Contesting Inter-Religious Conversion in the Medieval World

Edited by Yaniv Fox and Yosi Yisraeli

I~ ~~o~~!~~~:up LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© 2017 selection and editorial matter, Yaniv Fox and Yosi Yisraeli; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Yaniv Fox and Yosi Yisraeli to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Names: Fox, Yaniv, 1975- editor. Title: Contesting inter-religious conversion in the medieval world I edited by Yaniv Fox and Yosi Yisraeli. Description: lst_[edition]. I New York : Routledge, 2016. I Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016043158 (print) I LCCN 2016044759 (ebook) I ISBN 97814724806751 ISBN 9781315574028 Subjects: LCSH: Conversion. I Religions-Relations-History_:_ To 1500. I Religious minorities. Classification: LCC BL639 .C655 2016 (print) I LCC BL639 (ebook) I DOC 204/.2-dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016043158 ISBN: 978-1-472-48067-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-57402-8 (ebk) Typeset in Saban by Apex Co Vantage, LLC

This book is made possible through the support of the Center for the Study of Conversion and Inter-Religious Encounters.

Contents

List of figures Acknowledgements

Introduction YANIV FOX AND YOSI YISRAELI

1 Conversion as a historiographical problem: The case of Zoraya/Isabel de Solis RYAN SZPIECH

PART I Regulating conversion

2 Conversion on trial: Toleration of apostasy and the trial of three converts to Judaism in the Dutch Republic, 1614-1615 ALEXANDER VAN DER HAVEN

3 Anxieties in conflict: The Ratto of Anna del Monte KENNETH STOW

4 Normative texts as sources for conversion to Christianity in Europe ROY FLECHNER

5 Royal policy and conversion of Jews to Christianity in thirteenth-century Europe JOHN TOLAN

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v1 Contents

PART II Social realities of inter-religious conversion

6 The donor and the gravedigger: Converts to Judaism in the Cairo Geniza documents MOSHE YAGUR

7 Conversion as an aspect of master-slave relationships in the medieval Egyptian Jewish community CRAIG PERRY

8 Returning apostates and their marital partners in medieval Ashkenaz EPHRAIM KANARFOGEL

9 Conversion and return to Judaism in high and late medieval Europe: Christian perceptions and portrayals PAOLA TARTAKOFF

PART Ill Narrating conversion

10 Conversion from the worst to the best: The relationship between medieval Judaism, Islam, and Christianity IRVEN RESNICK

11 The role of preaching in the conversion to Islam LINDA G. JONES

12 Between tyranny and the commonwealth: Political discourses and the framing of violence against conversos in the Gesta Hispaniensia of Alfonso de Palencia YANAY ISRAELI

13 Converting bodies, embodying conversion: The production of

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religious identities in late medieval and early modern Europe 245 HENRIETTE-RIKA BENVENISTE AND GIORGOS PLAKOTOS

Contributors Index 268

272

Figures

2.1

5.1 6.1

7.1

Hoorn's sheriff and prosecutor Claes Boelens, who proposed that the three proselytes be executed Matthew Paris, drawing of Domus Conversorum Right-hand column, line ~6: "Th~, proselyte gravedigger - Three - Domg wel~ . Members of the Jewish commumty seek to fmd an acceptable marital match for the freedwoman Mubaraka

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1 Conversion as a historiographical problem The case of Zora ya/Isabel de Solis

Ryan Szpiech

One of the ~est-known stories concerning the end of the Nasrid kingdom of Grana~a IS that _of :he captive girl Isabel de Solis. Isabel was apparently captured m the sk1rm1shes between Muslims and Christians in the 1470s an?. given as a sla:e to th~ house ~f King Abu al-.E;.Iasan, known to posterity as Mulay .E;.Iasan (maulaya, Ar. My sovereign/lord"), who ruled Granada fo_r ov:r. two decades, split across two reigns, until 1485. Mulay .E;.Iasan's wife Fat1~~'. often called Fatima al-/furra ("The Free Woman") or, in other sources, A 1sha a/-/furra, had already given birth to a son, Mubammad XII, better known as Boabdil, the legendary "last Moor" whose sighing retreat from Gr~nada has been memorialized as the dying gasp of Andalusi society. But a wife and sons were not enough to keep .E;.Iasan's fancy from turning tow~rd Isabel, who, as Rachel Arie states, was "called Zoraya after her con­version ~o Islam." 1 Becoming his lover and then wife, she gave birth to two sons, ~~ ad and N_ai:;r. According to later legend, the feud between Zoraya and Fa~1~a that :his love affair provoked weakened the Nasrid kingdom, for Boabd1l sided with his mother and eventually ascended the throne but was soon overtaken by the Catholic kings. 2

. Zoraya/Isabel'~ identity has become the stuff of legend. Numerous fic­t10nal and theatncal accounts have imagined her life over the last two cen­t~ri_es ,- includi~g plays, novels, and screen renditions, but apart from this ftct10nal afterlife, her existence can be confirmed with solid historical docu­mentation. 3 It is_ ~nown that she was a Christian girl, very probably the daughter of Casttban nobleman Sancho Jimenez de Solfs, mayor of La Pena de Martos, near Jaen,_and it is generally thought, based on the sources, that she was captured durmg a Muslim raid and sold as a slave. She must have become _a Muslim sometime around 1475-1480 and thus came to be called m Arabic and Castilian chronicles "rfimiyya" or "la romfa" (Ar. female Rum ~r Chr!stian/slave.) _We know that the sons she bore to King .E;.Iasan were first raised as Muslims but on 30 April 1492 were baptized by the bishop of Guadix and were known as Juan de Granada and Fernando de Granada !~ . later years. Zo_raya was known as Isabel, the former "Queen of Granada, m a few Chnst1an sources from the first decade of the sixteenth century, after which she disappears from the historical record.

Conversion as a historiographical pmblem 25

The story of Zoraya la romia, the converted Muslim, aka Isabel the · "reverted" Christian and former "Queen of Granada," makes evident the difficulty of understanding "conversion" clearly in a historical context. For we may sift the legend from the fact, but what do we know of the conversion - or conversions or apostasies - at the heart of this story? It seems plausible that Zorayansabel did become a Muslim after being taken captive and that she did end her life as a Christian in post-Conquest Spain, but the way in which we answer the question of when Isabel converted and "became" Zoraya or when she "reverted" and "became" Isabel again has much to do with how we define the term conversion. Did she convert when she professed Islam publically? Or, if it is true that she was captured as a young child, as some sources tell us, did her coming of age in Granada make Islam the dominant faith in her own heart? In any case, can one speak of conversion in the case of a captive minor who may well have had negligible knowledge of her religion of origin and whose religious identity after abduction and marriage must be seen as imposed by circumstance? Perhaps it would be more accurate to say that such a person simply grew up as a Muslim and that her acceptance of a life · in Christian Spain after 1492 was her only real "conversion" worthy of the name? Did she really return to Christianity, or did she just appear to do so as a way to keep her land and possessions? Could such a merely practical turn to Christian life be cailed conversion, or would it be better described as a calculated and feigned imposture? Finally, would "conversion" in this context refer more to a change in social affiliation or belief or something else entirely?

Zorayansabel's identity - which seems to be an essential element in any consideration of her role in late Nasrid history and in the history of the ruling elite in the final years of the Nasrid kingdom - is difficult to discuss, to say the least. This is not because we lack the relevant documentation. Rather, the problem lies in the fact that making sense of religious change in this - or in any - historical context requires making decisions about its meaning that are not based on objective, or even commonly shared, param­eters. How can we write the history of her story without filling in the gaps underscored by these questions - indeed, without deciding which gaps need to be filled, what questions need to be answered? In this chapter, I would like to explore the sources that tell of the conversion of Zorayansabel in order to assess how well such documentation actuaily supports current historio­graphical descriptions of her religious identity. My goal is not to prove that Zorayansabel was or was not who historians have said she is - a Christian captive who became a Muslim and then later lived as a Christian in Seville -although some of these details might be cast into doubt upon further reflec­tion. Rather, my purpose is to caii into question how such historiographical determinations are made. I use her case to suggest that "conversion," as a culturally determined figure of language and not a generally recognizable, universally meaningful phenomenon, presents researchers with a historio­graphical problem. Conversion is not simply an event like other events, but

26 Ryan Szpiech

is rather, I argue, a metaphor that historians apply, often heedlessly, across a broad and changing spectrum of extremely varied and sometimes even contradictory meanings.

The sources

The first Ar.abic source to mention the story of Zoraya/Isabel is an anony­mous chromcle of the fall of Granada, the News of the Period about the End ?f the N_asrid Dynasty (Akhbiir al- 'a!]r ff inqic;lii ' dawlat Bani Na!;r), seem­ingly wntten by a Granadan Muslim who witnessed the expulsion and then wrote from exile in Fez in the early sixteenth century. This text can be distin­guished from a later version of it that appeared under the title Short Treatise of th~ Period about the History of the Nasrid Kings (Nubdhat al- 'a$r ff akhbar muluk Bani Na$r), with which it has been regularly conflated.4 The two works might be considered two versions of the same text, for the better­kno~n Short Tre~tise seems to be little more than a very slightly altered ~er~ton of the ear!ter.J'.'.ews, concerned more with smoothing the rough sty­!tst1c edges of the ongmal than adding any historical information. s In any ~ase, .the treatment of ~he ~oraya/Isabel legend in the two texts is virtually 1dent1cal, and the version m the latter Short Treatise served as a basis for later Arabic .refe~ences to the story such as that of the seventeenth-century Moroccan h1stonan al-Maqqari.6

The earliest Christian source is that of Hernando de Baeza, The Things That Happened among the Kings of Granada (Las cosas que pasaron entre las reyes de Granada), written in 1505.7 The account by Baeza, a Christian who had been an interpreter and regular presence in the court of Boabdil has. served as a primary source for many later European and American his~ tonans, from Lucio Siculo in the sixteenth century to William Prescott in the nineteenth and even up to the present day. The Christian chronicler Alfonso de Palencia (d. 1492), in his Bel/um adversus Granatenses (which stops abruptly in 1489), also references Zoraya/Isabel in describing her role in the transition from the second rule of Muley I:Iasan to that of the ~ew ruler Mu]J.ammad XIII al-zaghal ("el zagal," or "the brave").s In addi­tion to. these sources, we can mention the Jewish historian in Crete Elijah Capsah (d. 1555)~ whose Minor Tractate of Elijah (Seder Eliyyahu Zutta, from 1523) contams references to the fall of Granada and the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492. Apart from these narrative sources there are also various references to Zoraya/Isabel and her sons in archival documents from the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

Zoraya/lsabel's "conversions": between event and narrative

One of the key elements of Zoraya/Isabel's story is her conversion to Islam and later return to Christianity, yet the various narrative and archival sources that discuss her fail to provide a clear account of what that trajectory of

Conversion as a historiographical problem 2 7

religious change might have entailed. The archival documents in which she features in 1494, including a mandate from the Catholic Kings and a letter from Queen Isabel herself, refer to her as "la reyna <;oraya, mora" ("Queen Zoraya, Moor"). In documents from 1501, she is called simply "Dona Ysabel, madre de los ynfantes de Granada," although documents survive from 1506 that still refer to her as "la dicha reyna <;oraya," describing her unsuccessful attempts to prevent her sons from being made to be or remain Christian and allowing them to move to North Africa to live as Muslims.9

Based on these fragments, we can infer that in the years after 1492, Zoraya/Isabel was seen by other Christians as a mora, yet at some point around or shortly after 1500, she began to be perceived otherwise. Does this change in public perception imply a conversion of belief from Islam, or sim­ply a shift in manner of dress, behavior, language, or other cultural markers? The documents are silent as to what this change in name and description might connote. The shift is contemporaneous with Baeza's account, which is the first to report Zoraya/Isabel's abduction as a Christian girl. At some point around 1475, some of I:Iasan's men wanted to make a raid on the Christians. On a Saturday near the town of Aguilar,

when some children came out there to water their animals, he captured them. Among them was a young girl about ten or twelve years old, whom, having been sold with the other children in Granada, they took as part of the fifth that pertained to the king. He then gave her to his daughter, and she had the job of cleaning the chamber.10

Shortly after the previously described incident, the king became emotionally attached to the young girl and married her. Despite providing such a rich account of Zoraya/Isabel's abduction, Baeza makes no direct reference to her conversion, noting only that she was called La Romia because

this name romia is what Moors usually call Christian women who turn to become Muslim women, because they do not give them names of female Muslims but rather different names from them, and they are called "Romfa" - which means person who was subject to Roman rule - as a last name virtually until they die. 11

Baeza's explanation is somewhat misleading. In fact, rumiyya in Andalusi Arabic generally denoted a Christian woman, most often a Christian captive but by no means necessarily a convert to Islam. 12

If Baeza says virtually nothing about Zoraya/Isabel's alleged conversion, the other chronicles of the period - both Muslim and Christian - are less, not more, illuminating. Circumstantial details such as those provided by Baeza are totally absent in the Arabic sources. The early Arabic chronicles (the News and the Short Treatise) that tell of Zoraya/Isabel simply iden­tify her as a "rumiyya named Zoraya" (rilmiyya ismuhii thurayii), leaving

28 Ryan Szpiech

aside any mention of her capture and conversion.13 By the same token the Christian Alfonso de Palencia and the Jewish chronicler Elijah Capsali are mute concerning both her conversion and her faith. Capsali's account, which is a clear allusion to the biblical story of David and Bathsheba, states that

[o]ne day the king was looking out of a window and saw a young woman that his servants had carried off from Sefarad ... and the king ardently desired her beauty ... the Ishmaelite elders were turning on him, saying "Are we to serve a man like him who took a captive goy [non-Jew] in place of his most beautiful wife?14

One of the first sources - if not the very first - td remark on Zoraya/Isabel's alleged "reversion" of faith after 1492 is the chronicle from 1530 by the Sicilian humanist Lucius Marineus Siculus, which states that

after Granada was captured ... the older [son] took the name "Fernando" and the younger "Juan" ... and the mother as well, who was called the Mora Zoraya, took back the name Isabel, having been led back to her original faith by the many prayers of her children and entreaties of Catholic leaders.15

Sources from the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries that fol­low Siculus make direct reference to Zoraya/lsabel's conversion. Luis de Marmol Carvajal at the end of the sixteenth century calls her not simply a captive but a "renegade" (renegada), defining her in terms of her alleged rejection of Christianity upon converting to Islam. 16

Conversion as a historiographical problem

As this survey of the sources shows, the early evidence attesting Zoraya/ Isabel's life says nothing directly about conversion and/or "reversion." Most especially, we know nothing of the nature of her belief. It is clear from both Muslim and Christian sources that Isabel "became" Zoraya at some point in the 1470s or early 1480s. Yet what this transformation meant to our pro­tagonist is left to the imagination. Returning to Baeza, when the chronicler writes of "Christian women who turn to become Muslim women" is he speaking of movements of faith or those of social custom? The historian who suggests the former may be ascribing more modern than medieval notions to conversion. In other words, such a historian might be presuming an inte­rior conviction that can be measured by sincerity and authenticity rather than a social characterization determined by behaviors and cultural practices other than the display of personal faith. We can tl."ack Zoraya/lsabel's move­ments, her path through history, and her political and economic activities both before and after 1492, but of her conversion, we can say nothing that does not pass beyond the limits of history writing into the realm of fiction.

Conversion as a historiographical problem 29

It is in this double identity of conversion as, on one hand, a structurally coherent detail - one that reflects and even enhances other elements of the historical narrative - and, on the other hand, a semantically vague historical "event" - one whose meaning is not absolute and is entirely dependent on cultural context - that leads me to argue that conversion presents a histo­riographical problem. Pivotal as conversion is to the narrative of Zoraya/ Isabel's story, it can be understood only through recourse to ideas of reli­gious experience from later cultural contexts. This is, I would argue, the case for any aiscussion of premodern conversion according to written records. Everything about conversion, its facts, its nature, its very sense, hinges on its subsequent construction in words and narratives. Thus, while the treat­ment of conversion as part of a historical narrative seeks a single, externally recognizable reality, close attention to the sources leads us only to a nimbus of culturally determined, variable phenomena.

To attempt to interpret such varied elements within the context of reli­gious history is particularly dangerous. This is so because "conversion" in its most stereotypical or generic form - that used as shorthand in the modern social sciences for what is understood to be a turn of belief that provokes a turn of social affiliation - is the product of a specific postmedieval Christian worldview, one that values sincerity and conviction over action and spectacle. Consider the following statement by Richard Fletcher in his valuable study The Barbarian Conversion: "The spectacle of early medieval conversion to Christianity - or indeed to Islam, or indeed in some circumstances (consider the Khazars) to Judaism - is generally not one of individuals acting upon con­viction. " 17 At first sight, Fletcher appears to be making a perfectly reasonable historical assessment. Yet a closer look reveals several important assumptions: that somehow becoming Christian or Muslim or Jewish are, from a general standpoint, comparable operations; that all three religious traditions might, at least in some circumstances, have privileged social ritual over conviction when defining religious change; and that the absence of conviction from these early conversions is worth remarking on because such absence does not match our historical expectations. However, religious change is far from identical across religions, and the minimization of "conviction" is not universally meaningful. As Devin DeWeese has explained in his study of conversion to Islam in Inner Asia, the centrality of a communal understanding of conversion in an Islamic context, rather than a creedal or testimonial one,

is one of the most difficult [features] to appreciate for those rooted in Christian conceptions of religious conversion, or in modernist icono­clasm and anti-ritualism, which insist upon the "heart" as more impor­tant than "the law," emphasize "content" over "form," and consider "religion" first and foremost as a matter of "personal belief" ... [yet] the Islamic tradition regards even purely formal and "external" adoption of Islamic practices and patterns as religiously meaningful, since these patterns, even in their formal aspects, are conveyors of divine grace.18

30 Ryan Szpiech

. Yet some.thing similar might be said about early Christian ideas of bap­tism or the liturgy of the mass, in which personal intention and inner convic­tion were not the principal determinants of ritual efficacy or divine grace. ~nd~ed, that th.e term conversion . denotes such strikingly different things in different penods and contexts demonstrates the broadness and semantic ambiguity of the_category. To ask this single cipher to bear the weight of any histoncal analysis, however, is treacherous indeed.

Not surprisingly, Christian assumptions sometimes creep into consider­atio~s of conversion. One place that we can see this is in the language of motive and agency. Seemingly detached or critically balanced accounts of beliefs and motives often rely on distinctly modern conceptions of selfhood and ~gency, a~~ as Webb Keane has asserted, "much of contemporary aca­demic and political talk about agency continues to incorporate some of the assumptions about authenticity and liberation found in Christian discourse abo~t paganism. " 19 Such conceptions naturally lead to judging the quality of a religious conversion in light of the sincerity of the convert's faith. Zoraya/ Isabel goes from being a romia (Baeza) to being a renegada (Carvajal) to being a dis~onest beauty (Pedraza). The latter adds that Muley I:Jasan first married '"A'isha Fatima al-lfurra, which means 'the Honest,' in contrast with his second wife, with whom he was in love in life and death. "20 It is not hard to find contemporary references to Zoraya/Isabel as a "renegada " reading into her Islamic identity as an adult a voluntary abandonment' -despite her youth and captivity - of her allegedly original Christian faith.21 When it comes to conversion, it seems that the historian is forced into two dif­ficult positions: first, that of a preacher, rehearsing hagiographical narratives ~s though they we~e factual accounts, and then that of an inquisitor, apprais­mg su_ch accounts in terms of the alleged sincerity and inner faith of its pro­tagomsts a~d t~en trea~ing such appraisals as facts in subsequent reporting. !he att~1b~t10n of intention and motivation are just the tip of the his­tonographic iceberg, however. To speak of conversion in the language of chronology and historical fact is equally problematic. Even if Zoraya/Isabel did "convert" to Islam around 1480 and then revert to Christianity after 149~, such ch~nges cannot be situated in time without either defining con­vers10n by a single moment or by expanding to a universal narrative what is a decidedly local representation. Conceptualizing conversion in terms of f~ct~ - d~tes, locations, events - imparts to religious change a specific shape, d1stingmshable from other possible shapes. It presumes that conversion "happens" at some discrete point in time and thus can be compared to other measurable historical events. Yet this presumption itself relies on a certain c~lturally co~structed conception of the phenomenon of religious conver­s10n. By placing the results of our presumption about conversion's nature in~o a wider hi~torical ~nalysis alongside other, similar results, we effectively reify an essentially flmd metaphor. In short, I submit that conversion con­sid~~ed in a historiographical context - that is, conversion as engaged in the wnting and academic analysis of history - is a factitious unreality. Zoraya/

Conversion as a historiographical problem 31

Isabel's conversion cannot be located in time, even though it is bounded on all sides by concrete events and circumstances.

My characterization of conversion as an "unreality" is not meant to imply that people such as Zoraya/Isabel did not or do not change religious beliefs. There is no question that they did and that they do. Rather, I am suggesting that only a very narrow sense of the term conversion is available to the historian. Multiform circumstances cannot be reduced in a definitive way to a common ground of mere facts. The circumstances, measurable events, and outcomes of religious change are not the sole determinants of conversion's possible meanings. As Karl Morrison argues, "it is a confusion of categories to use the word conversion as though it were an instrument of critical analysis, equally appropriate to any culture or religion . .. the word [conversion] is more properly a subject, than a tool, of analysis." 22 Hence, we can set aside questionable accounts and uncertain representations, but we cannot penetrate the fog of narrative to arrive at the "facts" of conver­sion: the meaning of conversion is part and parcel of the narratives and images that represent it.

Conversion, then, is not a fact of history but a metaphorical figure of narrative and language. Belying its treatment as a coherent subject, the ways in which "conversion" is referred to across traditions are legion.23

And even within the Christian faith alone, as Morrison argues, conversion has acquired multivalent descriptions: "As a metaphor taken from numer­ous arts and crafts, 'conversion' was easily made into a portmanteau word. When it is unpacked, as a historical artifact, a variety of models of conversion, some quite incompatible, is found all cobbled together in an ensemble."24 In the case of Zoraya/Isabel, the problem is even more acute: while her movement between two cultural communities can be tracked, the same cannot be said of her ."conversion." Zora ya/Isabel left no record of her voice, and the contemporary records that do exist give no voice whatsoever to such conversion. In a fundamental way, the conversion of Zoraya/Isabel exists solely in the posterity of legend and the retelling of later writers. As such, Zoraya/Isabel's conversion is best approached as a metaphor rather than as an event, a figure of language and a structural element of narrative that subsumes a wide array of semantic possibilities. Yet this insight might also be applied more broadly to the discussion of religious change in any source or historical context. Rather than purport­ing to write the history of "conversion" in particular historical periods and places, we ought to set out to write how different communities - as reflected in their words and images - understood faith, affiliation, creed, and ritual. Our accounts must necessarily pertain more to the realm of cultural criticism than social history.

Thus, even in the absence of a specific designation, Zoraya/Isabel's con­version can be seen to function in subsequent retellings by later chroniclers as a symbolic figure of representation. Her trajectory from Christian girl to lover of Muley I:Jasan and mother of the stepsiblings of Boabdil himself

32 Ryan Szpiech

provides ample provocation for Christian writers to project the role of a betrayer onto her. "Conversion," in its double connotation of both turning to one religion and turning away from another, can stand as a figurative image of sexual infidelity and political treason just as easily as it can denote a change of faith or creed. For this reason, Zoraya/Isabel's "reversion" can be seen as a figurative expression of the Christian conquest of Granada, restoring both city and girl to their rightful origins. This reading of Zoraya/ Isabel's tale draws out its similarity to the legend of Florinda "la Cava," whose sexual encounter with the Visigothic King Rodrigo was linked in later accounts with the Muslim invasion of the peninsula in the eighth cen­tury. Of course, while such parallel stories of conversion and conquest help explain the appeal of the story at hand, they offer negligible insight into what actually took place in either historical context. As L. P. Harvey notes, reading Zoraya/Isabel's drama as a reprise of the legend of la Cava, while provocative, still "does little to help us understand why the Granadan king­dom collapsed when it did. ,,25

When viewed not as historical fact but in relation to its resonances with the themes of Iberian historical legends (e.g., conquest, forced conversion, capitulation, sexual violence, etc.), the narrative arc of Zorayallsabel's conversion from innocent captive to enemy intimate to reformed dowager emerges as the fruit of narrative embellishment rather than as chance events, parts of a structural device of retrospective chronicles and histories that are primarily meaningful as parallel plot elements. The structure and function of her story are not unusual. Bruce Hindmarsh has pointed out the close connection between the idea of conversion and the structure of narrative noting, " If narrative in its classical form is defined as a plot with a begin: ning, middle, and end ... then all narratives are, in one sense, conversion narratives. " 26 In medieval conversion stories based on or in dialogue with the model of Augustine's Confessions-from Herman Judah's Opusculum de conversione sua in the twelfth century to Alfonso de Valladolid's Mostrador de justicia in the fourteenth, to the narrative of Pablo de Santa Marfa in the prologue to his fifteenth-century biblical commentary - religious change can be seen to develop as a crisis and resolution plotted along a temporal trajec­tory, unfolding within a narrative structure in which it represents an exem­plary plot climax.27 When the factual or logical gaps within the manifold and variable ideas of conversion must be filled in by the historian who mines such narrative texts for hard facts - what Felice Lifshitz aptly calls "bob­bing for data" - then that "filling in" will inevitably reflect the historian's expectations about the nature of conversion, informed by other familiar narrative models.28 As Judith Pollmann has further argued, "[b]ecause con­version narratives in the tradition of Paul and Augustine are so common in European Christian culture, they have come to determine our expectations of what a convert ought to experience. "29 Such expectations determined the expectations of those who wrote about conversion in the past as much as of those who read and analyze (and retell) such accdunts now. Even telegraphic

Conversion as a historiographical problem 33

references to conversion with no narrative elaboration still function as a sort of shorthand for implied narratives because conversion, as a metaphor of change, implies a basic narrative of crisis and resolution. This is not to say that conversion is not "teal" or "meaningful" but, rather, that it is the stuff of metaph,or and symbol, not that of immutable event or unambiguous fact. History writing cannot but find itself in a prickly position when dealing with such material; conceding, on one hand, the constructedness of lan­guage but compelled, on the other, to press on toward a coherent accounting of circumstances and actions and events.

The case of Zoraya/Isabel de Solfs makes it evident that the term conver­sion in the writing of history presumes a particular worldview and that to mistake the biased metaphors of one worldview for generally recognizable and stable categories of analysis is both misleading and potentially distort­ing. The consequences of such an error are serious. As Webb Keane point­edly states, "[i]f conversion has historical implications, then history has moral implications." 30 To believe that we as historians can proceed without considering such implications, or that it is possible to treat the subject of conversion without first taking careful stock of how we perpetuate the con­fusion of such culturally bound metaphors with fact, is a reckless kind of intellectual blindness. We can avoid this shortsightedness by eschewing the discussion of conversion as an a priori recognizable and meaningful phe­nomenon and, instead, by treating it in every instance as a locally deployed and contextually understood metaphor. Historians ought not to write about conversion per se but, rather, about the discourse of conversion, tracing the protean ways that religious change is constructed and imagined in the texts and images that depict it and refraining from proposing meaning when such representations are lacking.

Notes

1 "[U]ne captive chretienne, Isabel de Solis, prenommee Turayya lors de sa conver­sion a !'Islam ... " Rachel Arie, L'Espagne musulmane au temps des Na$rides (1232-1492) (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1973), 148.

2 This legend is rejected by Harvey, who states, "Granada fell because it was economically and demographically weaker ... the jealousies of Zoraya and Fatima ... were of quite secondary importance." See Islamic Spain, 1250-1500 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 267. On the history of this rivalry, see the summary by Joseph O'Callaghan, The Last Crusade in the West: Castile and the Conquest of Granada (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014 ), 133; The history and sources of Isabel's story are explained by Jose Enrique Lopez de Coca, "Granada en el siglo XV: las postrimerfas nazaries a'la luz de la probanza de los infantes don Fernando y don Juan," in Andalucia entre Oriente y Occidente (1236-1492). Actas de[ V Coloquio International de Historia Medieval de Anda­lucia (Cordoba, 27-30 noviembre, 1986), (Cordoba: Diputacion Provincial de Cordoba, 1988); Jose Enrique Lopez de Coca, "Dona Isabel de Solis, o la imagi­nacion historiogr:ifica," in Las Tomas: Antropologia hist6rica de la ocupaci6n territorial del Reino de Granada, ed. J. A. Gonzalez Alcantud and M . Barrios Agu­ilera (Granada: Diputacion de Granada, 2000), 553-563; and Jose Enrique Lopez

34 Ryan Szpiech

de Coca, "The Making of Isabel de Solis," in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and C~existence, ed. Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman (New York: Palgrave Macrrullan, 2002), 225-241. This history has also been considered by Camilo Alvarez de Morales, Muley Hacen, El Zagal y Boabdil: Los ultimas reyes de Granada (Granada: Comares, 2000), 86-93.

3 1:he early fiction.al and theatrical versions of this story include the play by Nica­sto Alvarez de Cienfuegos, "Zoraida" (from 1798; Poesias de don Nicasio Alva­rez de Cienfuegos [Valencia: Idelfonso Mompie, 1816], n.p.); Washington Irving, Tales of the Alhambra (Philadelphia: Lea & Carey, 1832); Francisco Martinez de la,Rosa, Isabel 4~ Solis, Reyna de Granada. Novela hist6rica (Madrid: Tomas J?rdan, 1837); Emilio Castelar, EL Suspiro del moro: Leyendas, tradiciones, histo­rzas referentes ~ la conquista de. Granada (Madrid: Fortanet, 1885); and the play by A~and F~e1herr von Schwe1ger-Lerchenfeld, Isabel de Solis. Trauerspiel in 5 Aufzugen (Vienna: Selbstverlage des Verfassers, 1897). Such romantic depictions se~m to have led American. millionaire Franklin W. Smi'th to name his arabesque wmter home m St. Augustine, Flonda (built in 1883 in imitation of part of the Alhambra) ~s "Yilla Zorayda," now a museum. More recently, fictional versions mclude Tania Kmkel, Mondlaub (Munich: Blanvalet, 1995); Laurence Vidal Les amants de Grenade (Paris: Gallimard, 1997); and Brigida Gallego-Coin I;abel de Solis. Soraya. Un cuento de amor en la Alhambra (Granada: Aimed,' 2010). Isabel has also been imagined as a cinematic character. The movie Isabel de Solis, reina de Granada (1931), directed by Jose Buchs, was the first of various screen adaptations. See, more recently, Zoraya/Isabel's depiction in the two Spanish television series Requiem de Granada (1991) and Isabel (2013).

4 The News was published as Akhbiir al- 'asr fl inqir;lii ' dawlat Bani Nasr . ed. I:fusayn Mu 'nis (Cairo: al-Zahra ' li-1- 'alam al-'arabI, 1991). The later Short Trea­tise version was first edited and translated under the title Die letzten Zeiten van Granada, ed. Marc Jos. Miiller (Munich: C. Kaiser, 1863), in which the Arabic text was named Kitiib akhbiir al- ·~r fl inqir;lii · dawlat Bani Nasr, when in fact tt _was the text of the Short Treatise/Nubdhat. The latter text was again edited with a.Spamsh translation as Fragmento de la epoca sabre noticias de las Reyes Nazarztas o Caprtulacrones de Granda y emigraci6n de las Andaluces a Marrue­cos, ed .. Alfredo Bustani a.nd trans. Carlos Quiros (Larache: Artes graficas Bosc:i, 1940), m which the Arabic text was called Nubdhat al- 'asr fl akhbiir miiliik Bani Nasr. This text was reissued without the Spanish translation in 2002 under the sa~e Arabic title (Damascus: Dar al-Fikr Beirut). The Nubdhat was also edited as Akhir ayyiim Gharniitah wa-huwa kitiib nubdhat al- 'asr fl inqir;lii · dawlat Bani Nasr, ed. Mul).ammad Ri<;iwan Dayah (Damascus: Dar I:fassan, 1984). On the two texts and their relation, see A. C. Lopez y Lopez and F. N. Velazquez Bas­anta, "Nubgat al- ·a~r," [entry 1584] in Biblioteca de al-Andalus, ed. Jorge Lirola Delgado, and Jose Miguel Puerta Y_ilchez, 7 vols. and 2 appendix vols. (Almeria: Fundac10n lbn Tufayl de Estudios Arabes, 2004-13), vol. 6: 621-622; and on the Nubdhat, see also L. P. Harvey, "Chronicling the Fall of Nasrid Granada: Kitab nubdhat al- ' a~r fi akhbar muluk Bani Na~r," in Historical Literature in Medieval Iberia, ed. Alan Deyermond (London: Department of Hispanic Studies Queen Mary and Westfield College, 1996), 105-120. '

5 Lopez y Lopez and Velazquez Basanta, "Nubgat al-'a~r," vol. 6: 621. 6 ?n al-Maqqar!'s ~e.rsion of the Zora:>:a1Is3:_bel story? see F. N. Velazquez Basanta,

La relacu~.n h1stonca,,s?bre las po~tnmenas de! remo de Granda, segun Al).mad al-Maqqan .(s. XVII), m En el epilogo del Islam andalusi: la Granada del sigla xy, ed. C:ha de! Moral (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2002), 481-554.

7 Lopez y Lopez and Velazqu.ez Basanta, '_'Nubgat al- ' a~r," vol. 6: 621-622, pro­pose the News was wntten m the early sixteenth century. Jose Enrique Lopez de

Conversion as a historiographical problem 35

Coca, "La conquista de Granada: el testimonio de los vencidos," Norba. Revista de Historia 18 (2005): 33-50 (34), proposes that the Short Treatise was written around 1540.

8 Alfonso de Palencia, Alfonsi Palentini historici ante narrationem belli adversus Granatenses, in Biblioteca Nacional de Espana Ms/1627, fol. 67v-68r. Span­ish translation in Alfonso de Palencia, Guerra de Granada (Madrid: Tip .de la Revista de Archivos, 1909).

9 Archivo General de Simancas. Camara de Castilla, libro 1 de Cedulas, docs. 237, 239, 271; cited in Lopez de Coca, "Doii.a Isabel," 558-559; and Lopez de Coca, "Granada en els. XV," 631.

10 "Saliendo ciertos nifios a dar agua a SUS bestias, los captiuaron, entre los quales tomaron una mo<;:uela de diez, o doze aiios, la qua! vendiendose con los otros niiios en Granada, la tomaron en el quinto que pertenescia a el rrey, el qua! la dio a SU hija, y tenia el cargo de barrer la c:imara." See Hernando de Baeza, "Las cosas que pasaron entre los reyes de Granada desde el tiempo de el rey don Juan de Castilla, Segundo de este nombre, hasta que los catolicos reyes ganaron el reino de Granada," in Relaciones de algunos sucesos de las ultimas tiempos de/ reino de Granada (Madrid: M. Rivadeneyra, 1868), 7.

11 "Este nombre rromfa suelen los moros Hamar a las christianas que se tornan moras, porque no les ponen nombres de moras sino diferentes de ellos, y casi por sobrenombre hasta que mueren le dicen Romfa, que quiere decir persona que fue subjeta al seiiorio rromano." Baeza, Las cosas que pasaron, 8.

12 See the extended study of the word riim in Andalusi sources by Eva Lapiedra Gutierrez, Como Los musulmanes llamaban a Los cristianos hispanicos (Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil Albert, 1997), 114-142. As she states, this term is ambiguous and can refer both to a captive who kept her Christian religion or one who converted to Islam (122; see also 141). Reinhart Dozy, Supplement aux dic­tionnaires arabes, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1881), vol. 1: 573, claims that the term denotes a converted slave girl, but this meaning is clearly taken only from Baeza's passage. Cf. Federico Corriente, A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 223, which relies on Pedro de Alcala's Vocabulista en Arabigo (1505). I am grateful to Eva Lapiedra and Maribel Fierro for corresponding with me on this question.

13 Akhbiir, 79 and 84; Fragmento, Arabic, 6 and 10; Nubdhat, ed. 1984, 49 and 6L 14 Elijah Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, ed. Aryeh Shmuelevitz et al., 3 vols. (Tel

Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1975-1983), vol. 1: 193-194; Yolanda Moreno Koch, "La conquista de Granada y la expulsion de Sefarad segiin las cr6nicas hispano­hebreas," in Actas del I Congreso de la historia de Andalucia. Diciembre de 1976. Andaluda Medieval, 2 vols. (Cordoba: Publicaciones de! Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de Cordoba, 1978), vol. 1: 329-337 (331).

15 "Ex uxore autem secunda Christiana, quam captiuam ad suos mores ritusque Mahometanum converterat filios duos progenuit. Quorum primus Cad, et fecun­dus Nacre nomen habuit et poft Granatam captam ad Christianam religionem sponte venientes, maior Ferdinandus et minor Ioannes nomen accepit. Et Granate infantes cognominati fuere, vxoresque foeminas generosas acceperunt. Mater autem, quae Maura Zorayia dicebatur, ad pristinam fidem multis et filiorum suorum precibus et Catholicorum principum persuasionibus adducta Isabellae nomen accepit" (Lucius Marineus Siculus, De rebus Hispaniae memorabilibus libri XXV [Alcala, 1533], book 20, fol. 120).

16 Luis de Marmol Carvajal, Primera parte de la descripci6n general de Africa (Granada: Rene Rabut, 1573), fol. 233.

17 Richard Fletcher, The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 514.

36 Ryan Szpiech

18 Devin DeWeese, Islamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tukles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994), 25.

19 Webb Keane, Christian Moderns: Freedom and Fetish in the Mission Encounter (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 180.

20 ".C~so Abil Hazen de J?rimer<;> matrimonio con Ayxa Fatima la Horra, que sm1fica la Honesta, a d1ferenc1a de la segunda muger de quien vivio y murio enamorado." Francisco Bermudez de Pedraza, Historia eclesiastica, principios y progressos de la ciudad y religion catolica de Granada (Granada: Andres de San­tiago, 1638), 142v and 172v, cited in Lopez de Coca, "Doiia Isabel," 557.

21 For example, Lopez de Coca, "The Making," 225. See also Enrique Martinez Ruiz, ~Perfil de la monarquia espaiiola en el cambio de siglo (1480-1516)," in La Unzverszdad complutense cisneriana: Impulso filos6fico, cientifico y literario. Siglos XVI y XVII, ed. Luis Jimenez Moreno (Madrid: Ed. Complutense 1996) 21-32 (26). , ,

22 Karl. M_orrison, Und~rstanding Conversion (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of V1rgm1a, 1992), xiv;

23 For lists of such terminology, see Ryan Szpiech, Conversion and Narrative: Reading and Religious Authority in Medieval Polemic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 234-235 n. 60; 247-248 n. 17; 260-261 n. 7.

24 Morrison, Understanding Conversion, xv. Conversion functions as a metaphor of, m Geoq~e Lakoff and Mark Johnson's words, "directionality," of movement fr?m one th1.ng to ano~her . . see Geor?e Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors We Live by (Chicago: Umvers1ty of Chicago Press, 1980), 112. For a consideration of L~koff and Johnson's theory in light of research on conversion, see Patricia M. ~av1s and Lewi~ R. Rambo, "Converting: Toward a Cognitive Theory of Reli­gious Ch.ange:" m S?ul, Psyche, Brain: New Directions in the Study of Religion and Bram-Mmd Science, ed. Kelly Bulkeley (New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2005), 159-173. '

25 Harvey, Islamic Spain, 266-267. On comparison between La Cava and Zoraya/ Isabel, see also Lopez de Coca, "Doiia Isabel," 543.

26 ~ruce Hindmarsh, "Religious Conversion as Narrative and Autobiography," m The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conversion, ed. Lewis R. Rambo and Charles E. Farhadian (New York: Oxford University Press 2014) 343-368 (346). . , ,

27 For a study of these narratives, see Szpiech, Conversion and Narrative, chapters 1, 2, and 5.

28 Fe-lice Lifshitz, "Beyond Positivism and Genre: 'Hagiographical' Texts as Histori­cal Narrative," Viator 25 (1994): 95-114 (95).

29 Judith Pollman_, "A Different Road to God: The Protestant Experience of Con­version m the Sixteenth Century," in Conversions to Modernities: The Globaliza­tion of Christianity, ed. Peter van der Veer (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 1996), 48.

30 Keane, Christian Moderns, 115.

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Akhir ayyiim Gharniitah wa-huwa kitiib nubdhat al 'aiir fl inqi(iii · dawlat Bani Na(ir, ed. MuJ:iammad Ri~wiin Dayah. Damascus: Dar I;Iassan, 1984.

Conversion as a historiographical problem 37 Alfonso de Palencia, Alfonsi Palentini historici ante narrationem belli adversus

Granatenses. Biblioteca Nacional de Espaiia, Ms. 1627. ---, Guerra de Granada, trans. A. Paz y Melia. Madrid: Tip. de la Revista de

Archivos, 1909. Castelar, Emilio, El Suspiro del moro: leyendas, tradiciones, historias referentes a la

conquista de Granada. Madrid: Fortanet, 1885. de Cienfuegos, Nicasio Alvarez, Poesias de don Nicasio Alvarez de Cienfuegos.

Valencia: Idelfonso Mompie, 1816. Die letzten zeiten von Granada, ed. Marc Jos. Muller. Munich: C. Kaiser, 1863. Elijah Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, ed. Aryeh Shmuelevitz et al., 3 vols. Tel Aviv: Tel

Aviv University, 1975-1983. Fragmento de la epoca sabre noticias de los Reyes Nazaritas o Capitulaciones de

Granda y emigraci6n de los Andaluces a Marruecos, ed. Alfredo Bustani and trans. Carlos Quiros. Larache: Artes gr:ificas Bosca, 1940.

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Heq1ando de Baeza, "Las cosas que pasaron entre los reyes de Granada desde el tiempo de el rey don Juan de Castilla, Segundo de este nombre, hasta que los catolicos reyes ganaron el reino de Granada," in Relaciones de algunos sucesos de las ultimas tiempos de/ reino de Granada. Madrid: M . . Rivad­eneyra, 1868.

Irving, Washington, Tales bf the Alhambra. Philadelphia: Lea & Carey, 1832. Kinkel, Tanja, Mondlaub. Munich: Blanvalet, 1995. Lucius Marineus Siculus, De rebus Hispaniae memorabilibus libri XXV. Alcala:

Miguel de Eguia, 1533. Luis de Marmol Carvajal, Primera parte de la descripci6n general de Africa.

Granada: Rene Rabut, 1573. Martinez de la Rosa, Francisco, Isabel de Solis, Reyna de Granada. Nave/a hist6rica.

Madrid: Tomas Jordan, 1837. Nubdhat al- 'aiir ff akhbiir miiliik Bani Na(ir. Damascus: Dar al-Fikr Beirut, 2002. Vidal, Laurence. Les amants de Grenade. Paris: Gallimard, 1997. von Schweiger-Lerchenfeld, Amand Freiherr, Isabel de Solis. Trauerspiel in 5 Aufzu­

gen. Vienna: Selbstverlage des Verfassers, 1897.

Secondary literature

Alvarez de Morales, Camilo. Muley Hacen. El Zagal y Boabdil: Los ultimas reyes de Granada. Granada: Comares, 2000.

Arie, Rachel. L'Espagne musulmane au temps des Nasrides (1232-1492). Paris: E. de Boccard, 1973.

Corriente, Federico. A Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic. Leiden: Brill, 1997. Davis, Patricia M. and Lewis R. Rambo. "Converting: Toward a Cognitive Theory

of Religious Change." In Soul, Psyche, Brain: New Directions in the Study of Religion and Brain-Mind Science. Edited by Kelly Bulkeley. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, 159-173.

DeWeese, Devin. 1slamization and Native Religion in the Golden Horde: Baba Tukles and Conversion to Islam in Historical and Epic Tradition. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994.

Dozy, Reinhart. S14pplement aux dictionnaires drabes, 2 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1881. Fletcher, Richard .! The Barbarian Conversion: From Paganism to Christianity.

Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999.

38 Ryan Szpiech

Harvey, L. P. "Chronicling the Fall of Nasrid Granada: Kitiib nubdhat al- ' a~r fi akhbiir muluk Bani Na~r." In Historical Literature in Medieval Iberia. Edited by Alan Deyermond. London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College, 1996, 105-120. ---.Islamic Spain, 1250-1500. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. Hindmarsh, Bruce. "Religious Conversion as Narrative and Autobiography." In The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conversion. Edited by Lewis R. Rambo and Charles E. Farhadian. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014, 343-368. Keane, Webb. Christian Moderns: Freedom and Fetish in the Mission Encounter. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. Metaphors We Live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Lapiedra Gutierrez, Eva. Como los musulmanes llamaban a los cristianos hispani­cos. Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil Albert, 1997, 114-142. Lifshitz, Felice. "Beyond Positivism and Genre: 'Hagiographical' Texts as Historical Narrative." Viator 25 (1994): 95-114. Lopez de Coca, Jose Enrique. "La conquista de Granada: el testimonio de los venci­dos." Norba. Revista de Historia 18 (2005): 33-50. ---. "The Making of Isabel de Solis." In Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence. Edited by Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman. New York: Pal-grave Macmillan, 2002, 225-241. . ---. "Doiia Isabel de Solfs, o la imaginacion historiogr:ifica." In Las Tomas: Antropologia hist6rica de la ocupaci6n territorial del Reino de Granada. Edited by J. A. Gonzalez Alcantud and M. Barrios Aguilera. Granada: Diputacion de Granada,2000,553-563. ---. "Granada en el siglo XV: las postrimerias nazaries a la luz de la probanza de los infantes don Fernando y don Juan." In Andalucia entre Oriente y Occi­dente (1236-1492). Actas de/ V Coloquio Internacional de Historia Medieval de Andalucia (Cordoba, 27-30 noviembre, 1986). Cordoba: Diputacion Provincial de Cordoba, 1988. Lopez y Lopez, A. C. and F. N. Velazquez Basanta. "Nubgat al- ·a~r." In Biblioteca de al-Anda/us, vol. 6. Edited by Jorge Lirola Delgado and Jose Miguel Puerta Vilchez, 9 vols. Almeria: Fundacion Ibn Tufayl de Estudios Arabes, 2004-13, 621-622. Martinez Ruiz, Enrique. "Perfil de la monarquia es.paiiola en el cambio de siglo (1480-1516)." In La Universidad complutense cisneriana: Impulso filos6fico, cientifico y literario. Siglos XVI y XVII. Edited by Luis Jimenez Moreno. Madrid: Ed. Complutense, 1996, 21-32. Moreno Koch, Yolanda. "La conquista de Granada y la expulsion de Sefarad segun las cronicas hispano-hebreas." In Actas del I Congreso de la historia de Anda­lucia, vol. 2. Diciembre de 1976. Andalucia Medieval, 2 vols. Cordoba: Publi­caciones del Monte de Piedad y Caja de Ahorros de Cordoba, 1978, 329-337. Morrison, Karl. Understanding Conversion. Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1992. O'Callaghan, Joseph. The Last Crusade in the West: Castile and the Conquest of Granada. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014. Pollman, Judith. "A Different Road to God: The Protestant Experience of Conversion in the Sixteenth Century." In Conversions to Modernities: The Globalization of Christianity. Edited by Peter van der Veer. Abingdon, New York: Routledge, 1996. Szpiech, Ryan. Conversion and Narrative: Reading and Religious Authority in Medieval Polemic. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Velazquez Basanta, Fernando N. "La relacion historica sobre las postrimerias de! reino de Granda, segun Al)mad al-Maqqarl (s. XVII). " In En el epilogo del Islam andalusi: la Granada del siglo XV. Edited by Celia del Moral. Granada: Univer­sidad de Granada, 2002, 481-554.

i I i t i

Part I

Regulating conversion