agency, as visible in the persistence of local languages

and deities, should not be underrated.

More problems within the methodology arise when trying to define the borders of theMediterranean. Following Woolf's reasoning the Mediterranean could be defined as a

broader area, divided into smaller micro regions, which are joined by a high level of

connectivity (Woolf 2003, 135). According to Woolf’s definition the Mediterranean

becomes an ever growing geographical area, as most areas were in connection to other

surrounding areas. To counter this one would have to define the Mediterranean by

looking at common elements seen in the areas contained. These elements are thus

artificially classified as belonging to a system, which is defined by exactly those elements,

thus providing a methodological fault, a circular argument. One could try to define the

Mediterranean not by common elements, but rather by geographical boundaries, although

this would undervalue the social cohesion.

Woolf thus reasons that any phenomenon needs to fulfill two criteria when we want to

include it into the pan-Mediterranean koinè. Firstly, the phenomenon (ideas, material

culture, etc.) has to be widespread in the Mediterranean region and secondly, it has to be

specifically identified with the Mediterranean, or has to be more common in the

Mediterranean than in other regions (Woolf 2003, 133). The first criterion beingwidespread can be observed in the archaeological record, while the second is harder to

prove, for when one discovers one of these elements outside of the defined region, it need

not mean more than simply a small connection. The Mediterranean is thus not only a

difficult analytical tool, but neither is it a natural geographical area or a natural unity

(Woolf 2003, 14). Local 'religious' finds must thus firstly be viewed in their own

immediate context, before placed in a Mediterranean context. One has to remain critical

of both new insights, as well as established 'known' insights, and to not generalise them.

3.3.2 A question of identity

Yet to avoid cultural relativism, it is necessary to look for similarities between different

regions, so as to possibly say more about the witnessed phenomena. While doing so, one

must always be aware of the difficulties surrounding the study of the formation and

change of identity, for this will be different and present in every situation.

The notion of identity is difficult to come to terms with as it is, especially when it

concerns cultural contact. Most studies discussing identity can only cover partial aspects



41

of this complex topic, or use the words 'identity' and 'ethnicity' interchangeably. The

concept of identity covers many different fields, one of which is ethnicity, but it also

relates to categories such as age, gender, sexuality and class (Knapp and van Dommelen,2010, 4). Furthermore the concept of identity does not only play a role on an individual

level, but also on bigger scales, such as social groups or families. Belonging to a social

group, such as a neighbourhood, a community or a city, has its impact on one's identity

and the people belonging to these groupings again change the identity of the group.

Because identity is dynamic and constantly changing, depending on many different

factors, it becomes increasingly difficult to discuss the similarities between identities of

different people. Therefore, rather than focusing on the discussion of identity, "focusing

on difference, symbolism, boundaries and representation as distinguishable features ofthe Mediterranean material record should enable archaeologists to recognize practices

shared by social groups as well as individuals, and thus help unravel the tangled web

people of that region spun around their identities" (Knapp and van Dommelen 2010, 4).

If indeed these practices are recognised as shared within a broader unit (the

Mediterranean), one could continue to use that region as a unit of analysis. However if

not, wrong conclusions could be drawn from a faulty comparative approach.

This approach then allows us to study phenomena, such as insularity, materiality and

mobility, on the Maltese archipelago. In a region of high connectivity and much mobility,

which Malta is, people seek ways to fit new encounters, be it with people or material

culture, into their existing lives. This is reflected in the material culture of the island and

can be witnessed in the incorporation of new types of pottery (e.g. the use of wares

similar with the San Cono-Piano Notaro wares from Sicily during the Żebbu phase), for

engagements will have led to the restructuring of pre-existing identities. These

engagements between different peoples are in our case a result of the geographical

position of Malta in the Mediterranean and thus indirectly by the sea.

3.3.3 Insularity

Malta's unique cultural sequence is a direct result of the way insular cultures develop.

After established contact with the mainland there often is a period of cultural divergence,

where the island cultures develop their own cultural traits. This is visible on Malta on

several occasions (such as the cultural divergence during the gantija phase), but also on

most of the other islands which share Malta's level of connectivity, for example on the



42

Balearics (Ramis 2010, 75). This phenomenon becomes increasingly complex when more

stimuli from other cultures enter the islands, as is the case during the first Millennium

BCE. This interplay between insularity and connectivity is not restricted to Malta, but canalso be witnessed on various other islands, such as Crete. Like Malta, Crete is distant

from the mainland, yet reachable by boat, and large enough for local cultures to develop.

Yet what is clearly distinguishable on Crete is local differentiation on the islands,

between different areas on the island (Gkiasta 2010), while the Maltese archipelago

shows less traces of this. Some phases in prehistory, such as the Barija phase, appear to

be very localised and are limited to one specific geographical area. This might indicate

that Malta displayed more social cohesion than Crete, but it might also indicate a number

of other things, for most scientists attribute the construction of the temples to intra-community rivalries, similar to the situation described on Crete.

It is because of the nature of an island, combined with the process of exchange and trade,

that objects cannot simply be classified as belonging to one culture or the other, or the

presence of a culture on the island. The presence of Aegyptiaca on the Maltese islands for

example do not indicate the presence of Egyptians on the islands, but study of the

diaspora of these objects tells us how they were transported to the islands and how they

were perceived. Traditionally the interaction between different cultures in an insular

setting has been viewed with a colonial viewpoint, where new people settle on the island

and spread their culture, artificially creating a dichotomy between the people (Hayne

2010, 147). Yet it is necessary to step beyond such dualist approaches and let the material

culture dictate what happened in the past, for there might have been different reactions.

The co-existence of local people and the settlement of new peoples is most discernible in

the first millennium BCE, when the Phoenicians enter the Maltese archipelago, and one

can discuss what influence this showed on the material record. The typology of pottery

shows a continuation from the area before, so influence must have spread slowly.



44

These figurines, however fragmented (see figure 4.1), allow a reconstruction of a standing

female figure, whose face is represented as a triangle and has exaggerated thighs and

buttocks, but is devoid of arms or lower limbs (Trump 2002, 42). While this need notmean the worship of a Mother Goddess, most scholars agree that this might have been an

option, considering the uncommon assemblage the pieces were part of. Apart from the

goat skulls with horns still attached, numerous cattle tarsal bones have been uncovered, of

which twenty had a part of the bone smoothened, allowing the bones to be put upright

(Trump 2002, 43). While this is an intentional action, not too much information can be

gained from this. The shrine also yielded a small number of pendants, one of them was

carved from tooth in a phallus-shape; however not much information can be gained from

them either (Bonanno 2012, 12).

Further evidence for ritualistic activities preceding the Temples have been found in

Żebbu, Gozo, where on the Xagra plateau the Brochtorff Circle is located. This Circle,

located in the vicinity of the gantija temples, has been used for ritualistic activities from

the Żebbu phase until the Bor in-Nadur phase.6. Several Żebbu phase areas have been

identified, foremost being an intact rock-cut tomb. Datable to the end of the Neolithic, at

the start of the Temple Period, the tomb provides the oldest evidence for burial rites on

the Maltese archipelago. During this period the Temples themselves were not yet erected,

but it is thought that the locations were already populated (Bonanno et al. 1990). Because

of the absence of evidence from this period, the tomb was excavated with great care and

recorded in full detail and large parts of the deposits have been sieved to retrieve even the

smallest evidence. The tomb was artificially excavated from the ground and comprised

two subterranean oval chambers reachable from a central shaft (see figure 4.2) (Malone et

al. 2007, 96-97; Trump 2002, 60).

6 The Brochtorff Circle has been extensively excavated, studied and published by many Maltese scholars, and the

results can be found in depth in their publication: Malone et al. 2009.



45

Figure 4.2: Drawing of plan and section of the chamber tombs (Malone et al. 2009, 99, figure 7.7).

Within these oval chambers several levels of deposits can be distinguished: for the

western chamber the bottommost layer contained the primary burial material, which was

covered by a sealing layer, after which the entrance to the chamber was also blocked

(Malone et al. 2007, 98). Later the chamber was re-opened (probably during a later

phase) and possibly a single burial was placed inside the tomb (Malone et al. 2007, 98-

99). The eastern chamber displays a more problematic stratigraphy, which reflects the

burial customs. Sometimes earlier burial deposits were shifted to make room for new

burials (Malone et al. 2007, 99-100). From both chambers a total of 65 bodies can be

distinguished based on the found amount of kneecaps, of which 54 were adults and 11

were children (Malone et al. 2007, 102; Trump 2002, 60).

As mentioned earlier, there is evidence for the post-depositional removal of human

remains, a theory which is supported by the practicality of the tombs. Periodically several

bones would have been removed, so as to make room for new burials (Trump 2002, 44).

A conclusion that was drawn from this by Donald Trump is that the religious believes

might have been that the personality of a person remained with its body as long as itcontained flesh (2002, 44), but this theory does not explain why not all of the bones were

removed. The presence of the smaller bones, such as knee-caps of many individuals, as

opposed to larger bones, might have been an intentional act to preserve the deceased in

the tomb in some way rather than to actively remove him.

The remains were accompanied by different grave goods. Personal ornaments were found

in the form of fossil shell beads, perforated buttons, but also stone axes and

anthropomorphic pendants (Malone et al. 2007, 100; Trump 2002, 44-61). A crudely



46

carved stone head (also dubbed a menhir) was found at the entrance to the western

chamber, possibly placed there intentionally as some sort of guardian (Malone et al. 2007,

100; Trump 2002, 45). The burials were accompanied by a large quantity of fragmentaryceramics, most of it Żebbu ware (Malone et al. 2007, 100). Considering the custom of

removing bones and the presence of a few large vessels, it is possible that some of the

pottery was removed together with the bones to make room for new burials (Trump 2002,

61). Strong hints for the rituals accompanying burials is shown in the presence of

imported red ochre in the chambers (Trump 2002, 45). The sprinkling of ochre over and

around the deceased appears to be common practice in prehistoric societies, it could be

symbol of blood.

Apart from the rock-cut tomb at the Brochtorff Circle there are a few traces of other

inhumations, all from the same area as the tomb. While one of the find locations might

have been another tomb similar to the first, only containing a younger group of people,

other burial types in open niches, as well as single inhumations can also be distinguished

(Malone et al. 2007, 106). Most of the evidence for ritual, or even life at all in the

Neolithic, thus comes from funerary archaeology. It is thought that the tombs were used

by extended family units, utilising the tomb for several generations (Malone et al. 2007,

363). Archaeologically seen, the fundament of the later Maltese religious landscape has

been laid out during the Neolithic, as the later Temples often arise on the same location or

in the vicinity of cemeteries.

4.2 Cult during the Temple period

With the construction of the temples the amount of possible evidence for rituals and

religious activities on the islands becomes more abundant and, in fact, this period is often

described as a period of "elaborate ritualization and insularity" (Stoddart et al. 1993, 4).

This often described phenomenon is most likely derived from the presence of theseTemples and all the assumptions that are adjoining them. Many assumptions surround the

Maltese prehistoric landscape, for the amount of domestic deposits is scarce when

compared to the temples and their assemblages. Yet a traditional methodological problem

within archaeology tends to blur the often cited clear images of prehistoric religious

landscape, for archaeologists tend to find what they are looking for. As will be discussed

in 4.2.1. many finds in the temples have been interpreted as religious or ritualistic

material and those finds will be contextualised in this study. Every bit of evidence



47

described has been assumed to have been related to divination or ceremonies and their

relevance in the development of religious activities will be questioned. In this next part an

overview will be provided for the 'ritual' evidence from the temples, and their possiblefunction will be discussed.

4.2.1 Function and use of the temples

The identification of ritual practice in prehistory is a bone of contention in most

archaeological studies. It plays a central role in the study of the Maltese Temples and

their significance for the religious development during the prehistory of the islands. To

associate these Temples with religion they first have to be identified as a temple, which

was defined previously in Chapter Three as a defined monument used for religious rituals.Colin Renfrew compiled a list of criteria for recognising ritual activity in archaeology

(Renfrew 1985), which starts by recognising the ritual space. Key attributes of

recognition include the presence of 'attention focus devices', of a liminal zone, presence

of the transcendent and its symbolic form, as well as evidence for the participation in

activities such as sacrifice or libation (Malone 2007, 23). Most scholars do not contest the

identification of the Temples as locations of ritual focus, for the buildings display

remarkable uniformity in their architectural design (open forecourt, leading into lobed

semi-circular rooms) and decorations, furthermore, they can be found in prominent

locations, oriented towards specific horizons or points (Malone 2007, 24). The design of

the Temples promotes the idea of restriction within the different modules, by using steps

and thresholds, as well as moveable barriers (Driessen 1992, 37; Malone 2007, 24;

Stoddart et al. 1993, 10). There is also evidence for 'attention focus devices' in the form

of large statues, as well as the central placement of some altars and hearths

(Barrowclough 2007, 48; Stoddart et al. 1993, 10). Evidence for sacrifice is abundant, for

the bones of many domesticated animals have been found in different recesses, some of

them burnt. Moreover, processions of these animals have been portrayed on friezes

(Driessen 1992, 37; Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Large stone blocks have been identified as

sacrificial altars by their context (Trump 2002, 106), while small finds from the few

excavated Temples include flint chippings and tools, but also large bowls, which could

have been votive offerings or used for libation rites. Other possible votive gifts can be

seen in the form of terracotta figurines, phallic figures, engraved pebbles and ceramics

(Driessen 1992, 37-38; Malone 2007, 24; Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Libation holes (often

set near thresholds) and 'oracle' holes (from the outside to the interior) have been



48

identified in several of the Temples (figure 4.3) (Driessen 1992, 36; Malone 2007, 24),

one of which yielded a cache of amulets (Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Presence of fire-pits

and ceramic wares, as well as the burnt bones could be indicative of cooking or feasting(Malone 2007, 31).

Figure 4.3: Examples of libation and oracle holes (Malone 2007, 29, figure 5.3).

So while we can safely identify the Maltese Temples as a place of ritualistic activities,

one still has to determine whether these rituals were recurrent and structured enough to be

recognised as religious. When compared to one another architecturally, the individual

Temples display many differences, these can be also noted when taking a closer look at

the assemblages (Barrowclough 2007, 47-49). Barrowclough recognises a strong

correlation between Renfrew's key indicator of religious ritual and the finds from the

Temples (see figure 4.4, following Renfrew 1994, 51-52) and thus concludes that the

Maltese religion during this period cannot be seen as uniform and overarching, but rather

as an amalgamation of a series of cults (2007, 49).

Despite many differences there are also many common elements shared between the

individual Temples: in most Temples the courtyard was an unrestricted open area, a feat

of spaciousness in which was invested (Malone 2007, 26). The orientation of not only the

Temples, but also the relation of the altars, hearths, libation holes, bowls and oracle holes

to one another display a remarkable sense of uniformity among all the temples. The

deliberate placing of objects on either the right or the left side might be a demonstration

of formal postures regarding the use of right or left, as is indicated in the way figures

have their right hands stretched (Malone 2007, 26-27). This leads Malone to conclude

that "Ritual appears to be highly structured, controlled and mediated, conducted within

strict rules of behavior" (Malone 2007, 31-33).



49

Figure 4.4: Archaeological indicators of Religion applied to the Maltese Temples (Barrowclough 2007, 48,

table 8.1).

The development of religious activities can thus partly be reconstructed, even though the

exact nature of the activities will remain points of speculation. The set-up of the Temples,with their orientation in relation to the sun and the visibility of different rooms from

within, combined with the material record tells us different aspects of the rituals and how

they might have been perceived and experienced by the participants (Malone 2007, 26-

27). The open forecourt might have been used not solely for ritualistic activities, but

considering the monumentality of the Temples and their prominent location, could also

have served as gathering grounds for secular activities, such as commerce or discussions

(Trump 2002, 105). Many small finds, some of them briefly mentioned before, could



50

have been votive offerings or amulets, deposited or carried into the temple. These

pendants come in many shapes and sizes (including miniature axes) and might have been

either decorative or might have had an apotropaic or fertility-related symbolic meaning(Bonanno 2012, 12-13; Trump 2002, 103).

The terracotta figurines seem to suggest the presence of a separate priestly cast who

might have been the ones allowed to enter the inner part of the temple (Stoddart et al.

1993, 12; Trump 2002, 97). A bundle of small limestone sculptures in different

production stages, consisting of six male stick figures, has been interpreted as belonging

to the kit of a shaman or a priest (Stoddart et al. 1993, 11). Several female figurines from

terracotta have been interpreted as either cult images of the worshipped deity (Driessen

1992, 37) or might have served as focal points for rituals (Trump 2002, 102). An over

life-size limestone statue of a female person has been found in Tarxien, often called the

'fat lady', and is thought to be central to religious activities in the Temples (Trump 2002,

94)7. Another interesting figurine from Tarxien contains bone splinters stuck into the clay

before firing it, possibly a signal of witchcraft (Trump 2002, 103). The form of the figure,

obese and quite female, causes scholars to belief that the main deity worshipped in the

Temples might have been a 'Mother Goddess', possibly related to a fertility cult, as

indicated by the presence of phalloi (Trump 2002, 112-113). Some of these figurines,

phalloi and other votives can be seen in figure 4.5. The fragments of human body parts

might have been anatomical votive offerings, indicating a healing cult. However, absence

of votive objects depicting eyes and babies, which are logical and in later periods in

similar settings common, discourages this theory (Trump 2002, 114). Trump argues that

the deity might have had a close association with the underworld, basing it on the many

libation holes and their association with the beneath, as well as the presence of snake

motives, alluding to a chthonic creature (2002, 115).

7It is not within the scope of this study to provide a typology of all the statues and figurines found, for there are

many and stylistic differences can be witnessed. They have been covered extensively in Evans 1971, and again

briefly in Trump 2002.



51

Figure 4.5: Figurines and votives (Malone 2007, 30, figure 5.4).



52

An interesting observation by scholars is that the Temples might have been an expression

of identity and difference in a landscape where the islands were at one side very

connected, while the inhabitants were very isolated and bound together in communities(Robb 2001, 196). This led to the theory that the Temples might have been cosmological

representations of the islands themselves, situated at the boundary between the two

worlds (Grima 2011, 63; Robb 2001, 191-192). A study of the spatial order of the

iconography inside the temples has revealed that this cosmological division (between sea

and land) might have been part of the design of the Temples. A separation between

marine motifs and motifs related to the lands can be distinguished in the Temples, as can

be seen in figure 4.6 (Grima 2011, 63).

Figure 4.6: Schematic temple plan displaying the location of similar motifs in temples (Grima 2011, 60,

figure 6).



53

4.2.2 Burial customs

The gantija and Tarxien phases saw a continuation in the use of the same burial

locations (in rock-cut tombs) as the Żebbu phase. This is evident from the continuity at

the Brochtorff Circle 8 (see figure 4.7) and al Saflieni, where the two largest

concentrations of burials from the Temple period can be found (Malone et al. 2009;

Stoddart 2007, 54-55; Trump 2002, 116). Previous tombs were even re-opened for new

burials, as can be seen from the rock-cut tombs discussed in 4.1 (Malone et al. 2009, 98-

99; Skeates 2007, 92). The remains of the bodies were moved, often deliberately and in

specific patterns, not only to make room for new burials, but also to relocate remains to

their appropriate place in their journey (Malone et al. 2009, 366; Trump 2002, 118).

There is no evidence that the Temples themselves were used for burials during this phase

(Trump 2002, 116). It seems that the custom was to excavate large hypogea in the vicinity

of the Temples. Only the Brochtorff Circle and al Saflieni have been discovered so far,

but more hypogea might remain hidden in the Maltese landscape. The two known

hypogea do not seem to cover the entire island population, considering the numbers of

burials and the span of 600 years these structures were used (Trump 2002, 117-118).

Figure 4.7: Reconstruction of the Brochtorff Circle (Malone et al. 2009, 374, figure 14.12).

8 For an extensive study on this specific site, analyzing spatially and materially the burials and every other feature

from the Circle, see Malone et al. 2009.



54

Most of the observations made about the Temples (on their orientation, set-up etc.) are

also viable for the hypogea excavated, which can be described as parallels of the Temples

(Malone 2007, 24).The Tarxien phase saw an increase in funerary activity, representing the incorporation of

the funerary cult into the community, rather than being practiced only by small-scale

social groups (Stoddart 2007, 55; Trump 2002, 118). The actual rites appear to remain

largely unchanged and it was still custom to include grave goods, most of them similar to

the votives found in the Temples, even though the use of ochre on the remains appears to

have declined (Trump 2002, 118). The Tarxien phase is characterised by more similarities

between the hypogea and the Temples, for the central chambers of the al Saflieni

hypogea include rooms dubbed 'the Holy of Holies' and 'the Oracle Room', names chosen

for their lavish decorations and the finds deposited there. The Oracle Room has an ochre-

painted ceiling (see figure 4.8), as well as side-niches for burials and is mostly named so

after studying the echoing qualities of the room, while the Holy of Holies greatly

resembles a Temple (Trump 2002, 131). The hypogea thus seem to not merely function as

a necropolis, but have additional religious value and various rituals might have been

practiced in them. The cosmological implications of burial in the hypogea has been

studied by Simon Stoddart (Malone et al. 2009, chapter 14; Stoddart 2007).

The hypogea provided a gateway between the temples of the living and the Ancestors in

death, the same way the Temples might have mediated between sea and land (Malone et

al. 2009, 374-375). The two phenomena, Temples and hypogea, cannot be viewed in

isolation from one another and seem to have complimented one another.

Figure 4.8: al Saflieni's Oracle Room.



55

4.3 A break in traditions

Although the Bronze Age saw the emergence of new cultural sequences and an

abandonment of former traditions, this did not mean the end of established cult sites. The

possible influx of new people, or at least new influences, have had effects on the burial

rites and the use of established sites. The Brochtorff Circle, after approximately 600 years

of continuous use as a burial site during the Temple period, was used for domestic

purposes during the Bronze Age and no new burials appear to have been placed there

(Malone et al. 2009, 379). At Skorba one of the apses was repurposed, but it is unclear

whether this was religious or not, however it appears to be one of the only signs of

construction (Malone et al. 2009, 379; Trump 2002, 258). Religious activities are thus

only recognisable through the funerary record and the material accompanying the burials.

The largest concentration of burials has been found in the centre of the southern Tarxien

Temple, which had already been in ruins and covered with a layer of silt by that time

(Zammit 1930, in Malone et al. 2009, 379; Trump 2002, 286-287). Preceding phases saw

inhumation in rock-cut tombs as a standard for burial, while during the Bronze Age

cremation appears to have been common practice. At Tarxien cremated bones were

placed in jars, accompanied by various gifts, such as vessels, beads (faience and fish

vertebrae), figurines, but also daggers and axes (Malone et al. 2009, 379; Trump 2002,

286-287). The figurines found at the Tarxien Cemetery are stylistically different from the

preceding "fat ladies" and most of them appear to have been seated females (Trump 2002,

258-259). The dolmens found on the islands from this period might have been related to

burial of cremated remains as well, but evidence hereof is lacking (Trump 2002, 260-261).

While continuity is visible in the location of ritualistic activities, the rituals themselves

appear to be fundamentally different from the preceding phases. The Temple period saw a

clear distinction between rituals of the living above the ground in the Temples and rituals

of the dead in the hypogea below the ground, with little evidence for religious activities

above them. The Bronze Age however shows the presence of rituals of the death on the

surface, rather than submerged. The identity constructed by the people of the islands

appear to concentrate more on the connections with the outside, as is visible in the

dolmens and the material record, which shows close resemblances with contemporary

societies in for example southeast Italy (Malone et al. 2009, 380). Reconstructing the new

religious and ritual activities on the islands however will prove problematic, since there is

hardly any evidence which would allow us to reconstruct daily life during the Bronze Age.



57

5. Growing connectivity and influence of city-states

While the Bronze Age saw a break with earlier established funerary traditions and an

overall decrease of archaeologically visible ritual activities, the arrival of the

Phoenicians and their subsequent influence on the religious landscape left more traces

than the preceding phase. The developments resulting from contact with the Phoenicians

will be the subject of this chapter. By analyzing the evidence for religious activities and

studying the changes identifiable in the material record I hope to shed light on the

continuity of these phenomena throughout several phases in Maltese prehistory and

history and to explain the presence or absence of some of these phenomena on the islands.

First the evidence for the Orientalising influence from the East will be analyzed, both

epigraphic and archaeological, and the continuity of traditions and cult locations will be

discussed in these parts. The second part of this chapter will focus on the possible

religious changes brought upon by Carthaginian influence. The third part of this chapter

will separately discuss amulets, for their dating is insecure and their use appears to span

both periods and r emain largely unchanged.

5.1 'Phoenician' religious developments

The religious landscape the Phoenicians encountered when they entered the islands hadits effect on the way religious activities developed and changed during this phase. While

not effectively in use anymore by the population of the islands, many of the prehistoric

Temples would still have been visible in the landscape when the Phoenicians arrived

(Bonanno 2007, 107-108). In some occasions these buildings might have again been

incorporated in the belief system, or they might have been appropriated for their physical

values solely, however not as often as one might expect. To reconstruct the early phase of

Phoenician presence we can only base our research on a few architectural remains,

several religious inscriptions and some of the rock-cut tombs datable to this early period.

The majority of the tombs is of a later date and will be discussed in the second part of this

chapter. The division between Phoenician and Punic followed in this study and chapter is

purely an artificial one, yet one useful for descriptive and analytical reasons. Most

religious and cultural phenomena are present in both phases, and consequently several

objects and tombs that have been dated to the sixth century BCE, which belong to either

phase will mostly be analyzed in the second part of the chapter.



58

5.1.1 Epigraphic evidence for religious activity

There are only two inscriptions (CIS 1, 123 and 123 bis) securely datable to the

Phoenician period. Of the two found inscriptions (which can be seen in figure 5.1), only

one survived until today, while the other is only known from a drawing in the Archives of

the Cathedral Museum in Mdina (Bonanno 2005, 42). The inscriptions can be found on

two rectangular cippi (stone pillars) and can be dated to the seventh-sixth century BCE

(Bonanno 2005, 42-43). The cippi, few though they are, nonetheless provide us with

some specific information on ritual activities on the Maltese islands during this phase.

Both of the cippi were dedicated to the Phoenician deity Baal Hammon, which would

later be the supreme god of the Carthaginian pantheon (Bonanno 2005, 42; Ribichini

1988, 114). This deity is often considered to be the main recipient of so-called molk

sacrifices, for which inscriptions have been found in most of the Western Punic colonies

(Ribichini 1988, 114). On Malta this appears to be no different, for one of the inscriptions

mentions an offer of molk, generally to be understood as the sacrifice of a child (as can be

witnessed in e.g. Carthage), while the other inscription mentions molkomor, which is

thought to denote the sacrifice of a lamb, rather than a child (Bonanno 2005, 43). This

ritual sacrifice, if it occurred, would have taken place on sacred grounds called a tophet,

where the remains would have been buried in urns. Several of these fields have been

identified in Phoenician colonies and the presence of these inscriptions on Malta might be

seen as an indication for a tophet being present on Malta. First it was thought that it was

located at Tas-Sil based on inscriptions (Bonanno 2005, 43), however scholars now

think it might have been in the vicinity of Mdina, where a large number of pots

containing bones of animals and birds (and possibly humans) might indicate the presence

of a tophet (Bonanno 2005, 43)

Figure 5.1: Two Phoenician cippi dedicated to Baal Hammon (Bonanno 2005, 42).



59

5.1.2 Continuity in cult locations: Phoenician temples

In terms of architectural remains there is not much evidence for the Phoenician phase in

total and it need not come as a surprise that there are only a few indicators for religious

buildings. The prehistoric temple located at Tas-Sil 9 , a hill in the vicinity of the

Marsaxlokk harbour, saw little continuous use during the Bronze Age, but was once again

the location of religious activity during the Phoenician phase. The remains of the Temple

appear to have been incorporated in a temple dedicated to Ashtart (Astarte), resulting in

an interesting type of building which finds no stylistic equivalent in any of the other

western Phoenician colonies (Bonanno 2005, 48-49), for most of the contemporary

temples (Levantine, Phoenician and Punic) favored a rectangular temple plan (Bonanno

2007, 108). The original semi-circular prehistoric foundations were left largely intact and

an extension was added at the entrance in the form of a curved facade, folded inwards

(see image 5.2). The arms of this extension ended in two antae (posts, directly connected

to the building, flanking the entrance) with pilasters, each of which contained an Egyptian

cavetto cornice (Bonanno 2007, 108). Inside this facade, a large stone block, created to

hold three 'betyls' (often used to describe stones, seen as representations of deities and

worshipped as cult images), was placed (Bonanno 2005, 49).

Within the grounds of the temple there is evidence for the presence of sacrificial rites, ascan be deduced from the pottery and the organic remains, as well as Egyptianising objects

(amulets) and architectural elements. The latter however, cannot all be securely dated to

one specific period (Bonanno 2005, 286). While the location of the temple suggests a

connection with the cultic activities from the Temple period, a hiatus of 1800 years of

abandonment suggest that only the location was adopted by the Phoenicians, rather than

the religious system attached to the Temples. The temple is dedicated to Ashtart, a deity

which can be connected to fertility, but there is not enough evidence to suggest that this

might have been the same deity worshipped there 2000 years before (Bonanno 2005, 68-69). Furthermore, the Ashtart worshipped at the Temple later on saw an identification

with Hera and Juno, while Ashtart as fertility goddess might rather find identification

with Aphrodite, as is the case in Eryx (Bonanno 2007, 109). Bonanno argues that the

9 Extensively excavated over the course of eight years by 'La Sapienza', University of Rome (Ciasca 1993, 225),

and at a later period by the University of Malta.



60

Ashtart of Malta would have been a protector for seafaring people, rather than a fertility

deity, and bases this on the topographical situation of the temple and its connection to the

sea (Bonanno 2007, 109). The use of the location then might be the result of a strategicchoice, rather than a religious one. The hill is in the vicinity of what could have been a

harbour, thus in the vicinity of its potential worshippers, and is an ideal location for a

sanctuary (Bonanno 2005, 69). These factors, combined with the convenience of already

standing structures might have resulted in a rather practical appropriation of the location

(Bonanno 2005, 69).

Further involvement of Phoenicians in earlier cult sites is not well attested for various

reasons, foremost being the absence of excavation reports (Bonanno 2007, 109). At the

Tarxien temples traces of quarrying have been identified and these activities seem to

connect to the presence of Punic pottery (Bonanno 2007, 109-110). If indeed the building

materials for the Tarxien Temples were looted and used for other purposes, this might

show the way the people thought about the Temples. Rather than leaving them intact as

an act of reverence or respect, or than converting them into a new temple, the despoiling

of such a structure might indicate indifference and absence of sentiment in relation to the

preceding culture (Bonanno 2007, 110). This would seem to confirm the theory

mentioned above, where no religious value was attached to the prehistoric Temple

preceding Ashtart's temple, but rather a sense of practicality was employed.

Figure 5.2: Possible reconstruction of the Phoenician temple at Tas-Sil (Bonanno 2007, 108, figure 15.1).



61

5.1.3 Burial customs

The Bronze Age saw a break in funerary customs, for cremation appeared to have

replaced inhumation as a standard. During the Phoenician (and subsequent Punic) phase

there is evidence for inhumation again, also in the form of rock cut chamber tombs

(Bonanno 2005, 46). Rather than a continuation from the Temple period, this should be

seen as a re-introduction by the Phoenicians, for this type of burial was widely used in the

contemporary Syro-Palestinian area (Bonanno 2005, 63), as well as in various Phoenician

colonies (Bonanno 2007, 110). This does not exclude the re-use of former chamber tombs,

but as of yet there is no conclusive evidence to prove this theory (Bonanno 2007, 110).

One burial from Rabat is the exception to these chamber tombs and it consists of a small

mound covering a stone, located at the centre of a circle of stones (Bonanno 2005, 46).

Rather than collective burials, as were witnessed in the prehistoric chamber tombs, these

new chamber tombs often contained only one individual, which was laid out on his back

in a chamber, reachable via a shaft (Bonanno 2005, 63). The body was accompanied by

grave goods, consisting of pottery10, personal ornaments and jewelry.

Sometimes, but not very often, the body was enclosed in a stone or terracotta sarcophagus,

as was witnessed by Giovanni Francesco Abela in 1624, when he opened a tomb at Gar

Barka and found one of the four known sarcophagi, all originating from Gar Barka(figure 5.3) (Bonanno 2005, 66; Said-Zammit 1999, 404). Other burials were found in

tombs made from the earlier 'silo pits' encountered in the preceding phases (Bonanno

2005, 66). Furthermore, as is attested for during the seventh century BCE and even more

from the fourth century BCE, it was common practice for Phoenicians (and evidently the

Maltese) to burn bodies on a funeral pyre, after which the remains were placed in to urns

and deposited inside already existing tombs (Bonanno 2005, 67). Most of the tombs have

been found together in concentrations located outside of the boundaries of what are

assumed to be the urban areas (e.g. Mdina and Rabat), thus suggesting that it was thecustom to bury the dead outside the city, in a specific area designated for burials

(Bonanno 2007, 110).

10 The pottery repertoire has been extensively studied by Claudia Sagona (2002) and will not be further discussed

in this study, apart from their relevance to the reconstruction of ritual.



62

Figure 5.3: Three sarcophagi from Gar Barka (Bonanno 2005, 67).



63

5.2 The Hellenising and Punic influence on religious

developments

The second half of the first millennium BCE on Malta saw developments affected by not

only Punic influence, but the Hellenising processes going on in the Mediterranean as well

left their mark on the islands. No sudden changes in religious behavior can be witnessed,

but gradual changes of traditions which had been established in earlier times can be

identified. Several inscriptions have been found securely datable to this period and some

new sites possibly display cultic activities, while a continuation of older cult sites is also

visible. Evidence for the veneration of several deities has been excavated and the

presence of several new temples has been both described by ancient authors, as well as(in some occasions) archaeologically found.

5.2.1 The continuation and erection of cult locations

Once again, most evidence for religious activities comes from the Tas-Sil sanctuary,

which enjoyed a continuation of use during the Punic phase. The sanctuary was further

enhanced and expanded, stylistically incorporating more Hellenistic and Egyptianising

elements in its architecture, such as cavetto cornices, but also elements such as uraei (the

Egyptianising cobra, often depicted on its tail or upright and seen as symbol of kingshipor protection) (Bonanno 2005, 88; Vella 2000, 38). An extensive rectangular porticus was

added, which enclosed both the earlier Phoenician temples, as well as possibly a new

courtyard in front of it (Bonanno 2005, 285). The natural landscape of the hill, on which

the sanctuary is located, was slightly modified, raising the level at the inclined sides of

the hill and fortifying the sanctuary as a whole (against whom is unknown) (Bonanno

2005, 286; Ciasca 1993, 227). Figure 5.4 displays the diachronic developments of the

Tas-Sil sanctuary, based on remains visible after excavation. It is possible that earlier

foundations are present.

More enclosures and courts were added on the northern and the southern sides of the

temple (Bonanno 2005, 285-6). The southern belt of structural elements could have been

used for certain services, such as stores or archives (Ciasca 1993, 227). To the north

installations more closely related to the actual ritualistic activities can be found, such as

altars and bowls (Ciasca 1993, 227). Earlier mentioned (5.1.2) was an altar with room for

3 possible betyls. This altar shows evidence for continued use during the Punic phase and

traces of recurring burning on top of the altar have been found (Ciasca 1993, 228). These



64

three (possible) betyls might have been enclosed within a small barrier, surrounding parts

of the altar, and protecting the nearby people from fire and ashes (see figure 5.5) (Ciasca

1993, 229).

Figure 5.4: Map displaying the diachronic developments of the Tas-Sil complex (Bonanno 2005, 47).



65

Figure 5.5: Possible reconstruction of 'altar 45' with three betyls (Ciasca 1993, 242, figure 6).

None of the altars encountered at Tas-Sil were raised above ground level and most of

them display signs of burning. It seems likely that in the northern area of the temenos

community rituals took place, in which animal sacrificeswere burnt (Ciasca 1993, 230-232). The presence of

animal bones, as well as ashes seems to confirm this theory

(University of Malta 2009). Several possible shrines are

among the structural remains surrounding the main area of

the temple, one of which displays the traditional

characteristics of an Egyptian naiskos.11. This votive shrine

(see image 5.6) contained an anthropomorphic figure

positioned in the center, as well as other typical Egyptian

iconography often encountered within Phoenician or Punic

religious architecture (Hölbl 1989, 153-155; Vella 2000,

38-39).

Ptolemy, a geographer from the Roman period, describes the two main sanctuaries on the

island as belonging to Hercules and Juno (Bonanno 2005, 200; Ciasca 1993, 226;

Ptolemy, IV in Vella 2002, 84). The monumentality and importance of these sanctuaries

are an indication that these temples might have been used in earlier periods, such as

during the Phoenician and the Punic phase. Ptolemy wrote in the second century AD, so

these are the names ascribed to them in Ptolemy's contemporary situation and thus not the

names associated with the earlier worshipped deities. The identification of Ashtart with

Hera (more on that later) helped scholars to definitively identify the discussed sanctuary

11 This naiskos has been extensively described and study by Günther Hölbl (1989).

Figure 5.6: Egyptianising votive shrinefound at Tas-Sil (Hölbl 1989, 154, abb. 9).



66

at Tas-Sil as the later sanctuary, but the sanctuary for Hercules remains an unsolved

mystery (Ciasca 1993, 226; Vella 2002).

In the vicinity of Barija, jutting out into the sea on a cliff, archaeological remains havebeen uncovered in a place called Ras-Ir-Raeb (Bonanno 2005, 322; Buhagiar 1988, 69-

70; Vella 2002, 87). There a central courtyard was found, surrounded by a complex of

rectangular rooms (figure 5.7) in which possible remains for an altar have been identified

(Buhagiar 1988, 70). It was thought to have been a sacred site, used from the Neolithic up

till the fourth century CE, which is based on the scanty material available and the

etymology of the place name (Buhagiar 1988, 70; Vella 2002, 88). The structures

incorporated in their design two megaliths, similar to the way prehistoric remains were

repurposed within Tas-Sil, which may have been part of a prehistoric structure

(Buhagiar 1988, 70; Vella 2002, 87). More similarities appear when comparing the

positions of the courtyards from both Ras-Ir-Raeb and Tas-Sil in relation to the

surrounding structures (Buhagiar 1988, 70).

Figure 5.7: F loor plan of Ras-Ir- Raeb (Buhagiar 1988, 78, figure 1).

Archaeological finds include a group of terracottas, an ivory plaque with a crouching boar

in low relief, two clay satyr masks, coins (Bonanno 2005, 323; Buhagiar 1988, 71; Vella

2002, 88), and a possible Punic incense burning stand, a thymiaterion, which is often

encountered in other ritual context on the Maltese islands during the Phoenician and

Punic phases (Vella 2002, 89-90). The plaque and some of the figurines can be dated

based on their stylistic similarities with contemporary societies to the sixth-fifth century

BCE (Bonanno 2005, 323; Vella 2002, 90). While the coordinates provided by Ptolemy



67

in his Geography do not seem to correspond with the location of this possible cult site,

scholars still argue this might be the temple for Melqart/Hercules, based on the

identification of the terracottas as Hercules in a Cypriotic or Hellenistic guise (Buhagiar1988, 71-72; Vella 2002, 89-90)12. More research is needed to confirm this theory, but the

structure could be the temple mentioned by Ptolemy, a temple for Melqart/Heracles.

The presence of temples during the Punic phase is not restricted to Tas-Sil and the

ominous Temple of Heracles/Melqart. There is evidence that more temples were present

on the islands, For there might have been a Punic sanctuary with a fortified temenos in

Mdina, possibly dedicated to Melqart or Baal Hammon. Since there is only a single

structural presence from the Punic phase in Mdina, Bonanno argues that this remains

merely a hypothesis (2005, 87). More conclusive evidence for the presence of other

temples comes from Gozo, from an inscription (CIS I, 132) on a marble slab (Bonanno

2005, 79). The inscription celebrates the construction and renovation of four temples and

a few objects. It mentions two deities: Sadamba'al and Ashtart (Saliba and Saliba 1998),

as well as some magistrates and an inspector of the quarry (Bonanno 2005, 81). This

suggests the presence of at least four temples and as of yet it is not known whether the

inscription refers only to temples on Gozo, or whether Malta is included and therefore

the established temple of Ashtart at Tas-Sil.

5.2.2 Recognising the deities

Apart from Melqart and Ashtart several deities have been identified as having been

actively worshipped on the islands, most of them known from inscriptions. The

inscription (CIS I, 132) mentioned above is not the only text concerning deities, for some

have been recorded but have not survived intact. One of those examples has been

identified as saying B-L (Ba'al) and it was found near the entrance to the catacombs of St

Paul in Rabat, in an area which was probably not a part of the later Christian catacombs

(Bonanno 2005, 82). Combined with the earlier inscriptions from the Phoenician cippi

this confirms the presence of Ba’al in the religious landscape of Malta. Most of the

inscriptions however appear to be dedications to Ashtart and can be found incised or

painted onto pottery, most of them on offering bowls, but some even on cooking pots

(Bonanno 2005, 83). Their exact date is subject to debate, for they are often dated to the

12 See Vella 2002 for an elaborate discussion on this subject.



68

Roman period, yet the depositions are often dated ranging from the fourth to the second

century BCE (Bonanno 2005, 83). While most of these inscriptions originate from the

Tas-Sil sanctuary another dedication, almost identical in style to those from thesanctuary, has been uncovered in a domestic setting inside a country house (Bonanno

2005, 83).

The nature of Punic inscriptions is that quite often they consist of not a full word or name,

but rather show only one or two incised characters, complicating the identification of the

invoked deity. On Malta some of these dedications could have concerned not Ashtart, but

also Tanit (Tinnit) or in the case of the domestic shard Anat (Bonanno 2005, 83), for

Tanit is encountered often replacing Ashtart in western Phoenician colonies (Bonanno

2005, 84). Most scholars however agree that Ashtart was the principle deity worshipped,

considering the overwhelming evidence here for. Some scholars even conclude that she

might have received the epithet 'of Malta', based on three inscriptions found, interpreted

as saying 'Ashtart of Malta', and parallels in other sanctuaries for Ashtart, where she was

also identified by an epithet denoting her provenance (Bonanno 2005, 84).

One specific inscription on a piece of bone, datable to the fifth or fourth century BCE,

provided us with a longer, albeit incomplete, text, which reads:

"To our lady Ashtart...this is the 'bst who has dedicated...son of b'lhls, son of k...[becausehe heard] the voice of his words" (Bonanno 2005, 84).

Other inscriptions from the sanctuary have been translated as 'belonging to the priest', or

'belonging to the sanctuary' and display the detachment its owner apparently felt after

depositing it at the temple (Bonanno 2005, 84). Apart from Punic inscriptions, the

cultural influence from the Hellenistic world can be seen in the presence of several Greek

inscriptions from Tas-Sil. One of these inscribed shards refers ‘to the house’ (OIKOU)'

(Bonanno 2005, 84). A handful of inscriptions mention 'HRAC' and 'HRAI' (figure 5.8),

meaning respectively 'of Hera' and 'to Hera', confirming the association of Ashtart with

Hera, rather than with Aphrodite, as is the case at Paphos and Eryx (Bonanno 2005, 84

and 2011, 45).



69

Figure 5.8: Inscriptions bearing the name of Hera (top) and Ashtart (bottom) (Bonanno 2011, 45).

Interesting information regarding the introduction of new Egyptian deities can be gleaned

from the local numismatics. These locally-minted coins, while portraying the result of

Punic cultural survival, however all survive from the period directly following the

political shift in 218 BCE and as such will be discussed in the next chapter, even though

their subject matter greatly resembles the religious developments from this period.

5.2.3 Mortuary customs

The tradition re-established during the Phoenician phase of subterranean burial chambers

continues and further develops under Punic influence. The tombs become increasingly

abundant, clustering around possible settlement areas (Bonanno 2005, 93). Older

classification models (by e.g. Bellanti before 1924 and Zammit 1928) see the

development from a round/oval chamber and shaft during the Phoenician phase to a round

chamber with a rectangular entrance shaft, till finally during the Late Punic phase and theRoman period both the shaft and chamber are rectangular and rooms are placed on

multiple sides of the shaft (Bonanno 2005, 92; Sagona 2002, 237-242, tables 2 and 3)13.

13 For a complete overview of these categories and their characteristics, as well as a study of the tombs and the

pottery repertoire see Sagona 2002.



70

Figure 5.9: Typology of Phoenician and Punic rock-cut tombs (Sagona 2002, 653, image 333).



71

While Sagona elaborates on this typology and proposes a classification in ten categories

(Sagona 2002, 237-242, table 4), she also recognises that from her Phase III (which

coincides with our Punic phase) the tombs plans become more standardised with arectangular shaft and chamber, recognising within this classification differences in details

(Sagona 2002, 237). These chambers often contained a trench, initially dug into the side

of the chamber (see figure 5.9, type 9). Some of these tombs displayed anthropomorphic

carvings in the walls (Sagona 2002, 254). The next stage in development saw the shaft

move to the center of the chamber, its long axis in line with the long axis of the chamber

(figure 5.9, type 10) (Bonanno 2005, 92; Sagona 2002, 256). The exact nature of these

ditches can be debated.

They could have been used to insert pottery gifts, such as amphorae, during the burial

rites, or they could have had a more practical reason, such as absorbing rain water that

managed to reach the burial chamber, or they could have been used for both (Bonanno

2005, 92-93). To the side of this trench then the body was laid horizontally in an

outstretched position (Bonanno 2005, 92). See figure 5.10 for a reconstruction of how it

might have looked.

Figure 5.10: Possible reconstruction of a Punic tomb (Bonanno 2005, 93).

The entrance to the tombs were sometimes sealed off by large blocks of stone and several

precautions were made to make this stone fit, such as the lining of the walls with mortar

or the cutting of an edge, as well as other measures (Sagona 2002, 261). Overall, the

tombs were not as richly adorned as one might expect and only a few metal objects have

been found in the tombs (Sagona 2002, 281). Possibly, pre-existing traditions were the

cause of the lack of objects of personal wealth in the tombs, which might have been

deemed inappropriate for the rituals accompanying the transition between life and death

(Sagona 2002, 282). One instance sees a deliberate action to hide a gold medallion and



72

several other objects under a cup, possibly indicating its inappropriateness (Sagona 2002,

282). The wealth of the deceased might not have been visible in physical manifestations

of status, but rather be shown in an elaboration of funerary rituals (Sagona 2002, 282).Cremation was increasingly more common during the Punic phase on the islands and the

cremated human remains were often placed inside special ceramic urns (Bonanno 2005,

93). Possible remains for a cremation site has been discovered in Rabat in the Tac-Caghqi

area, where a deposit of 'black ashy soil' was found, along with numerous objects, among

which scraps of cremated human bone (Sagona 2002, 277). The urns were often placed in

pre-existing chamber tombs, without disturbing the earlier buried contents (Bonanno

2005, 93). Only a few times was a specific type of tomb cut out in the rocks specifically

for cremation urns, in a very small square space (Bonanno 2005, 93).

5.3 Apotropaic amulets

Excavation of the rock-cut tombs, as well the excavations at the sanctuary of Tas-Sil

provided not only information on the ritual use of those locations, but in addition yielded

a number of amulets, most of them Egyptian or Egyptianising.14 These amulets could

have been worn for various reasons ranging from purely aesthetic motives to a display of

prestige or status. It seems likely that most of the amulets found on Malta have been worn

as charms, either to repel disease and evil, or to promote wellbeing (Bonanno 2012, 11).

The belief that one needed such protection was common among the Phoenicians and the

objects found on Malta resemble assemblages from many places in the Punic world,

including Carthage, Ibiza and western Sicily (Bonanno 2012, 15; Ciasca 1988, 208;

Gouder 1978, 311). The amulets most likely originate from Phoenician or Punic

workshops, diffused by the Phoenicians during their sea-faring travels (Bonanno 2012,

14). The importance of the Egyptian component in these amulets must not be

underestimated, for it is not only very visible in the apotropaic amulets, but also in otherreligious manifestations, such as religious architecture (Bonanno 2012, 14). Presumably

the amulets would have been worn during the life of their owners, protecting them, only

to be deposited at a later stage (Bonanno 2012, 17). This could have been in the grave of

14 It is not within the scope of this study to discuss each amulet individually, but some important examples will be

mentioned. The amulets have been studied and interpreted extensively, first and foremost by Günther Hölbl

(1989), but also by Tancred Gouder (1978) and Anthony Bonanno (e.g. 2012), but also by myself in my BA thesis.



73

its owner, since many of the amulets come from a burial context, but alternatively they

could also have been given as an offering to a deity, as it is witnessed from their presence

in the sanctuary at Tas-Sil. This seems confirmed practice as amulets have been found inother Phoenician temples elsewhere, e.g. the temple of Balaat Gebal at Byblos (Hölbl

1986, 198). Their value thus might have extended past one’s life-time, and have

continued to protect the wearer in the afterlife (Bonanno 2012, 17; Hölbl 1986, 200).

Most of the amulets found portray scarabs, an Egyptian deity, such as Ptah, Bes or Bastet,

or symbols, such as the Djed, Wadj or the Udjat eye. Three amulets however provide us

with a little more information on the magico-ritual value of these amulets. At Tal-Virtù a

bronze amulet sheath shaped like the deity Horus was discovered in a tomb, which

contained a tiny bit of papyrus with text and images on it (Bonanno 2005, 62; Sagona

2002, 1089). The papyrus shows us the Egyptian deity Isis facing to the right, with a

Phoenician enemy destruction spell written around her (figure 5.11). Scholars argue that

the spell was one uttered by Isis, so as to protect its wearer from mythical monsters

during the journey to the world beyond (Bonanno 2005, 62; Gouder 1978, 314; Hölbl

1989, 118).

Figure 5.11: The amulet discovered at Tal-Virtù with its contents (Bonanno 2005, 62).

Another interesting object originates from Gar Barka, in the vicinity of theanthropomorphic sarcophagus mentioned earlier, and was also an amulet to be worn

around the neck. This amulet however did not contain a bit of papyrus, but rather a

golden band depicting an Egyptianising decan list (Hölbl 1989, 112). This example

closely resembles other decan lists from the Punic sphere of influence and shares with

them a Phoenician inscription (Hölbl 1989, 107-112). This inscription invokes a deity for

protection and reads "Protect and bless PDY, son of HSLB'L, son of B'LHN" (Hölbl 1989,

112-113). A third and very controversial amulet has been found at Gajn Klieb and has



74

most often be interpreted as being a golden statue of Horus and Anubis being soldered

together back to back (Bonanno 2005, 63-65; Gouder 1978, 311-313; Hölbl 1989, 99), or

more recently as Duamutef and Qebehsenuef.

15

Whatever the exact interpretation, therelation between the amulet and the context in a chamber tomb indicates an apotropaic

meaning and a close connection to the cult of the death (Bonanno 2005, 63).

15Personal communication from Prof. Olaf Kaper, Egyptologist, Leiden, (March 2012)



75

6. Malta under Roman hegemony

From 218 BCE the Maltese archipelago officially fell under the jurisdiction of the Roman

Republic. The survival of many former traditions can be witnessed for the early Roman

phase on the islands, likewise, many religious phenomena discussed in previous chapters

still persisted. This chapter will focus on the religious developments taking place on the

islands from 218 BCE roughly until the advent of Christianity on the islands and has been

divided into chronological sections. While some sites may span more of these phases, they

will primarily be discussed within the chronological sections they are most relevant for

and when there was a peak of activity. This is done because there is often an unclear

image of the exact chronology of these sites and the categories used are contemporary

constructed. The first part of the chapter will focus on the period immediately succeeding

218 BCE, which remains largely similar to the Punic phase. The second par t will analyze

religious developments observable when Roman rule had been more or less established

and was well reflected in the material culture of the islands. This part will also cover new

cults, including the cults of Mithras and Isis. All of this will be analyzed to study the

development and continuity of religious activity, both ritualistic and monumental, on the

Maltese archipelago, so as to provide a complete religious biography of the islands.

6.1 Clinging to old traditions (218 BCE to the 1 st century BCE)

The administration of the islands was left mostly in the hands of the locals and as such it

is no surprise that during the first stadia of Roman rule material culture largely continued

to follow established traditions, with Punic and Hellenistic influences having a

continuous impact on the material culture of the islands. This perpetuation can, among

others, be witnessed in the mortuary customs. As discussed in the previous chapter, it was

common for the Maltese to bury their dead in chamber tombs, both inhumated and

cremated, and this practice remained largely unchanged during the Roman period

(Bonanno 2005, 162-163; Fenech 2007, 47). The Romans, as they often did with their

conquered lands, appear to have held a liberal attitude towards the local practices on the

islands (Bonanno 2005, 189) and do not appear to have directly influenced the religious

landscape during the Republic phase.



76

6.1.1 Votive inscriptions

Apart from the Greek-Punic inscriptions originating from the sanctuary at Tas-Sil, some

of which can be dated to this period, there is not much epigraphic evidence for religious

activities on the islands. The few relevant inscriptions that are present are internationally

renowned, for they have been instrumental in the decipherment of the Phoenician script

(Bonanno 2005, 150). The inscriptions can be found on a pair of stone candelabra, on

each of which two bilingual (Punic and Greek) dedicatory texts were found (figure 6.1)

(Bonanno 2005, 150-151). These objects, of which the exact provenance is unknown, are

often dated to the second century BCE based on the style of Greek writing (Bonanno

2005, 151). The candelabra consist of square bases, which contain the inscriptions, on top

of which spindle-shaped pieces are positioned, decorated with acanthus leaves (Bonanno

2005, 153). Their iconography, as well as their shape, places these objects within the

Hellenistic tradition. They probably also contained a kind of surface on top, on which a

fire could burn (Bonanno 2005, 153). While not providing an exact translation, the

inscriptions convey the same information and can be translated as follows:

Punic: "To our lord Melqart, lord of Tyre, offering by your servant Abdosir and his

brother Osirxamar, sons of Osirxamar, son of Abdosir, for hearing their voice; let him

bless them"

Greek: "Dionysos and Sarapion, sons of Sarapion, to Tyrian Heracles, lord of that city."

(both translations taken from Bonanno 2005, 153).

The dedicators appear to be of Punic origin, but Hellenised all the names for the

dedication in Greek (Bonanno 2005, 153). These dedications clearly indicate that Melqart,

in this case identified with Heracles, was worshipped on the islands (see chapter five).

However, the inscriptions specifically mention the Heracles of Tyre (Vella 2002, 84),

rather than a local version of the deity, as one might expect on the islands. The harbour

area of Marsaxlokk has been suggested as possible provenance of the objects. This was

based on the assumption of a connection with the aforementioned temple for Heracles

(Bonanno 2005, 150-153). However, this seems an unfounded association when one

considers the nature of the Tyrian Melqart, hailed by this inscription, as a patron of that

particular city, rather than a local adaption of the deity. The epithet 'of Tyre' is

specifically mentioned, while Ashtart worshipped at Marsaxlokk was not mentioned with

an epithet mentioning her origin, possibly even with an epithet naming her as Ashtart of



77

Malta (Bonanno 2005, 84). It then appears that this inscription is not an indication for a

local cult for Melqart/Heracles, for it was, the epithet 'of Tyre' would have been either

absent or different.

Figure 6.1: Plaster cast of one of the cippi, displaying the bilingual dedication (source: Leslie Vella ©).

6.1.2 Syncretism on coins

From the Roman period onwards coins were minted locally, rather than only imported

(Bonanno 2005, 86), and hence provide us with information on the religious development

of deities during the transitional period between the Punic and the later Roman phases.

Iconographic influences from the Phoenician/Punic world, as well as the Hellenised and

the Roman world can be distinguished on the coinage, often complicating the

identification of the scene or deity on the coin. As Bonanno puts it: "In their temporal

development, they show two or more of the following traits overlapping each other, more

or less in this order: Egyptian religious imagery, Punic language, Punic divine

iconography, Greek language, Hellenized divine iconography, and, finally, Roman

images and Latin language" (Bonanno 2005, 156-157). A clear evolutionary line can betraced, for the early coins displayed Levantine and Egyptian iconography with Punic

legends. Greek legends started replacing the Punic legends, maintaining older

iconography, which slowly developed into Hellenised deities (possibly and presumed of

the same deity) (Bonanno 2005, 156-157). An exact chronology for the variations of

coins minted has not as yet been established.



79

Figure 6.3: Hellenised coin portraying female deity. Obverse: Ram's head (Bonanno 2005, 159).

Coins with a more pronounced Hellenistic character often (figure 6.3 and 6.4) display the

profile of a female deity, again interpreted as Ashtart, but this time syncretised with

Hera/Juno (Bonanno 2005, 122). The reverse of the first type shows a ram's head,

accompanied by a Punic inscription, probably representing the name of the island ('NN).

This ram's head has often been connected to Baal Hammon (Gouder 1973, 120). The

reverse of the second type however is harder to interpret. It portrays a figure, wearing an

atef crown, scepter and a whip, who is flanked by two figures, who are wearing

Egyptianising headdresses and both are carrying a palm branch and a bowl (Bonanno

2005, 86; Hölbl 1989, 162). Originally interpreted as Osiris flanked by Isis and Nepthys

(Bonanno 2005, 122), this identification makes little sense considering the evidence for

these deities in the material record. There is little evidence to suggest that these deities

were worshipped on the islands and the coins were minted in a society known to adopt

foreign iconography. As is the case with the figure previously discussed, scholars eitherfavor an identification as Eshmun, based on the presence of a caduceus (Bonanno 2005,

123), or one as Baal Hammon (Bonanno 2005, 122; Hölbl 1989, 162; Gouder 1973). Baal

Hammon would be expected in the Maltese pantheon, considering his important role in

the Carthaginian pantheon as chief, as well as his presence in the epigraphic evidence

from the islands. Further coins display a ritual incense burner on their obverse,

accompanied by a Greek inscription (Bonanno 2005, 159).

Figure 6.4: Hellenised coin portraying female deity. Obverse: Egyptianising scene (Bonanno 2005, 86).



81

6.1.3 Continuity of cult locations

6.1.3.1 Tas-Sil

The sanctuary for Ashtart at Tas-Sil continued to develop and expand during the period

between 218 BCE and the 1st c. BCE. As is visible from figure 5.4, the Roman additions

are extensive, even though it is not certain at what point exactly these structures were

erected. The Hellenistic period on the islands, spanning across both the Punic and the

start of the Roman phase, saw increasing monumentality at this cult location, where not

only structures were added and expanded, but the sanctuary was also fortified. Many of

the developments discussed in the previous chapter might have lasted throughout this

period and there is no clear break in continuity visible until the end of the first century CE,when building activity decreases (Buhagiar 1996, 8). The most intensely used 'sacrificial

precinct', where datable pottery was found between ashes and burnt earth, confirm the

dates (Ciasca 1993, 231). Since the sanctuary has been connected with the Greek deity

Hera, as witnessed by the dedications, it is assumed that during the Roman period the

deity was also identified with Juno. Mention of a sanctuary for Juno is made by Ptolemy

(Bonanno 2005, 200; Ciasca 1993, 226; Ptolemy, IV in Vella 2002, 84), which has been

briefly discussed in chapter five. In addition to Ptolemy, Cicero also refers to the

sanctuary in his Verrines. Cicero accuses Caius Verres of looting this sanctuary, which

was highly esteemed and revered, and it was even sacrosanct to Numidian royalty and

pirates alike. However, all its sanctity did not deter Verres from looting it (Cicero,

Verrines II, in Bonanno 2005, 146). Story goes that enormous ivory tusks were looted by

an admiral from the temples for his Numidian king and subsequently were inscribed and

returned when their provenance became known (Cicero, Verrines II, in Bonanno 2005,

146). Further mention is made of larger amounts of ivory, including statuettes of Victory,

which were plundered by Verres (Bonanno 2005, 146).

6.1.3.2 Ras-Ir-Raħeb

The site at Ras-Ir-Raeb, although it has never been securely identified as a cult site (see

chapter five), is considered to have been active until the fourth century CE (Buhagiar

1988, 70; Vella 2002, 88). Indeed, a coin of Constantius II (337-361 CE) has been

retrieved from this site, as well as pottery ranging from the early Roman phases up to the

fourth century CE, suggesting continuity of the site (Buhagiar 1988). It could have been a

cult place at one point, and repurposed during a later period.



82

6.1.3.3 Ras Il-Wardija

Perched on the edge of the cliffs at Ras Il-Wardija, at the northwestern coast of Gozo, a

complex of partially rock-cut structures has been excavated (see figure 6.6), which hasbeen interpreted as a religious building (Bonanno 2005, 88-89; Buhagiar 1988, 72;

Sagona 2009). Although the site was not occupied as long as the sanctuary of Ashtart at

Tas-Sil, pottery indicates that Ras Il-Wardija has been used from the third century BCE

until the second century CE (Bonanno 2005, 89; Buhagiar 1988,77) and possibly even the

fourth century (Sagona 2009, 36). Quite a few theories about the nature of these rock-cut

structures have been suggested, ranging from a Punic sanctuary to a possible Mithraeum.

Considering the earliest dating of the site, the Late Punic/ Early Roman periods, and the

presence of Roman technology (the mortar used to smoothen the benches) (Sagona 2009,

37), the site fits within the temporal period covered by this chapter. While Sagona claims

a date of the late first century CE/early second century CE at the earliest (Sagona 2009,

37), based on her interpretation of the site as a Mithraeum, this need not exclude the

possibility that the site was used in a different ritual context before this period.

Figure 6.6: Plan of the structures at Ras Il-Wardija (Sagona 2009, 100, figure 55).

The site itself consists of a rock-cut rectangular room, a bell shaped cistern, a man-made

water tank and a possible open-air temple. On the lower terrace near the rock-cut

structures the remains of a freestanding quadrangular building have been excavated

(Buhagiar 1988, 76; Sagona 2009, 40). While not much of the structure survived, a plan

can be reconstructed (see figure 6.7) and remains of fire and a possible altar are present,

as well as evidence for a partial rebuilding in Roman times (Buhagiar 1988, 76; Sagona



83

2009, 40). The altar, located outside of the temple

near the entrance, had two pits cut into the stones and

blocks placed in a rectangular plan, similar to Tas-Sil (Sagona 2009, 40). No evidence for a floor has

been found and since no traces of roofing could be

identified, the original Missione Reports suggest an

open-air temple (Buhagiar 1988, 76; Sagona 2009,

40). These features however might not have survived

throughout the ages. Traces of plaster, both white and

other colours, suggest the presence of painted

decorations on these structures (Buhagiar 1988, 37;Sagona 2009, 40). No evidence for worshipped

deities has been found, but Sagona proposes an

association with Baal Melqart or other Baals, based

on their association with Mithras. (Sagona 2009, 41).

A nearly square water tank is located to the southwest of the rock-cut structure and has a

water capacity of c. 37.5 cubic meters. The bottom could be reached by ten steps carved

along the wall of the tank (Buhagiar 1988, 75; Sagona 2009, 39). Another smaller cistern

can be found directly west of the rock-cut structures, bell-shaped with a rectangular

opening (Buhagiar 1988, 76). Their exact function is not known, but theories offered

suggest ritual bathing, an interpretation based on comparisons with the sanctuaries for

Saturn-Baal and Tanit Caelestis in Tunisia (Buhagiar 1988, 76), but are otherwise

unfounded.

The main structure at Ras Il-Wardija (see figure 6.6), henceforth called the 'Cave',

consisted of a rectangular chamber entirely cut into the cliff-face and further articulated

with five recessed niches (Buhagiar 1988, 72-73). Within this ‘Cave’ rock -cut benches,approximately 0.42m high, line the walls on all three sides, creating a rectangular corridor

in the middle. The latter is interrupted only in the southwest, where the corridor seems to

expand into an extra rectangular space, containing at the end of it an altar block with two

holes, perhaps for libations, as well as a possible socket hole (Buhagiar 1988, 74).

In front of this artificial cave another chamber was cut out of the rock, this time only by

cutting a depression into the horizontal rock shelf at floor level. Owing to its shape it will

be referred to as the 'Long Chamber'. This Long Chamber might have been part of a

Figure 6.7: Plan of the exterior building at Ras

Il-Wardija (Sagona 2009, 105, figure 61).



84

structure built against the walls, concealing the cave within (see figure 6.8), possibly even

with a partitioning wall (Buhagiar 1988, 74; Sagona 2009, 37). Like the Cave, the Long

Chamber has platforms cut into the rock, raising some sort of benches on both sides of thecorridor, covered and leveled with mortar (Buhagiar 1988, 75). The corridor, on a N-S

axis, is open on the northern side, while the southern side extends into another area with

an altar stone with two holes (Buhagiar 1988, 75).

Inside the cave and chamber several graffiti have been recognised, one of them in one of

the niches resembling a figure with outstretched hands, interpreted as either the sign of

Tanit, a crucifix or a winged figure (Buhagiar 1988, 73). More symbols and incised

crosses have been found on the walls, and their meaning is subject to ongoing discussions.

Earlier interpretations link them to Punic religious iconography, Sagona, in contrast,

refutes these Punic associations and suggests a completely different (Mithraic)

interpretation (Sagona 2009, 37), which will be discussed later in this chapter.

Figure 6.8: Possible reconstruction of the Long Chamber at Ras Il-Wardija (Sagona 2009, 101, figure 56).



85

6.2 A time of change (1 st century BCE-Late Antiquity)

While the first centuries after the Roman conquest saw only a gradual change in the

material culture, at one point the Roman culture began to permeate this local society and

more evidence for Roman influences, such as increased presence of the Latin language,

can be recognised. This could well be a result of the re-organisation that followed the

turmoil of the civil wars during first century BCE in Rome. As a result Malta and Gozo

lost parts of their independence which they seemed to have enjoyed despite being under

Roman rule. A first clear sign for a changing political environment is visible in their loss

to mint their own coins (Bonanno 2005, 195), for no locally minted coins appear during

and after this period.

The first part of this sub-chapter will analyze the religious developments that can be

witnessed during this period and will look into specific well-known religious phenomena

that appear throughout the Roman Empire and will examine their possible presence on the

archipelago. First the evidence for religious activities during this phase will be discussed,

looking at inscriptions, statuary and other possible evidence relating to a religious context.

Already briefly mentioned when discussing Ras Il-Wardija, was the possible existence of

a Mithraeum. Furthermore, this section will discuss the presence (or absence) of cults for

Isis and Mithras on the islands, which are well-attested elsewhere in the Roman Empire,and therefore these cults might give us some indications about Malta following similar

developments as other regions within the Empire, or whether it follows a different

trajectory.

6.2.1 Evidence for religious developments

An inscription in Latin, CIL, X, 7494 (figure 6.9), probably found near Mtarfa, celebrates

a freedman of Augustus and procurator of the islands named Chrestion for restoring the

temple of Proserpina, for he had the columns and pediments restored (Bonanno 2005,

203). Another sentence refers to the gilding of a pillar or a cult statue (Bonanno 2005,

203), while it is also interesting to note that a mention is made of the restoration of walls

belonging to the temple of Proserpina. These walls were about to succumb to old age

(Bonanno 2005, 203), hence informing us that a temple of Proserpina had been present

on the islands for a while already at the first century BCE. This cult possibly originates

from Sicily, where Demeter and Persephone were worshipped, although it is not

uncommon for Punic coins to portray Persephone (Bonanno 2005, 190). However, the



86

'Romanisation' of the name Proserpina (as referred to in the inscription), and not

Persephone, does show the increasing influence from the Romans.

Other inscriptions have surfaced which indicate the presence of the imperial cult on theislands. One Lucius Castricius Prudens was a Roman citizen, who during his career filled

the position of magistrate and priest of the deified Augustus, as is written in Greek on an

inscription (IG, 601) (Bonanno 2005, 204; Buhagiar 2007, 13). Another inscription is

dedicated to Augustus' wife Julia Augusta (before her deification known as Livia

Drusilla), identified in this inscription (CIL, X, 7501) with the deity Ceres, and which

was inscribed on what probably was a base for a statue. The inscription was dedicated by

Lutatia, a priestess (sacerdos) of Augusta and the wife of a high priest (flamen) of Gozo

(Bonanno 2005, 206; Buhagiar 2005, 13). A draped female statue from Gozo has been

associated with this base and is therefore identified as Julia Augusta (Bonanno 2005, 224).

These inscriptions confirm not only the worship of the family of the deceased emperor as

deities, but also the institutionalisation thereof on the islands, for official titles and posts

were held by families during the first century CE.

Figure 6.9: CIL, X, 7494 (Bonanno 2005, 203).

Another base for a statue (second century CE) was uncovered near Mdina and has an

inscription (CIL, X, 8313) which commemorates the construction of a marble temple for

the god Apollo and describes parts of the building, which had four columns on the front

portico (Bonanno 2005, 206). Another inscription (CIL, X, 7495) was found in the

vicinity, again commemorating the construction of a marble temple with a cult statue, but



87

the deity is unknown (Bonanno 2005, 206). During the second century the imperial cults

maintained their presence on the islands, as is known from two inscriptions concerning a

father and his son. Caius Vallius Postimus was honored by the people of Gozo (CIL, X,7507) and held a position (among others) of high priest (flamen) for the deified Hadrianus.

Eventually he was elected into a rank of magistrates of equestrian rank by Antoninus Pius

(Bonanno 2005, 208). His son, Marcus Vallius Rufus (CIL, X, 7508) was also

commemorated and raised to the rank of knight by the deified Antoninus Pius, indicating

that at the point of erection another emperor had been deified (Bonanno 205, 208).More

fragmentary inscriptions (CIL, X, 7502, 7503) datable to the fourth century CE have been

interpreted as honoring Severus and Maximian (Buhagiar 2007, 13).

Further statuary uncovered in the Mdina-Rabat area has been identified by their excavator

as representing Aphrodite, while a small bearded veiled male head was identified as

representing Pluto, but could just as well be compared to Serapis, Heracles, or any other

bearded deity (Bonanno 2005, 225). These statues however are largely without find

context and might portray humans rather than deities and their identification as deities

rests mostly on the bias of the identifier.

From these inscriptions and statues we learn that under Roman rule the religious

influences from Rome flourished, as the sanctuary of Tas-Sil became less active, whilemention is made of several new marble temples following a classical floor plan, dedicated

to deities such as Proserpina and Apollo. These temples seem to have been erected in

quite a fast pace, when compared to the erection of cult places in the past. Further

religious activities are seen in the participation in the emperor cults, shown by the many

dedications to priests for these cults, as well as a group of statues from a domus in Rabat,

which have been identified as Emperor Claudius and his family (Bonanno 2005, 221).

Apart from the apparent syncretism of Ashtart with Hera and Juno, the Capitoline triad

appears to be absent from the islands and there is no evidence for the worship of the maindeity of the Roman pantheon, Jupiter. There is one statue representing the Egyptian deity

Bes, found earlier in amulets, possibly indicating the presence of an Egyptian (ising) cult

on the islands (Bonanno 2005, 255). While the Romans were very superstitious, the

amulets one might expect to encounter in the archaeological record on the islands remain

fairly absent (Bonanno 2011, 17). The only evidence for an amulet from this period

comes in the form of a bulla, an amulet worn by Roman boys to ward off evil, which is

seen on a marble statue of a boy, probably representing Nero (Bonanno 2011, 18). This



88

might not be indicative for the customs on the islands, for it clearly portrays a Roman

citizen (the boy wears a toga), a foreigner. The absence of amulets in the material record

might be a result of the few full excavations of Roman structures, for it is unlikely that asociety used to the use of apotropaic amulets, of which many were worn in the preceding

phases, would completely abolish this tradition.

Once more, the burial customs appear to change little over time and the existing

necropoleis in the vicinity of the urban centers remain to be used (Bonanno 2005, 218).

More frequently tombs are opened and re-used during the Imperial period on Malta and

both inhumation and cremation are practiced (Bonanno 2005, 218). Isolated rock-cut

tombs were used less than before, possibly the result of either burial in sarcophagi in the

open (Bonanno 2005, 218), or a shift to burial in underground systems (foreshadowing

the later palaeo-Christian hypogea).

6.2.2 Presence of 'Eastern' cults

The Romans are known for their tolerance towards foreign cults and even for the practice

of incorporating them into their own society, appropriating them and adapting them and

then diffusing them further. This section will focus on the presence (or absence) of a few

of these cults on the Maltese archipelago, grouped together under the category of Eastern

cults. Commonly belonging to this group are the cults of Isis, Serapis, Mithras and the

Magna Mater. It is not within the scope of this study to discuss the categorisation and

identification of these cults as 'foreign' or 'eastern'. This part will rather focus on the

material evidence present on the islands, so as to determine whether these cults can be

positively identified as having been practiced. There is no evidence whatsoever for the

cult of the Magna Mater on the islands. Already briefly mentioned in this study were a

few possible depictions of Isis (as well as other Egyptian deities) and a possible

Mithraeum. These cults will be explored more in depth in the following section.

6.2.2.1 Isis and other Egyptian deities

The diffusion of Egyptian iconography and cults from Egypt has been subject of

publications and conferences for many years. While originally it was thought that Malta

may once have been inhabited by Egyptians, this theory has been refuted (Bonanno 1996,

43; van Sister 2012). The presence of Aegyptiaca on the islands therefore is the result of

two different 'Egyptianising' waves. The first wave was brought upon by the Phoenicians,



89

travelling throughout the central and west Mediterranean, and saw the diffusion of

Egyptian iconography as well as altered religious beliefs (Bonanno 1998, 217). The

second wave of diffusion, the Hellenistic wave, saw the diffusion of religious cults andrelated iconography throughout the Graeco-Roman world (Bonanno 1998, 217). Temples

for Isis and Serapis were founded in the Roman Empire after the incorporation of Egypt

into the Empire and were very popular. Both of these waves left their mark in the Maltese

material record.

Isis was first encountered in the material record on the papyrus originating from an

amulet found at Tal-Virtù, discussed in the previous chapter, where she is accompanied

by a Punic enemy destruction spell. The amulet incorporated Egyptianising iconography,

but not in its original form. Traces of Isis and her iconography can further be found on the

Romano-Punic coinage, where a female deity wears a crown similar to Isis' crown,

adapted however to Phoenician/Punic style.

During later periods, when the 'Roman culture'

had been established more firmly on the islands,

only a few traces of the deity can be identified. In

Rabat a small statuette was found which was

identified as Isis, uncovered in a room identifiedas a mosaic workshop (Bonanno 2005, 216).

Another statue (figure 6.10), provenance

unknown, portrays a female, draped with cloth.

Under her breasts an 'Isis knot' is sculpted, and her

hair is braided in the 'Lybian style', characteristics

of Isis (Bonanno 2005, 225). Around her neck is an elaborate necklace, displaying a row

of rams' heads, as well as rows of rosettes (Bonanno 2005, 163), a necklace thus far never

encountered on Isis (Bonanno 2005, 225). The presence of the rams' heads on thenecklace might be a link to Baal Hammon, for they are also portrayed on some coins and

thus again might point to an assimilation of Egyptian (ising) elements on a familiar deity,

rather than the actual presence of Isis, at least in a familiar form, on the islands.

Figure 6.10: Statue of a female deity (Bonanno2005, 163).



90

A marble relief, probably originating from Tas-Sil, displays

two snakes flanking a flower (figure 6.11). The snake on the

left possibly carried a human head, while the cobra on theright has been described as "a frontal uraeus with a broad

shield" (Bonanno 1998, 220). The rosette in the middle has an

interesting stem, for it greatly resembles an Egyptian atef-

crown, often associated with Isis and Osiris (Bonanno 1998,

221). The presence of snakes in Alexandrian iconographic

parallels -also depicting a slim snake and an uraeus- have led

to an interpretation of the snakes portraying Isis (or Isis-

Thermouthis) and Agathodaimon (possibly Serapis-Agathodaimon), a combination which appears more often (e.g. at Carinola in Campania

on the backside of a throne, as well as on a marble relief from the Drovetti collection in

Turin) (Bonanno 1998, 222). The presence of the atef crown in the middle, connected to

Osiris, also has an iconographical parallel on a relief from El Bahnasa, now in the

National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden (Bonanno 1998, 222).

The possible provenance of the slab from Tas-Sil, combined with the Egyptianising

architectural fragments recovered there, might indicate that a shrine for an Egyptianising

deity, possibly Serapis, Osiris or Isis, once stood there (Bonanno 1998, 226). Further

evidence for the presence of Serapis or Osiris could be deduced from the names of the

dedicators from the two Punic-Greek inscriptions mentioned earlier this chapter (figure

6.1), Osirxamar in Punic, Sarapion in Greek (Bonanno 1996, 47), as well as possibly from

the coins discussed earlier. This is however all circumstantial evidence and one need to

watch out not to draw to many conclusions from them.

The first depictions of Isis, on the amulet and on coinage, appears to be the result of

contact with the Phoenicians or Carthaginians, and do not prove that Isis was worshippedon the islands. Absence of any inscriptions or dedications mentioning Isis lead to the

theory that during this early phase her iconography entered the islands already, but the

cult did not (Bricault 2001, 146). It seems that the main deity worshipped, Ashtart,

assimilated characteristics of Isis. Whether at one point Isis, Serapis, Osiris or the entire

triad was worshipped at Tas-Sil cannot be concluded from the evidence currently

available to us and thus needs to be investigated further.

Figure 6.11: Scene possiblydepicting Isis and Serapis

(Source: prof. Bonanno).



91

6.2.2.2 Mithras

The cult of Mithras was practiced throughout a large part of the Roman Empire; the peak

of its popularity occurred during the second and third century CE. It was established as amystery cult, where membership was a pre-requisite to be able to participate in the cult’s

ritual activities. The cult of Mithras largely centered on a solar deity and the cosmic

significance of the used symbolism and the interpretation thereof has been studied and

debated extensively over the past few decades (for example Beck 2006), and will not be

within the scope of this study. Suffice it to say that the initiates of the Mithras cult were

divided into seven stages, following seven celestial bodies (Saturn. Sol, Luna, Jupiter,

Mars, Venus and Mercury). The members of the cult often gathered in relatively small

cult locations, Mithraea, which varied in their design. These Mithraea were set-up in a

way that provided privacy to those within (for membership was required) and they

usually contained a central room, which had a division of a central aisle with benches or

podia on either side of it (Sagona 2009, 4). This main area often contained altars and

statues in different locations (accompanied by Mithraic symbolic decorations) and had a

central focal point in the shape of a statue of Mithras killing a bull (Sagona 2009, 4). A

Mithraeum could be located anywhere and examples from Ostia, the Roman port city,

demonstrate that they can be found in various urban contexts, frequently appropriating

earlier existing built structures, often in the vicinity of baths or professional environments

like warehouses. Mithraea can also be found in rural contexts (e.g. the temple for Mithras

in Carrawburgh) and could be situated in natural caves (Sagona 2009, 2-3).

Although the possible presence of Mithras cults on the islands has been suggested earlier

(personal communication from Hanna Stöger 16 ), only recently Sagona produced a

thorough study of all possible evidence to this cult (2009). The possibility of a Mithras

cult had never before been fully explored, since the focus of research was more on either

the Temples or on the Christianisation of the islands (Sagona 2009, 6). In addition, thenature of the archaeological record on Malta complicates the identification of Mithraea.

There are already not many surviving architectural remains from this period and Mithraic

cult locations might also have been purposefully destroyed by Christians or re-purposed

16 Personal communication from Hanna Stöger (December 2013), based on personal discussions with Prof. Helga

Mach, Stuttgart, who was the first to identify Mithraic presence in the archaeological record of Malta.



92

(Sagona 2009, 8). As it is, Sagona recognises one convincing site which certainly could

have functioned as a Mithraeum. The aforementioned site of Ras Il-Wardija contains in

its Long Chamber the typical benches, it has several altars, as well as bases for statuaryand the inner sanctum with its niches. The iconography previously identified as Christian

crosses or Punic symbols or the sign of Tanit could in fact be traces of Mithraic symbols

(Sagona 2009). While Sagona acknowledges that the structure outside of the sanctum

might have been a Punic temple, her dating of the rock-cut features limits itself to the late

first till the fourth century CE, based on its identification as a Mithraeum (Sagona 2009,

37). While this is a logical relative dating, the structure could well have been used already

in Punic times and have been further expanded by the Mithraic followers.

Figure 6.12: Initiation scene portrayed on a stele from Mdina, Malta (Sagona 2009 75, figure 3).

Furthermore, Sagona identifies several other Mithraic scenes in the Maltese material

record. While the tauroctony (the bull-slaughtering scene) seems to be completely absent

in the material record from the islands, a stele from Mdina appears to display an initiation

scene from the mysteries (figure 6.12), displaying stages in the initiation (the pater, miles

and the initiate) (Sagona 2009, 13-15). Several clay figurines and graffiti portraying aman on horseback could possibly be identified as Mithras, based on the iconography and

the Persian nature of the clothing (Sagona 2009, 15-17). Mithras is often depicted as

emerging from rocks and this scene can also be recognised on Malta, in a carved statue

(figure 6.13) and possibly in some tombs (Sagona 2009, 24-25). Further tombs display

signs of the podia and benches, most of which contain niches for lamps or statuary and

one of them in the Binemma Hypogeum contains seven niches, a number with special



93

significance for initiates (Sagona 2009, 43).17 Some possible Mithraea, located in urban

areas (e.g. al Pilatu Hypogeum 1, St Agatha's Hypogeum 7 and 13, St Paul-St Agatha

area, Catacombs 6, 20 and 22b, as well as the complex of Tal-Abbatija tad-Dejr) werealready recognised as not having a Christian origin and also display possibly Mithraic

iconography and benches (Sagona 2009, 48-56).

Figure 6.13: Figure emerging from the rocks at the Xaghra tombs (Buhagiar 1998, 238, figure 16).

There is considerable evidence to conclude that Mithras was indeed present on the islands

and that several Mithraea would have dotted the landscape. Local influences probably left

their mark on the exact nature of worship and the iconography, possibly explaining the

Punic nature of some symbolism, and continuation of older cult sites might have beenpracticed. Sagona remarks that the symbolism of Mithras merged with Apollo and

Hercules/Melqart (Sagona 2009, 57). Further research might bring to light more evidence

on the Mithraic mysteries.

17For a complete overview of Mithraic features identified in both the material record and the tombs see Sagona

2009.



94



96

these tombs were sometimes connected creating clusters of tombs,19 which were during

the fourth and fifth centuries CE further linked and expanded into hypogea which were

subsequently used by both Christians and Jews (Buhagiar 2011, 74). These catacombswere a common phenomenon in the Roman Empire (Drag 2007, 113). The existence of

separate Jewish burial areas seems unlikely, for Jews did not object to utilising the same

areas for mortuary rituals as other communities, rather they let themselves be influenced

by them (Drag 2007, 113). Nevertheless, there are a number of indisputable traces

pointing to Judaic tradition and religion; the evidence comes from the underground

cemeteries. However, none of these burials seem to pre-date the fourth/fifth century CE (a

date based on the presence of North African Hayes red ware) (Buhagiar 2011, 79-94;

Drag 2007, 113). One emblema from a domus in Rabat (figure 7.1) used to be interpretedas a Judaic scene of Samson being shaved (Becker 1913 and Ashby 1915 in Buhagiar

2011, 74-77), but a mythological representation seems more likely (Buhagiar 2011, 77-

79) and the emblema is thus not an indication of Jewish activity on the islands.

Figure 7.1: Emblema from the Rabat domus (Buhagiar 2011, 79, figure 6).

While some theories (e.g. Buhagiar 2011, 82) say that the Jews entered the islands during

the Phoenician period, others say that Jews came to Malta in the period that followed the

destruction of the second Temple of Jerusalem by Titus, which also marked the end of the

Jewish ‘state’.20 There is no archaeological evidence however to back up either theory

19 A typology of the types of tombs has been established already by Caruana 1898 and Becker 1913, and later re-

evaluated and revised by Buhagiar 1998 and Sagona 2002. Since the Jewish community did not seem to favor a

specific type of tomb, questions of tomb typology will not be subject of this chapter.

20 Personal communication from dr. Hanna Stöger (December 2013).



97

(Drag 2007, 113). Even in the record of St Paul's shipwreck there is no mention of him

visiting the local Jewish community, even though it was his custom to do so (Acts 28, 1-

11, in Drag 2007, 113).

Figure 7.2: Drawing of the different types of Menorahs of the St Paul and St Agatha hypogea (Buhagiar 2011,

89, figure 17).

At least six Jewish hypogea have been identified in the area of Rabat, two of them in the

St Agatha's catacomb complex and four located in the area between St Paul and St

Agatha's catacombs, one of which contains an ossuary (Bonanno 2005, 329-330;

Buhagiar 2011, 88; Drag 2007, 114). The total amount of individuals buried is estimated

to be around 300 (Buhagiar 2011, 81). These cemeteries are associated with Judaism

because of the presence of painted, roughly scratched or finely carved menorahs (see

figure 7.2), often located near the entrance of a hypogeum (Buhagiar 2011, 88; Drag 2007,

114). These representations of the menorah, together with a number of inscriptions, are

the only distinction between Jewish, Christian and 'pagan' tombs, for the tomb layout and

architectural characteristics are similar (Buhagiar 2011, 90) and would not indicate any

religious preference. The exception to this is the absence in the Jewish tombs of the

funerary triclinia, or the so-called 'Agape' or Omega tables, which are frequently featured

in the Christian hypogea (Buhagiar 2011, 90; Drag 2007, 114). Often associated with

ritual meals to commemorate the dead (Buhagiar 2011, 90), their absence in the Jewish

catacombs indicates that the Jewish community possibly did not partake in this custom.

The presence of rock-cut benches in the Jewish hypogea might indicate that the family

members visit the tombs and remain there in the presence of the deceased. This custom

might shows that the local Jewish community assimilated local customs within their own

belief system (Drag 2007, 115-116). Adaptation to the local customs might also be

reflected in the way none of the graves are oriented towards Jerusalem, which seems to be

against Jewish customs (Drag 2007, 116) and would rather reflect the ability to adhere to

local conditions.



98

Figure 7.3: Inscription from one of the hypogea, transcribed by Charles George Zammit, FSA (Buhagiar

2011, 84, image 11. Drawing courtesy of Heritage Malta).

The identification of Jewish tombs is further complicated by their own amalgamation of

symbols, as well as the amalgamation of their symbolism by the Christians, as they

adopted much of the Jewish iconography (Drag 2007, 114). Apart from the menorah there

are other motifs that appear on the hypogeum walls, such as representations of sea vessels,

associated with either Noah's Ark or mercantile vessels indicating a craft, and palm leaves,

often associated with Judea and Israel on coinage (Buhagiar 2011, 86-88; Drag 2007,115). More information can be gleaned from the Greek inscriptions accompanying these

symbols, which help reconstruct the organisation of the Jewish community on the islands

at that time. One three-line inscription, discovered in St Paul and St Agatha's hypogeum

14 (see figure 7.3), refers to a man who was a gerousiarch), the leader of

a Council of Elders, who was known as a (filentoli[os]), which has been

interpreted as his possible name, or more likely as an epithet meaning 'lover of the

commandments', which appears more often in these contexts (Bonanno 2005, 268;

Buhagiar 2011, 83). Further mentioned is his wife, Eulogia, described as

(presbytera). This indicates that she as well held a high office in the Jewish

community (Bonanno 2005, 268; Buhagiar 2011, 84) and that the local Jewish

community was hierarchically structured. Both of them apparently held a position of

respect in the congregation (Bonanno 2005, 268). A second inscription refers to a woman

named Dionisia, known as Irene, named by scholars a ritualistic name possibly inferring

her peaceful state (Buhagiar 2011, 84; Drag 2007, 114). Quite a few other inscriptions are

too fragmentary to be fully translated, but might be salutations or could refer to the names

of the deceased (Buhagiar 2011, 84-86).

From the available evidence it can be established that a moderately sized Hellenised

Jewish community was present on the island. The community was integrated into the

local society, even amalgamating some of the local customs, such as the burial in the

catacombs, located in the vicinity of Mdina-Rabat. Probably of a mercantile nature, the

community held close contacts with Sicily, a major center for Jews in the sixth century

CE (Buhagiar 2011, 80).



99

7.2 Palaeo-Christianity

The Christianisation of the Maltese archipelago has been a point of discussion for many

years by both Maltese and foreign scholars and, although seriously contested, a long

tradition has been claiming early conversion to Christianity during the early Roman

period (Bonanno 2005, 199-200). There is however little to no evidence for Christianity

this early on the islands, either literary or archaeologically, because the first reliable

evidence for Christianity does not predate the fourth/fifth century CE (Bonanno 2005,

199-201). Most of the dates were retrieved from the presence of the North African Hayes

Type IIA lamps, inscribed with Christian symbols, which have been found on both Malta

and Gozo (Bonanno 2005, 275; Buhagiar 1997, 116). On Sicily, an island highly

connected to Malta, the first reliable sources for Christianity are datable to the third

century CE (Bonanno 2005, 262). The late appearance of Christian symbols in Malta

might have been the result of the early Christian community keeping mainly to

themselves and staying in the background, although this is very difficult to prove

(Bonanno 2005, 254). The first Christian activity on the islands can be witnessed in the

funerary landscape of the islands in the hypogea, as well as in a few cult locations. Both

these subjects will be discussed in the following sections of this chapter.

7.2.1 Early Christian cult locations

7.2.1.1 Tas-Sil

After the first century CE the religious activities at Tas-Sil appear to have ceased and a

hiatus in the material record can be witnessed, a period during which the site was

abandoned and the structures on it were probably left to become ruins (Buhagiar 2007,

46). New signs of activity on the site become visible in the fifth century CE, datable by

the presence of North African oil lamps. These do not appear before 400 CE (Buhagiar

2007, 46) and coincide with the first attested Christian activities on the islands. At this

time, the previous sanctuary was once more appropriated, modified and re-utilised as a

sanctuary for Christian activities. This appeared in a similar way as we have seen before

when the Phoenicians utilised the site for their ends. The central paved courtyard of the

former 'pagan' sanctuary was turned into a roofed basilica with three aisles and an apse

on the eastern side, next to the prehistoric temple (see figure 7.4) (Bonanno 2005, 271;

Buhagiar 2007, 46). The columns of the peristylium of the former courtyard were used to



100

provide internal divisions. The old floor was retained, while in the eastern apse mosaic

pavement were placed and an altar was installed (Buhagiar 2007, 46). A stone enclosure

wall was erected within the central aisle of the church, possibly a presbytery, forming thesacred area of the church (Bonanno 2005, 271; Buhagiar 2007, 46). The prehistoric

remains were once again repurposed and modified, possibly reduced to fundament levels

at this time, and in the middle of the semi-circular remains a baptismal font was inserted

(see figure 7.5) (Bonanno 2005, 271; Buhagiar 2007, 46). The rectangular room shows

signs of rebuilding and modification, with walls stuccoed in white plaster (Buhagiar 2007,

46). In the middle of the room a rectangular basin with a drainage hole was constructed,

with marble-clad steps around it (Bonanno 2005, 272; Buhagiar 2007, 46). This type of

basin has been dated to the end of the fourth, beginning of the fifth century CE based onits typology and this date has been confirmed by the typology of the altar in the basilica

(Buhagiar 2007, 46).

Figure 7.4: Christian structures at Tas-Sil (Buhagiar 1996, 32, figure 2).



101

The church was possibly built after the edict of Theodosius, which granted the Christian

Church right of possession over the Temples and their property. The church of Tas-Sil

remained in use until 870 CE (Buhagiar 1996, 11; Buhagiar 2007, 46); continuity into theByzantine Empire is confirmed by the presence of 275 bronze and silver coins datable to

the reign of several Byzantine emperors (Bonanno 2005, 272). As is the case with the

former re-utilisation of the sanctuary, the site was probably not chosen because of its

religious values, but rather as a convenient location with already standing structures to

modify. While former iconography does not appear to be purposely destroyed, no trace of

older iconography during this phase of ritual activities can be found at Tas-Sil.

Figure 7.5: The baptismal font at Tas-Sil (Bonanno 2005, 271).

7.2.1.2 San Pawl Milqi

The site of San Pawl Milqi has a long history of occupation, having been used already

during the Żebbu phase as evidenced by the presence of prehistoric tombs. Pottery from

the Bronze Age points to activities during that period and tombs and inscriptions from the

Punic period indicate continued activities. The Roman period saw an intensification with

the establishment of a large farmstead and life continued into later times including theMuslim period and more recent times with the construction of a church (Buhagiar 2007,

50-51). During the Roman Imperial period an impressive villa, equipped with substantial

agricultural installations -e.g. for the extraction and processing of olive oil-, stood on its

location (Buhagiar 2007, 50-51) and it is this structure that has been the focus of many

theories and speculation surrounding the advent of Christianity on the Maltese islands.

One of the rooms of the villa, containing a water cistern, is thought to have been

converted into a cult location during the Late Roman period (Bonanno 2005, 273;



102

Buhagiar 2007, 48-50). This room was eventually incorporated into the seventeenth-

century church (Bonanno 2005, 299). There is the hypothesis that the Roman farmstead

of San Pawl Milqi was the villa where the shipwrecked St Paul stayed. In addition, theabove mentioned cistern was supposed to be the sacred well, used as a baptismal font by

St Paul (Bonanno 2005, 273; Buhagiar 2007, 48-50). The location’s association with St

Paul might have resulted in San Pawl Milqi becoming a place of religious significance.

This could also help to explain why no early church can be found on the location. Since

early churches were often built on the location of the tomb of a saint or the site of a

martyrdom, the place obviously lacks these characteristics (Buhagiar 2007, 52). This

theory of San Pawl Milqi being the location related to St Paul’s stay on Malta is based on

a few scanty archaeological finds, one of which is an architectural limestone fragment(figure 7.6). The stone shows engravings of ships on one side and a schematic carving of

a bearded man on the other (Bonanno 2005, 273; Buhagiar 2007, 53). Although the

engraving is void of any direct reference to St Paul, the deeply-rooted Pauline tradition

prompted Maltese scholars to immediately associate these graffiti with the shipwreck of

St Paul, indicated by the ships and the person of St Paul as depicted by the bearded man.

Figure 7.6: Fragment with possible Pauline engravings (Buhagiar 1996, 40, figure 10 a nd 11).

The presence of ship engravings on the stone however need not be associated with St

Paul's shipwreck, for similar incised ships appear in many locations on the islands with

no Christian association (Buhagiar 2007, 53), for example the Jewish catacombs. The

identification of the carving as representation of St Paul is not very trustworthy either and

has been discarded as evidence related to the alleged presence of St Paul (Bonanno 2005,

272-273; Buhagiar 2007, 53). A stone block featuring incised Greek letters supposedly

reading ‘ Paulos’ is also highly controversial and is believed to be the result of natural

erosion and was clearly dismissed by most scholars (Bonanno 2005, 274; Buhagiar 2007,



104

later time four strategically placed hypogea were linked together around an open space

(Bonanno 2005, 270-271) but still might be the only site where a predetermined plan can

be recognised (Buhagiar 2007, 24).Many of the hypogea have been interpreted as being

Christian, sharing many characteristics, for almost all of

them display a similar floor plan (long corridor leading to a

rectangular room, surrounded with several tombs), and show

that people were buried in pairs, possibly a reflection of the

contemporary ideology allowing couples to be together after

dead (Bonanno 2005, 265 and 334-335). Ranging from

single tombs to large clusters of hypogea, a remarkable

diversity in types of tombs can be seen in the individual

hypogea and there does not appear to be a direct correlation

between tomb types and the religion of the deceased

(Bonanno 2005, 334-336). It is noteworthy that there were

blocking arrangements of several types attested for most of

the tombs; in many cases stone slabs were cemented in

place using a compound capable of rendering the tomb

water-proof (Buhagiar 2007, 25).

Only thirty-nine inscriptions have been found, most of them fragmentary, including the

Jewish ones discussed before (Buhagiar 2007, 32). One inscription from St Thomas Bay

reads " in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ rise and walk", while another reads "Lord,

save me" (Bonanno 2005, 267).

Iconography with strictly Christian meaning is rare and it is very likely that not all of the

decorated tombs were Christian (Buhagiar 2007, 25). However, there are sufficient

textual and iconographic indications to assume that most of the tombs in the two largest

clusters (St Paul and St Agatha) were Christian burials (Bonanno 2005, 266- 267). While

the catacombs do not offer a wealth of decorations, traces of paint and several carvings

withstood the test of time and provide us with useful information. The constant re-

utilisation of the catacombs might be one of the reasons for the absence of most materials,

while another cause might be the porous nature of the rocks. The motifs encountered

often displayed symbolic or decorative images (Bonanno 2005, 326; Buhagiar 2007, 29).

One of the few figures found depicted in the tombs (in this case St Paul's Catacombs) is a

Figure 7.7: Plan of the hypogea at L-

Abbatija Tad-Dejr (Buhagiar 2007,

198, figure 36).



105

seated person on a chair, resting his hands on an object in front of him, accompanied by

an early Christian anchor symbol and an inscription (Bonanno 2005, 326; Buhagiar 2007,

29). The inscription either reads possibly the name of the deceased,or , which could mean 'Good luck', or 'Farewell' (Bonanno 2005, 326;

Buhagiar 2007, 29). Other depictions include birds, fish, roses, possible laurel wreaths,

horses, but also one of two genii carrying an inscribed cartouche (Buhagiar 2007, 29).

Often associated with Christian iconography, but also with the Jewish iconography is the

palm frond, which was a symbol of victory over death, borrowed from 'pagan' beliefs'

(Buhagiar 2007, 31).

Figure 7.8: Scene painted in a tomb in St Agatha's Catacombs.

Iconography of undoubted Christian meaning can be seen in one of the tombs in St

Agatha's Catacombs, where a scallop shell is painted above a chi-rho monogram, flanked

by doves carrying twigs (figure 7.8) (Buhagiar 2007, 30). A painting from Xaghra ta'

Santa Duminka has been interpreted as a standing figure with raised arms, symbolising

prayer (Buhagiar 2007, 30). Another scene depicted in the Hal Resqun Catacomb (figure

7.9) shows three humanoid figures with raised arms, surrounded by animals, and is often

interpreted as displaying the Creation of the World, which has been associated with

palaeo-Christianity (Buhagiar 2007, 30). In contrast, a different interpretation sees these

figures with raised arms as representations of Mithras emerging from the rock, or Mithras

in his capacity as solar deity, replacing the sun (Sagona 2009, 25-25). Therefore, this new

reading of the image would link these catacombs to a possible earlier use related to the

cult of Mithras. Several sites display incised and painted crosses of different typologies,

sometimes accompanied by an alpha and omega, or inscribed within a circle (Buhagiar

2007, 31).



106

Figure 7.9: Scene with animals and figures with outstretched arms (Buhagiar 1998, 238, fig. 17).

A phenomenon frequently encountered in both the larger complexes such as St Paul and

St Agatha and the individual hypogea, is a cylindrical table surrounded by raised stone

benches (figure 7.10), often called a stibadium or a 'Agape' or Omega table (Bonanno

2005, 334-336; Buhagiar 2011, 90; Drag 2007, 114). Cut-out of the rocks, these tables

and benches were often placed close to the entrance of a hypogeum (Buhagiar 2007, 26).

These stibadia are associated with ritual meals and appear to have been of great

importance since there seems to be a structural line between the stibadium and the nearby

tombs, whereby the principal tombs were located closest to the table (Bonanno 2005, 265;

Buhagiar 2007, 26). Sometimes a hypogeum contains several of these stibadia, and often

recessed niches are located strategically close to hold lamps and other necessary objects

(Bonanno 2005: 265; Buhagiar 2007, 26). Associated with these structures is the

consumption of a communal, ritual meal. While funerary-triclinia are commonly

encountered in Roman 'pagan' contexts (Buhagiar 2007, 27), Christians adopted the

triclinium (refrigeria) and the Roman tradition became associated with the Eucharist

tradition of Agape (Buhagiar 2007, 27; Drag 2007).

Figure 7.10: Example of a stibadium (Buhagiar 2011, 91, figure 20. Photograph: Keith Buhagiar).



108



109

8. Conclusion

This study’s aim was to examine the religious developments on the Maltese archipelago

within the broader context of insularity and connectivity and to establish the extent of

(dis)continuity of traditions and cult sites, while avoiding the traps of cultural

universalism. This thesis produced a religious biography for the islands from the

Neolithic until 535 CE, achieved by chronologically studying the available literary and

material evidence. By subjecting all relevant existing evidence (literary and material

culture) uncovered on the islands so far to a systematic investigation, this study was able

to reach new conclusions about the religious development with specific regard to

continuity of religious practice, site location and venerated deities.

According to traditional research the history of the islands has been divided into parts

(prehistory, Phoenician, Punic, and Roman), which are based on the geopolitical situation

rather than on the coherence of the material culture. These divisions seem arbitrary and

do not hold for Malta’s religious past since several religious developments span multiple

periods, while others end abruptly within a single period. The religious developments

seem to correlate with periods of increased contact with certain regions and thus help us

understand the position of Malta during these phases. The first part of this chapter

presents the conclusion by means of the religious biography of the islands and answers

the research question posited by this thesis: How have the influences of connectivity

and insularity, two seemingly opposing forces, influenced and shaped the religious

developments occurring on the Maltese archipelago from the Neolithic until the

beginning of the Byzantine period in 535 BCE? The second part of the chapter will

outline possibilities for further research.

8.1 Synthesis of the 'Religious biography'

The recognition and reconstruction of past religious behavior is not a simple task and it is

accompanied by theoretical and practical problems. Proper definitions of 'religion' and

related concepts have been provided to be able to study these phenomena in past societies

and to avoid wrong interpretations due to semantics. Still, it is difficult to escape from

established biases within archaeology and to critically reflect upon information and

established interpretations provided by other authors. Furthermore, proper

contextualisation of encountered phenomena is important, yet one has to avoid being

caught in a similarity trap and one should be aware of similarities as well as differences



110

between regions. Malta, due to its geographical location, is connected to many regions of

the Mediterranean, yet should not be seen as merely another part of this broader system,

but as its own geographic entity, while sharing characteristics with other regions.Therefore, some developments have their unique character and may appear differently on

the islands than they do elsewhere.

At the beginning of the prehistoric period on the islands there was little evidence for

religious activities. From the Neolithic until the start of the Bronze Age people were

collectively buried in chamber tombs. The same areas that display activity in earlier

phases, saw the rise of the later Temples, buildings indeed used for religious rituals

(although possibly not exclusively). A period of increased insularity is thought to have

occurred during the formative phase of the construction of the Temples. Between the

Temples a remarkable amount of uniformity can be witnessed and there appears to have

been a greater organisational structure guiding the population in their rituals, with only

little influence from outside Malta. Near several Temples subterranean hypogea

functioned as a burial ground, but there is also evidence that these structures were used

for other religious activities. A continuous development of religious activities from the

early prehistory up to the end of the Temple period appears to have occurred with only

little influence from outside. Even though the ceramics show a break between the earlier

Skorba phases and the Temple period, this is not clearly reflected in the evidence for

religious activities, which continuously developed. The island was quite connected to

other regions during these phases, as is shown from pottery and other imported wares, but

these connections are not very visible in Malta’s religious landscape, which seems to

have taken off on a different trajectory from neighbouring Sicily and other islands, where

no megalith development similar to Malta’s Temple culture developed.

The first clear break in continuity of religious traditions occurs at the start of the Bronze

Age, when both the Temples and the hypogea were no longer in use as religious grounds.

The Temples were repurposed for domestic use, as well as for cremation burials. The

ritualistic landscape appears to have fundamentally shifted and the distinction between

rituals for the living on the surface and rituals for the dead beneath the surface, as

established in the preceding period, seem to have changed during this period. Similarities

in the encountered dolmens and the ceramics suggest that this was a period when contact

with the outside, for example Sicily and Italy, was intensified.



111

During the Phoenician period increasing influence from the East affected the islands as a

result of the high connectedness created by the rise of sea-faring communities. While the

megalith structures of the Temples still filled the islands’ landscape, the attached religiousvalues seem to have disappeared completely. After a long hiatus of more than a

millennium, parts of the prehistoric Temple at Tas-Sil were once more utilised as a

sanctuary, having been incorporated into a Phoenician Temple. This was the result of a

practical decision rather than a religious one, since no elements of the older traditions

remained active and visible in the religious landscape of Phoenician Malta. This

Orientalising phase of religious development saw the introduction of typical Phoenician

deities, such as Ashtart and Baal Hammon, on the islands, similar to the situation in other

Phoenician colonies. The re-introduction of burial in chamber tombs, this time individualrather than collective, was the result of burial customs of the Phoenicians, and not a

clinging to older indigenous traditions.

The religious traditions established during the Phoenician phase gradually developed and

continued during the Punic phase. The religious landscape on the islands betrays

Hellenistic influences, visible in statuary and the architecture of the sanctuary of Tas-Sil,

which gradually evolved into a fortified hilltop sanctuary with a courtyard. An

elaboration of ritualistic activities can be witnessed, as well as the introduction of new

deities, primarily Melqart/Heracles. The identification of Ashtart with Hera indicates that

the local deities worshipped were not replaced, but newly introduced deities were

assimilated and identified with the older ones. The exact extent of similarities between

the Hera on Malta to others in the Mediterranean area is unknown and one should not

assume similar traits based solely on a name.

The use of chamber tombs intensified, often clustering into larger groups. The absence of

exotica and metal in the tombs might indicate that local traditions were maintained, for

they are encountered in contemporary Punic tombs in other regions. The development and

syncretism of deities, as well as the continuation of older traditions might be the result of

the insular nature of Malta, while the influx of new influences due to the islands’

connectivity is shown in the introduction of new deities and the import of amulets.

This Hellenising phase continued during the first period of Roman rule, where continuity

in material culture and religious developments shows that there was not much top down

pressure and local developments continued. A gradual transition from the Oriental nature



113

This efficient utilisation of earlier cult sites could be related to possible earlier traditions,

or could be the result of the limited amount of proper locations, considering Malta's

insular nature.

Contrary to literary sources and common belief, the first evidence for palaeo-Christianity

and Judaism comes not from the first century CE, but from the fourth/fifth centuries CE,

around the same time when Sicily went through the process of Christianisation. Already

during the Roman period the clustering of different tombs led to a subsequent connection

thereof, which eventually expanded into hypogea. These were used by communities

following various forms of religion on the islands; a distinction between the groups, or a

classification by type is not always easily made. Because of the interaction between

different communities and cultures the iconography is very similar, with only a few

symbols displayed solely by one religion. The presence of menorah motifs on the tombs,

accompanied by Greek inscriptions, tells us there was an organised Hellenised Jewish

Diaspora community on the islands, probably in close contact with the Judaic center in

Sicily at that time. Even these Jewish tombs, located amidst Christian and 'pagan' tombs,

displayed signs of adopting local customs. Most of the Christian hypogea (and some

possible 'pagan' tombs) contain one or more stibadia, a phenomenon that seems to span

across all religions on the islands, with the exception of Judaism. The latter only

conceded to occasionally adding a bench to the area outside the tombs. The insular nature

of Malta led to the amalgamation of older traditions within newer traditions, which were

brought new to the islands, possibly from Sicily.

At Tas-Sil, after a hiatus of several centuries there is evidence for a new ritual focus

during the Late Roman period. A roofed basilica with a baptismal font was constructed,

incorporating parts of the earlier Hellenistic and prehistoric sanctuary. None of the former

religious values appear to have been invoked, mirroring once again the earlier

construction of the Phoenician sanctuary on the site of its prehistoric predecessor.

Nevertheless, the choice of location is significant, but probably the result of a political

and practical decision, rather than a religious choice. The site remained in use during later

periods, as confirmed by the study of coin finds. Extended continuity can be seen at San

Pawl Milqi, where a seventeenth century church incorporated earlier remains, which have

been interpreted as a place of reverence in the past. The continuous use of sites into later

periods is not uncommon, since a number of the sites were associated with earlier

Christian activity.



115

have not been securely identified and their meaning is still subject to debate. Similarly,

many of the graffiti incised in possible cult sites (such as Ras-il-Wardija) have been

interpreted as being either Punic, Mithraic or Christian, thus rendering it difficult toestablish a more precise date and a clearer identification of the structures. The

iconography found in the hypogea is similarly problematic because of the amalgamation

of symbolism by different religions. A better comprehension of the iconographic record

might not only help to understand complicated sites such as Ras-il-Wardija and San Pawl

Milqi, but also help in the identification of possible Mithraea.

Finally, because of the many discernible influences from Sicily and the comparable

situation of the islands the study of religious development might benefit from a similar in-

depth study of religious developments on Sicily.



117

Abstract

This study explores the religious developments on the Maltese archipelago from the

Neolithic period until the incorporation of the islands into the Byzantine Empire in 535

CE. By chronologically analyzing evidence for religious activities on the islands, gleaned

from the corpus of published works, in a diachronic perspective and using an explorative

approach, the continuity of traditions, sites and possibly beliefs are systematically

studied. The result then is a religious biography of the islands, discussing mainly the

continuity of phenomena and the development of religious activities.

The Maltese archipelago was subjected to many different cultural influences, which is

reflected in the development of religious activities. A gradual evolution from the earlyNeolithic up till the start of the Bronze Age can be witnessed, during which foreign

influences can be recognised. After the Bronze Age, which was fundamentally different

in religious traditions than its predecessor, the Orientalising influence brought upon by

the Phoenicians shaped the religious landscape of the archipelago, laying the fundaments

for the succeeding millennium-and-a-half. The rise of several powers in the

Mediterranean area (such as the Etruscans, Greeks and the Romans) influenced Malta

indirectly. During the Punic and Roman phases the religious activities are affected by

Hellenising influences, seen in material culture and the identification of deities. Under

Roman Imperial rule the population gradually adopts more Roman religious customs.

There is some evidence for some of the Eastern mystery cults of Mithras and Isis, but

future research should help to elucidate this. From the fifth century CE onwards there is

enough evidence to confirm the presence of a Diaspora Jewish community, as well as

infer that a good amount of the population at that time followed the religion of

Christianity.

The religious developments show how insularity at one hand encouraged localdevelopment of traditions, while the high connectivity due to the geographical location of

the islands encouraged the introduction of new traditions. As a result a clear line of

development can be traced and influencing trends can clearly be distinguished. There are

still some areas, such as some of the iconography encountered, which require further

exploration to provide a better understanding of the religious developments on the

islands.



118



119

List of figures

Cover page: Statue of a female deity, originating from Malta.

Source: Bonanno 2005, 163.

Figure 1.1: Map of the Mediterranean showing Phoenician trade routes.


Figure 1.2: Map of the archipelago showing archaeological sites and locations.

Source: Bonanno 2005, 282-283.

Figure 2.1: A chronological overview of cultural sequences in Malta.

Source: Fenech 2007, 37, figure 3.1.

Figure 2.2: Overview of the carbon dates from the Maltese archipelago.

Source: Fenech 2007, 36, table 3.2.

Figure 2.3: Overview of competing territories in the central Mediterranean in 264

BCE. Source: Bonanno 2005, 75.

Figure 2.4: Overview of the chronology of the Maltese archipelago as set by

different authors. Source: Fenech 2007, 35, figure 3.1.

Figure 4.1: Early Skorba figurine. Source:

http://www.odysseyadventures.ca/articles/malta_temples/02.skorba_figurine.jpg.

Figure 4.2: Drawing of plan and section of the chamber tombs.

Source: Malone et al. 2009, 99, figure 7.7.

Figure 4.3: Examples of libation and oracle holes.

Source: Malone 2007, 29, figure 5.3.

Figure 4.4: Archaeological indicators of Religion applied to the Maltese Temples.

Source: Barrowclough 2007, 48, table 8.1.Figure 4.5: Figurines and votives.

Source: Malone 2007, 30, figure 5.4.

Figure 4.6: Schematic temple plan displaying the location of similar motifs from in

temples. Source: Grima 2011, 60, figure 6.

Figure 4.7: Reconstruction of the Brochtorff Circle.

Source: Malone et al. 2009, 374, figure 14.12.

0

7

12

13

19

25

30

43

45

48

49

51

52

53



121

Figure 6.4: Hellenised coin portraying female deity. Obverse: Egyptianising scene.


Figure 6.5: Coin portraying a bearded man. Obverse: Laurel wreath and ritual cap.Source: Bonanno 2005, 158.

Figure 6.6: Plan of the structures at Ras Il-Wardija.

Source: Sagona 2009, 100, figure 55.

Figure 6.7: Plan of the exterior building at Ras Il-Wardija.


Figure 6.8: Possible reconstruction of the Long Chamber at Ras Il-Wardija.


Figure 6.9: CIL, X, 7494.Source: Bonanno 2005, 203.

Figure 6.10: Statue of a female deity.


Figure 6.11: Scene possibly depicting Isis and Serapis.

Source: Prof. Anthony Bonanno.

Figure 6.12: Initiation scene portrayed on a stele (from Mdina, Malta).


Figure 6.13: Figure emerging from the rocks at the Xaghra tombs.

Source: Buhagiar 1998, 238, figure 16.

Figure 7.1: Emblema from the Rabat domus.


Figure 7.2: Drawing of the different types of menorahs of the St Paul and St

Agatha hypogea. Source: Buhagiar 2011, 89, figure 17.

Figure 7.3: Inscription from one of the hypogea, transcribed by Charles George

Zammit, FSA.

Source: Buhagiar 2011, 84, figure 11. Drawing courtesy of Heritage Malta.

Figure 7.4: Christian structures at Tas-Sil.


Figure 7.5: The baptismal font at Tas-Sil.


79

80

82

83

84

86

89

90

92

93

96

97

98

100

101



122

Figure 7.6: Fragment with possible Pauline engravings.

Source: Buhagiar 1996, 40, figure 10 and 11.

Figure 7.7: Plan of the hypogea at L-Abbatija Tad-Dejr.Source: Buhagiar 2007, 198, figure 36.

Figure 7.8: Scene painted in a tomb in St Agatha's Catacombs.

Source: http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20130929/life-features/21-

catacombs-and-tombs-outside-Melita-s-walls.488440#.UptN68TuJS4

Figure 7.9: Scene with animals and figures with outstretched arms.


Figure 7.10: Example of a stibadium.

Source: Buhagiar 2011, 91, figure 20. Photograph: Keith Buhagiar.

102

104

105

106

106

http://www.timesofmalta.com/articles/view/20130929/life-features/21-catacombs-and-tombs-outside-Melita-s-walls.488440#.UptN68TuJS4








123

Literature

Primary Sources

Cicero, M. Tullius. Verr ines II. T.N. Mitchell (ed), 1986. Warminster: Aris & Phillips.

Livius, T. Ab Urbe Condita. Libri XXI-XXII. T.A. Dorey (ed), 1971. Leupzig: Teubner.

Ptolemy, C. Geography. In: J.L. Berggren and A. Jones, 2000, Ptolemy's Geography: an

annotated translation of the theoretical chapters, Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Siculus, Diodorus. Bibliothekè Historikè. In: C.H. Oldfather (ed), 1939, Diodorus of

Sicily: in ten volumes. III: Books IV (continued) 59-VIII. Cambridge: Harvard University

Press (= Loeb classical library 340).

St Luke. Acts of the Apostles. D.G. Peterson (ed), 2009. Nottingham: Apollos.

Strabo. Geography. In: H.L. Jones, 1924, The geography of Strabo III: [Book VI-VII].

Cambridge: Harvard University Press (= Loeb classical library 182).

Strabo. Geography. In: H.L. Jones, 1932, The geography of Strabo VIII: [Book XVII].

Cambridge: Harvard University Press (= Loeb classical library 267).

Regular Sources

Ashby, T., 1915. Roman Malta, Journal of Roman Studies 5, 23-80.

Ball, W., 2010. Out of Arabia: Phoenicians, Arabs and the Discovery of Europe.

Massachusetts: Interlink Publishing Group, Inc.

Barrowclough, D.A., 2007. Putting Cult in Context: Ritual, Religion and Cult in Temple

Period Malta. In: D.A. Barrowclough and C. Malone (eds), Cult in Context:

Reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 45-53.

Barrowclough, D.A. and C. Malone (eds), 2007. Cult in Context: Reconsidering Ritual in

Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Bass, B., 1998. Early Neolithic Offshore Accounts: remote islands, maritime

exploitations, and the trans-Adriatic cultural network. Journal of Mediterranean

Archaeology 11, 165-90.



124

Beck, R., 2006. The Religion of the Mithras Cult in the Roman Empire. Mysteries of the

Unconquered Sun. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Becker, E., 1913. Malta Sotteranea: Studien zur altchristlichen und jüdischenSepulkra lkunst. Strasbourg: Heitz.

Bellanti, P.F., before 1924. The rock-cut tombs of Malta . Handwritten manuscript held in

the University of Malta Library, Melitensia Collection, 269 pages.

Bonanno, A. (ed), 1986. Archaeology and Fertility Cult in the Ancient Mediterranean:

Papers presented at the First International Conference on Archaeology of the Ancient

Mediterranean. Amsterdam: B. R. Grüner Publishing Co.

Bonanno, A., 1990. Malta's Role in the Phoenician, Greek and Etruscan Trade in the

Western Mediterranean. Melita Historica 10(3), 209- 224.

Bonanno, A., 1992. Roman Malta. Malta: World Confederation of Salesian Past Pupils of

Don Bosco.

Bonanno, A., 1996. Egyptian Iconography in Ancient Maltese Art. Treasures of Malta

2(3), 43-47.

Bonanno , A., 1998. An Egyptianizing relief from Malta. In: N. Bonacasa, M.C. Naro,

E.C. Portale, A. Tullio (eds), Egitto in Italia, dall'Antichità al Medioevo; Atti del III

Congresso Internazionale Italo-Egiziano, Roma, CNR - Pompei, 19-19 novembra 1995,

Roma: Consiglio Naizonale delle Richerche, 217-228.

Bonanno, A., 2005. Malta: Phoenician, Punic, and Roman. Valetta: Midsea Books Ltd.

Bonanno, A., 2007. The Phoenicians and the Maltese Prehistoric Cultural Landscape. In:

D.A. Barrowclough and C. Malone (eds), Cult in Context: Reconsidering Ritual in

Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 107-112.

Bonanno, A., 2011. The rise of a maritime strategic island under the Phoenicians and the

Romans. In: C. Cini and J. Borg (eds), The Mar itime History of Malta: the first millennia,

Malta: Salesians of Don Bosco, 36-71.

Bonnanno, A., 2012. Apotropaia: Prehistoric and Ancient Amulets from the Maltese

Islands. Treasures of Malta 53 (Easter 2012) 18(2), 10-18.

Bonanno, A., T. Gouder, C. Malone and S. Stoddart, 1990. Monuments in an Island

Society: the Maltese Context. World Archaeology 22(2), 190-205.



125

Bricault, L., 2001. Atlas de la diffusion des cultes isiaques. Paris: De Boccard.

Buhagiar, M., 1983. The study of the Maltese Paleochristian Catacombs. Melita Historica

8(4), 291-298.

Buhagiar, M., 1988. Two Archaeological Sites - Ras ir-Raheb, Malta, and Ras il-Wardija,

Gozo. Melita Historica 10(1), 69-87.

Buhagiar M., 1996. The Early Christian remains at Tas-Silg and San Pawl Milqi, Malta :

a reconsideration of the archaeological evidence. Melita Historica 12(1), 1-42.

Buhagiar, M., 1997. Gozo in late Roman, Byzantine and Muslim times. Melita Historica

12(2), 113-130.

Buhagiar, M., 1998. The Iconography of the Maltese rock-tombs Punico-Hellenistic,

Paleochristian and Byzantine. Melita Historica 12(3), 221-238.

Buhagiar, M., 2000. Four New Late Roman - Early Byzantine Burial Sites in the Island of

Malta. Melita Historica 13(1), 23-37.

Buhagiar, M., 2007. The Christianisation of Malta. Catacombs, cult centres and churches

in Malta to 1530. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Buhagiar, M., 2011. The Jewish Catacombs of Roman Melita. The Antiquaries Journal

91, 73-100.

Cancik, H. and J. Rüpke (eds), 2009. Die Religion des Imperium Romanum. Tübingen:

Mohr Siebeck.

Caruana, A.A., 1898. Ancient pagan tombs and Christian cemeteries in the islands of

Malta explored and surveyed from the year 1881 to the year 1897. Malta.

Cazella, A. and G. Recchia, 2004-6. Revisiting anomalies: New excavations at Tas-Silg

and a comparison with the other megalithic temples in Malta. Accordia Research Papers10, 61-70.

Cherry, J.F., 2004. Mediterranean island prehistory: what's different and what's new? In:

S.M. Fitzpatrick (ed), Voyages of Discovery: The Archaeology of Islands, Westport:

Preager, 233-48.

Ciasca, A., 1988. Malta. In: S. Moscati (ed), The Phoenicians, Milan: Gruppo Editoriale

Fabbri, 206-208.



126

Ciasca, A., 1993. Some considerations regarding the sacrificial precincts at Tas-Sil.

Journal of Mediterranean Studies 3(2), 225-244.

Copat, V., M. Danesi and G. Recchia, 2010. Isolation and Interaction Cycles: SmallCentral Mediterranean Islands from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. International

Journal of Research into Island Cultures 4(2), 41-64.

Cutajar, N., 2001. Recent discoveries and the archaeology of Mdina Treasures of Malta

8(1), 79-85.

Dommelen, P. van, 1998. Punic Persistence: Colonialism and cultural identities in Roman

Sardinia. In: J. Berry and R. Laurence (eds), Cultural Identity in the Roman Empire,

London: Routledge, 25-48.

Dommelen, P. van, and A.B. Knapp (eds), 2010. Material Connections in the Ancient

Mediterranean. Mobility, Materiality and Identity, London: Routledge.

Drag, P., 2007. Cult of the Dead or Cult for the Dead: Studies of Jewish Catacombs in

Malta in Context. In: D.A. Barrowclough and C. Malone (eds), Cult in Context:

Reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 112-116.

Driessen J., 1992. Tempelbouwers van Malta. Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie

10, 27-40.

Durkheim, E., 1912. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. Translated by Joseph

Ward Swain (1915). New York: The Macmillan Company.

Egelhaaf-Gaiser, U., 2011. Roman Cult Sites: A Pragmatic Approach. In: J. Rüpke (ed),

A Companion to Roman Religion, Malden MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 205-221.

Eliade, M., 1956. The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion. Translated by

Willard R. Trask (1957). New York: Harcourt, Brace and World.

Evans, J.D., 1971. The Prehistoric Antiquities of the Maltese Islands. A Survey. London:

Athlone Press.

Evans, J.D. 1977. Island archaeology in the Mediterranean: problems and opportunities.

World Archaeology 9, 12-26.



127

Evans, J.D., 1984. Maltese Prehistory - a reappraisal. In: W.H. Waldren, R. Chapman, J.

Lewthwaite and R. Kennard (eds), The Deya Conference of Prehistory. Early Settlement

in the Western Mediterranean Islands and their Peripheral Areas, Oxford: BritishArchaeological Reports (= British Archaeological Reports International Series 229), 489-

97.

Fenech, K., 2007. Human-Induced Changes in the Environment and Landscape of the

Maltese Islands from the Neolithic to the 15th Century AD, as inferred from a scientific

study of sediments from Marsa, Malta. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Geertz, C., 1973. The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. New York: Basic

Books.

Gkiasta, M., 2010. Social identities, materiality and connectivity in Early Bronze Age

Crete. In: P. van Dommelen and A.B. Knapp (eds), Material Connections in the Ancient

Mediterranean. Mobility, Materiality and Identity, London: Routledge, 85-106.

Grima, R., 2001. An Iconography of Insularity: a Cosmological Interpretation of some

Images and Spaces in the Late Neolithic Temples of Malta. Papers from the Institute of

Archaeology 12, 48-65.

Gouder, T.C., 1973. Baal Hammon in the Iconography of the Ancient Bronze Coinage of

Malta. Scientia 36(3), 1-16.

Gouder T.C., 1978. Some amulets from Phoenician Malta. Valetta: National Museum of

Archaeology.

Gouder, T.C., 1996. The Progressive Unveiling of Maltese Prehistory. In: A. Pace (ed),

Maltese Prehistoric Art 5000-2500 BC, Valetta: Partimonju Publishing Ltd., 13-18.

Hauschild, T., M. Zillinger and S.L. Kottmann, 2007. Syncretism in the Mediterranean:

Universalism, Cultural Relativism and the Issue of the Mediterranean as a Cultural Area.History and Anthropology 18(3), 309-332.

Hayne, J., 2010. Entangled identities on Iron Age Sardinia? In: P. van Dommelen and

A.B. Knapp (eds), Material Connections in the Ancient Mediterranean. Mobility,

Materiality and Identity, London: Routledge, 147-169.

Hodos, T., 2006. Local Responses to Colonization in the Iron Age Mediterranean.

London: Routledge.



128

Hodos, T., 2009. Colonial Engagements in the Global Mediterranean Iron Age.

Cambridge Archaeological Journal 19(2), 221-41.

Hölbl, G., 1986. Egyptian fertility magic within Phoenician and Punic culture. In: A.Bonanno (ed), Archaeology and fertility cult in the Ancient Mediterranean. Papers

presented at the 1st International Conference on Archaeology of the Ancient

Mediterranean, Malta, 2-5 Sept 1985, Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Co., 197-205

Hölbl, G., 1989. Ägyptisches Kulturgut auf den Inseln Malta and Gozo in phönikischer

und punischer Zeit: die Objekte im Archäologischen Museum von Valletta

(Sitzungsberichte 538). Wien: Verlag der Ősterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Insoll, T., 2004. Archaeology, Ritual, Religion. London: Routledge.

Insoll, T., 2007. Archaeology. The conceptual challenge. London: Gerald Ducksworth

and Co. Ltd.

Johnston, S.I., 2004. Religions of the Ancient World: a guide. Cambridge, MA and

London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

Knapp, A.B. and P. van Dommelen, 2010. Material connections: Mobility, materiality

and Mediterranean identities. In: P. van Dommelen and A.B. Knapp (eds), Material

Connections in the Ancient Mediterranean. Mobility, Materiality and Identity, London:Routledge, 1-18.

Lewis, H., 1977. Ancient Malta: A Study of its Antiquities. Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe.

Malone, C., 2007. Ritual Space and Structure- the Context of Cult in Malta and Gozo. In:



Malone, C., D. Barrowclough and S. Stoddart, 2007. Introduction. In: D.A. Barrowclough

and C. Malone (eds), Cult in Context: Reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford:

Oxbow Books, 1-7.

Malone, C., A. Bonanno, T. Gouder, S. Stoddart and D. Trump, 2005. The Death Cults of

Prehistoric Malta. Scientific American 15(1), 14.

Malone, C., S. Stoddart, A. Bonanno and D. Trump (eds), 2009. Mortuary customs in

prehistoric Malta: Excavations at the Brochtorff Circle. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Martin, L.H., 1989. Roman Mithraism and Christianity. Numen 36(1), 2-15.



129

Moscati, S., 1968. The World of the Phoenicians. London: W and J Mackay and Co Ltd.

Moscati, S., 1988. The Phoenicians. London: Murray.

Nongbri, B., 2008. Dislodging "Embedded" Religion: A Brief Note on a Scholarly Trope.

Numen 55, 440-460.

Pace, A., 2006. The Tarxien Temples. Midsea Books.

Pals, D.L., 2006. Eight Theories of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

Ramis, D., 2010. From colonisation to habitation: Early cultural adaptations in the

Balearic Bronze Age. In: P. van Dommelen and A.B. Knapp (eds), Material Connections

in the Ancient Mediterranean. Mobility, Materiality and Identity, London: Routledge, 64-

84.

Reece, R., 1999. Roman Coins in Malta: a Preliminary Study. Melita Historica 12(4),

345-358.

Renfrew, C., 1973. Before Civilization. The Radiocarbon Revolution and Prehistoric

Europe. London: Jonathan Cape.

Renfrew, C. (ed), 1985. The Archaeology of Cult. The sanctuary at Phylakopi. London:

Thames and Hudson.

Renfrew, C., 1994. The archaeology of religion. In: C. Renfrew and E.B.W. Zubrow (eds),

The Ancient Mind, Elements of Cognitive Archaeology, Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 47-54.

Renfrew, C., 2007. Ritual and cult in Malta and beyond: traditions of interpretation. In:



Ribichini, S. 1988. Beliefs and Religious Life. In: S. Moscati (ed), The Phoenicians,Milan: Gruppo Editoriale Fabbri, 104 – 125.

Robb, J., 2001. Island Identities: Ritual, Travel and the Creation of Difference in

Neolithic Malta. European Journal of Archaeology 4(2), 175-202.

Rountree, K., 2002. Re-inventing Malta's neolithic temples: Contemporary interpretations

and agendas. History and Anthropology 13(1), 31-51.



130

Rüpke, J. (ed), 2011. A Companion to Roman Religion. Malden MA: Blackwell

Publishing Ltd.

Sagona, C., 2002. The Archaeology of Punic Malta. Leuven: Peeters.

Sagona, C., 2003. Punic Antiquities of Malta and other ancient artefacts held in

ecclesiastic and private collections, vol 1. Leuven: Peeters.

Sagona, C., 2006. Punic antiquities of Malta and other ancient artefacts held in private

collections, Vol 2. Leuven: Peeters.

Sagona, C., 2009. Looking for Mithra in Malta. Leuven: Peeters.

Sagona, C., R. Farrugia, K. Borda, M.E. Zammit, H. Stöger and M. Galea, 2000. Pottery.

In: A. Bonanno, A. Frendo and N.C. Vella (eds), Excavations at Tas-Silg, Malta. A

preliminary report on the 1996-1998 campaigns conducted by the department of Classics

and Archaeology of the University of Malta, Mediterranean Archaeology 13, 84-97.

Said-Zammit, G.A., 1997. Population, land use, and settlement on Punic Malta: A

contextual analysis of the burial evidence. Oxford: Archaeopress.

Said-Zammit, G.A., 1999. The terracotta sarcophagi discovered at Ghar Barca, Rabat

(Malta). Melita Historica 12(4), 403-410.

Schmitz, P., 2002. Reconsidering a Phoenician inscribed Amulet from the Vicinity of

Tyre. Journal of the American Oriental Society 122(4), 817-23.

Unpublished thesis

Sister, J. van, 2012. Cultural Exchange on Malta and Gozo: A study of the

Aegyptiaca on Malta and Gozo from the Phoenician and Punic periods. Leiden

(unpublished BA thesis University of Leiden).

Skeates, R., 2007. Religious Experience in the Prehistoric Maltese Underworld. In: D.A.

Barrowclough and C. Malone (eds), Cult in Context: reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology,

Oxford: Oxbow Books, 90-97.

Stoddart, S., 2007. The Maltese Death Cult in Context. In: D.A. Barrowclough and C.

Malone (eds), Cult in Context: reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow

Books, 54-60.



131

Stoddart, S., A. Bonanno, T. Gouder, C. Malone and D. Trump, 1993. Cult in an Island

Society: Prehistoric Malta in the Tarxien Period. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 3(1),

3-19.Storace, J.E., 1962. Eastern Mediterranean influence on Neolithic Maltese temple

builders. Melita Historica 3(3), 70-72.

Stroud, K., 2007. Of Giants and Deckchairs: Understanding the Maltese Megalithic

Temples. In: D.A. Barrowclough and C. Malone (eds), Cult in Context: reconsidering

Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 16-22.

Townsens, A., 2007. Ephebism in Maltese Prehistoric Art? In: D.A. Barrowclough and C.

Malone (eds), Cult in Context: reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: OxbowBooks, 72-81.

Trump, D. H., 2000. Malta: An Archaeological Guide. London: Faber and Faber Ltd.

Trump, D. H., 2002. Malta: Prehistory and temples. Valetta: Midsea Books Ltd.

Trump, D.H., 2007. Maltese Temple Cult: the Antecedents. In: D.A. Barrowclough and C.

Malone (eds), Cult in Context: reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow

Books, 14-15.

Vella, N.C., 2000. Defining Phoenician Religious Space: Oumm el-´Amed Reconsidered.

Ancient Near Eastern Studies 37, 27-55.

Vella, N., 2002. The Lie of the Land: Ptolemy's Temple of Hercules in Malta, ANES 39,

pp83-112.

Vella, N., 2007. From Carabiri to Goddesses: Cult, Ritual and Context in the Formative

years of Maltese Archaeology. In: D.A. Barrowclough and C. Malone (eds), Cult in

Context: reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 61-71.

Vella, N., 2008. "Phoenician" Metal Bowls: Boundary Objects in the Archaic Period.

Bollettino di Archeologia online, special volume, 22-37.

Unpublished thesis

Werf, V. van der, 2013. In the Shadow of Megaliths: the forgotten tools and

implements from Malta's Prehistoric Temples: A material study and contextual approach

to the Neolithic Temples of Tarxien, Malta , 3600-2400 BC. Leiden (unpublished BA

thesis University of Leiden).



Woolf, G., 2003. A Sea of Faith? Mediterranean Historical Review 18(2), 126-143.

Young J., M. Marée, C. Cartwright and A. Middleton, 2009. Egyptian Stelae from Malta.

The British Museum: Technical Research Bulletin 3, 22-30.

Zammit, T., 1928. The Maltese rock-tombs. The Antiquaries Journal 8(4), 478-484.

Zammit, T., 1930. Prehistoric Malta, The Tarxien Temples. London: Oxford University

Press.

Online sources

University of Malta, 2009. Tas-Silg Excavation Project, University of Malta, accessed

November 11 2013, <http://www.um.edu.mt/arts/classics-archaeo/projects/tassilg>.

Saliba, E. and P.C. Saliba, 1998. Phoenician Archaeology: An Analysis of the

Photographic Representations of the Melitensia Quinta (CIS, 1, 132), independent

website, accessed November 11, 2013,

<http://www.angelfire.com/yt/ELIPOLDARIARCHAEO/ >.

http://www.um.edu.mt/arts/classics-archaeo/projects/tassilg

http://www.angelfire.com/yt/ELIPOLDARIARCHAEO/

http://www.angelfire.com/yt/ELIPOLDARIARCHAEO/

http://www.um.edu.mt/arts/classics-archaeo/projects/tassilg

Cult Continuity a Religious Biography of the Maltese Archipelago From the Neolithic Up Till 535...

Documents

Transcript of Cult Continuity a Religious Biography of the Maltese Archipelago From the Neolithic Up Till 535...