Contending Visions of the Middle...
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Contending Visions of the Middle EastThe History and Politics of Orientalism
Zachary Lockman’s informed and thoughtful history of EuropeanOrientalism and US Middle East studies, the “clash of civilizations”debate and America’s involvement in the region has become a highlyrecommended and widely used text since its publication in 2004. Thesecond edition of Professor Lockman’s book brings his analysis up todate by considering how the study of the Middle East has evolved in theintervening years, in the context of the US occupation of Iraq and the“global war on terror.”
Z AC H A RY LO C K M A N teaches modern Middle Eastern history at NewYork University. His previous publications include Comrades and Ene-mies: Arab and Jewish Workers in Palestine, 1906–1948 (1996). He hasserved as president of the Middle East Studies Association, speaks andwrites widely on current events in the Middle East and US foreignpolicy, and is a contributing editor of Middle East Report.
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The Contemporary Middle East 3
Series editor: Eugene L. Rogan
Books published in The Contemporary Middle East series address the majorpolitical, economic and social debates facing the region today. Each title com-prises a survey of the available literature against the background of the author’sown critical interpretation which is designed to challenge and encourage inde-pendent analysis. While the focus of the series is the Middle East and NorthAfrica, books are presented as aspects of a rounded treatment, which cuts acrossdisciplinary and geographic boundaries. They are intended to initiate debate inthe classroom, and to foster understanding amongst professionals and policymakers.
1 Clement M. Henry and Robert Springborg, Globalization and the Politics ofDevelopment in the Middle East hb 0 521 62312 X pb 0 521 62631 5
2 Joel Beinin, Workers and Peasants in the Modern Middle East hb 0 521 62121 6pb 0 521 62903 9
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Contending Visions of theMiddle EastThe History and Politics of Orientalism
Second Edition
Zachary LockmanNew York University
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Cambridge University Press978-0-521-13307-4 - Contending Visions of the Middle East: The History and Politics ofOrientalism, Second EditionZachary LockmanFrontmatterMore information
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESSCambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore,Sao Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo
Cambridge University PressThe Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press,New York
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C© Cambridge University Press 2010
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exceptionand to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,no reproduction of any part may take place without the writtenpermission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2004Sixth printing 2008Second edition 2010
Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication dataLockman, Zachary.Contending visions of the Middle East : the history and politics of Orientalism /Zachary Lockman. – 2nd edn.
p. cm. – (The contemporary Middle East; 3)Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 978-0-521-11587-2 (hardback) – ISBN 978-0-521-13307-4 (paperback)1. Middle East – Study and teaching. 2. Orientalism. 3. Islam –20th century. I. Title.DS61.8.L63 2009956.0072′01821 – dc22 2009036355
ISBN 978-0-521-11587-2 HardbackISBN 978-0-521-13307-4 Paperback
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For Maya
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Contents
List of maps page viiiAcknowledgments ixPreface to the second editionMaps xiv
Introduction 1
1 In the beginning 8
2 Islam, the West and the rest 38
3 Orientalism and empire 66
4 The American century 100
5 Turmoil in the field 149
6 Said’s Orientalism: a book and its aftermath 183
7 After Orientalism? 216
Afterword 274
Notes 279Bibliography 301Index 312
vii
x
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Maps
1 The rise of Islam and the Arab conquests page xiv2 The Ottoman empire to 1566 xvi3 The Middle East and North Africa on the eve of
the First World War xviii4 The Middle East and North Africa between
the two World Wars xx5 The Middle East and North Africa – boundaries xxii6 The Middle East and North Africa in the world xxiv
viii
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Acknowledgments
It will be obvious that this book draws on the work of many other schol-ars. They are (I hope) all properly cited in the notes and listed in thebibliography, but I thank them here for the thinking and writing thathelped make this book possible. I would also like to thank Joel Beinin,Juan Cole, Brandon Fine, Bill Madsen, Eugene Rogan, James Schamusand the anonymous reader recruited by Cambridge University Press fortheir perceptive comments on my manuscript. I must also thank EugeneRogan for editing the series in which this book appears, and MarigoldAcland for supporting the series, and my contribution to it, with patienceand good humor. As has often been the case over the years, Robert Vitalishas been a most careful reader and energetic critic. I suspect that he won’tagree with everything in this book, but I hope that he will like at least someof it and recognize his influence on how it turned out. I am, as always,especially grateful to Melinda Fine, for her thoughtful readings of draftchapters and for her exceedingly generous love and support throughoutthis project.
I committed to writing this book soon after my younger daughter,Maya Michal Lockman-Fine, was born; by the time the first edition waspublished she had turned eight years old. I promised her many years agothat I would dedicate this book to her, and among the many reasons thatI was happy to be done with it is that it allowed me to fulfill that promise.I have been, and always will be, grateful for her great spirit, intelligenceand energy, and for the joy she brings into my life.
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Preface to the second edition
On October 17, 2006, the New York Times published an op-ed essay byJeff Stein, the national security editor at Congressional Quarterly, entitled“Can You Tell a Sunni from a Shiite?” Sectarian violence and ethniccleansing were convulsing Iraq, US military forces there were confrontinga growing insurgency, and observers were voicing concerns about theprospect of rising tensions between Sunnis and Shi‘is across the MiddleEast. But Stein reported that many of the top counterterrorism officials hehad been interviewing in Washington, along with many of the membersof Congress supposedly overseeing their work, could not offer even arudimentary explanation of the difference between Sunni and Shi‘i Islamor reliably identify whether Iran, Hizbullah or al-Qa’ida were Sunni orShi‘i. “After all,” Stein asked, “wouldn’t British counterterrorism officialsresponsible for Northern Ireland know the difference between Catholicsand Protestants?” His conclusion: “Too many officials in charge of thewar on terrorism just don’t care to learn much, if anything, about theenemy we’re fighting.”
In the Afterword to the first edition of this book, written half a yearafter the US invasion of Iraq, I noted some of the illusions and delusionsthat have frequently informed US policy in the Middle East, and theforms of knowledge and interpretive frameworks (some of them withlong pedigrees) that have underpinned them. As I write these lines morethan five years later, it would not seem that a great deal has changed.There remains a substantial gap between vision and reality, betweenpolicy and consequence, along with a great deal of the kind of willfulignorance Stein uncovered, itself perhaps best explained as a byproductof imperial hubris. The very fact that one or another variant of the term“war on terror” is still widely accepted as a useful and accurate wayof describing what the United States is actually engaged in around theworld indicates that not all that much progress has been achieved; indeed,in his op-ed piece Stein himself refers to “the war on terrorism” and“counterterrorism” as if these were self-evident or unproblematic terms.
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Preface to the second edition xi
It is of course true that the Bush administration’s original vision oftransforming Iraq into a docile (and happily oil-rich) client of the UnitedStates lies in ruins; a majority of the American people long ago turnedagainst the war; and much of the political and media elite now under-stands that the United States must find a way out of the disastroussituation it has gotten itself into in Iraq and engage more intelligentlywith the rest of the Middle East and the world. As I note in Chapter 7,since September 11 many Americans (including college students) havealso manifested a genuine desire to learn and understand more about therest of the world (including the Muslim world) and their country’s rolein it.
Yet it is not at all clear that the more fundamental lessons have beenlearned, despite the many trenchant critiques of US foreign policy thathave been published and the wealth of resources on the Middle East andthe Muslim world – and US relations with them – now widely available.Most critics of the Iraq war, at least among politicians and in policy-making circles, do not question the need to maintain US hegemony inthe Middle East and beyond; they only criticize the specific means theBush administration has employed to maintain that hegemony, as wellas its spectacular incompetence. Nor do they generally ask whether thedeployment of US military personnel and facilities in more countriesaround the world than ever before really enhances either the nationalsecurity of the United States or the prospects for global security andstability. So, however the United States eventually extricates the bulk ofits military forces from Iraq, the stage seems set for a continuation ofmany of the same policies, and thus for future interventions that willhave profoundly unhappy consequences for those on the receiving endof American power.
Iraq has already provided us with an all-too-graphic demonstration ofwhat that can mean. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis have died as aconsequence of the US invasion and occupation, many others have beenwounded or maimed, millions have been displaced from their homes, andIraqi society has been devastated. Afghanistan, where since September 11the United States has once again become deeply involved, continues tosuffer from a bloody (and currently escalating) insurgency and the appar-ent absence of an effective state, and neighboring Pakistan is now beingsucked into the maelstrom. Meanwhile, a range of other internal andinterstate conflicts in the Middle East, including the Israeli–Palestinianconflict, continue to fester, with sporadic explosions of violence, evenas the social, economic and political situation in much of the regiondeteriorates.
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xii Preface to the second edition
In the meantime, the fraught relationship between scholarly knowl-edge and the needs of the state continues to demand attention, as it hassince at least the Second World War. On this front there is perhaps hopethat scholars have learned some useful lessons. For example, in 2007news surfaced of the “Human Terrain System,” a $40 million Pentagonprogram that involved “embedding” social scientists with counter-insurgency units in Iraq and Afghanistan so that the military couldmore effectively benefit from scholars’ knowledge of local societies, cul-tures and languages. The American Anthropological Association (AAA)promptly investigated and issued a report highlighting the serious ethi-cal issues raised by the direct participation of anthropologists in militaryoperations and intelligence activity. The AAA and other organizationsand individuals also voiced concerns about the Pentagon’s Project Min-erva, announced in 2008 and designed to promote and fund researchby university-based scholars on issues deemed important to nationalsecurity, for example the development of the Chinese military and the“strategic impact of religious and cultural changes within the Islamicworld.” This immediately evoked memories of the Project Camelotfiasco, discussed in Chapter 4, and led to calls that such research befunded and managed through institutions that are independent of themilitary/intelligence establishment and that adhere to standard academicprocedures, including peer review.
Many of the issues discussed in this book concerning the relationshipbetween knowledge (of the Middle East and the Muslim world) andpower (largely American, in this period) thus continue to be all too rele-vant today, and I therefore continue to hope that a better understandingof the origins and development of the study of Islam and the MiddleEast in the West, and particularly in the United States since the SecondWorld War, may remain useful. In revising this book for a second editionI have focused on Chapter 7, where I now discuss the atmosphere inwhich US Middle East studies has operated in recent years, particularlythe wave of politically motivated attacks on scholars of the Middle Eastand Islam and on the institutions at which they are based. Limitations onspace have prevented me from delving into the spate of scholarly workon the history and politics of Orientalism, Arabic and Islamic studies,and Middle East studies which has appeared since the first edition waspublished. However, I cannot resist briefly mentioning three relativelyrecent works on Orientalism.
The first is Robert Irwin’s 2006 book Dangerous Knowledge: Oriental-ism and its Discontents, published in the United Kingdom under a morelurid and provocative title, For Lust of Knowing: The Orientalists and theirEnemies. I find this a quirky, indeed rather odd, book, though also quite
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Preface to the second edition xiii
entertaining in its own way. Irwin offers a comprehensive survey of indi-vidual Orientalist scholars through the centuries but is largely uninter-ested in interpretive paradigms and their links with power, imperial orotherwise; and he displays an ad hominem animus toward Edward W.Said that strikes me as both excessive and intellectually counterproduc-tive. Dangerous Knowledge is nonetheless worth reading, particularly forits lively portraits of scholars, their idiosyncrasies and their milieux.
Then there is Daniel Martin Varisco’s Reading Orientalism: Said andthe Unsaid (2007), which the author describes as “judicious satirical crit-icism” directed at the “polemicized rhetoric” of Said’s Orientalism. I findthis book neither judicious nor successfully satirical, and too much of itrehashes (often tendentiously, if in great detail) the many useful critiquesof Orientalism advanced over the past three decades. Finally, in contrast toboth Irwin and Varisco, Genealogies of Orientalism: History, Theory, Politics(2008), edited by Edmund Burke III and David Prochaska, offers a set ofthoughtful essays that engage critically but productively with aspects ofSaid’s intellectual legacy and illuminate ongoing scholarly conversationsabout Orientalism, colonialism, nationalism, modernity and the writingof history.
There is certainly a good deal of other work, published or on theway, on the histories and issues addressed in this book, and there ismuch more research yet to be done before we will be anywhere nearan adequate scholarly understanding of the development of the kinds ofknowledge discussed in this book, and of the politics with which theyhave been enmeshed. As I freely acknowledge in the Introduction, thisbook is meant only as an introduction; it makes no claim to offer the finalword on any subject.
Meanwhile, despite the grim situation that prevails today in much ofthe Middle East and the rather uncongenial climate in US academia,scholars writing within and on the field of Middle East studies broadlydefined continue to produce much excellent work, teach their studentsand train new cohorts of scholars and teachers. I hope that this newedition will be useful for them, as well as for a wider public interestedin understanding how a part of the world in which the United Statesremains so deeply entangled has been studied and portrayed.
January 2009
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Gibraltar 711
Ceuta 699
TlemcenTahert
BERBERS
Tahudna683
Seville
Cordoba711
Toledo712Lisbon
711
Tangier
Sardinia748
TunisSbeitla Kairouan
670
Carthage 698
Tripoli647
Barka643
Sirte
B Y Z A N
E M P I
Zaragoza
GijonToulouse
721
Bordeaux
Poitiers732
Narbonne715
Arles
MEROVINGIANFRANKS
SLAVS
Rome
Conquests to A.D. 632
Conquests to A.D. 634
Conquests to A.D. 644
Conquests to A.D. 661
Conquests to A.D. 750
Date of occupation or attack
Eastern boundary of Byzantine Empire before attack
Boundaries of Byzantine Empire
Limits of Umayyad Caliphate
LOMBARDS
SERBS
U M A
649
The Fezzan667
Map 1: The rise of Islam and the Arab conquests
xiv
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0
0
500 1000 miles
500 1000 1500 km
AVARS
(beseiged 670-7and 717-18)
Rhodes672
Cyprus649
Jerusalem638Alexandria
642
Fustat640
ALWA
ETHIOPIA
AXUM
MAKURIA
Aswan
Tabuk
Medina622
Mecca630
San‘a
Aden632
Sohar632Hijr
Hajar
Jiraft
ShirazBasra638
Kufa
Aylah
Damascus635
Kerbela638
Nehawand642
Medain
Jalula638
Rayy643
Isfahan
Qom
Harran
Antioch
Edessa
Malatya
Tiflis645
KHAZARKHANATE
Ardebil643
Nishapur651
Merv
Bukhara674
Balkh651
P E R S I A N
E M P I R E
Y Y A DC A L I P H A T E
T I N E
R E
Constantinople
Map 1: (cont.)
xv
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Terhazza
Tamanrasset
Tuat
Ghat
Ghadames
Zuila
S a h a r a D e s e r t
Tripoli
Tunis MALTA
MOREA
BULG
WALLABelgradeVENICE
FRANCE
Algiers
S PA I N
Oran
Ouargla
Ottoman Empire in 1451
Ottoman Empire in 1503
Ottoman Empire in 1520
Ottoman Empire in 1566
Tributary States in 1566
Limits of Ottoman rule in 1566(boundaries in Africa and Arabia very approximate)
Holy Roman Empire
Fez
MarrakechSijilmassa
SULTANATEOF
MOROCCO
CROATIAH.R.E.
Tlemcen
H.R.E.
1565
NAPLES
RUMELIA
ToWest African Kingdoms
and Empires
ToCentral Africa
Map 2: The Ottoman empire to 1566
xvi
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0
0
500 1000 miles
500 1000 1500 km
CRETE
RHODESCYPRUS
ANATOLIA
EdirneIstanbul
UskudarBursa
Izmir
Bucharest Kaffa
Sinope
KHANATEOF THE CRIMEA
Tarsus
Ankara
Adana
TripoliBeirut
Alexandria Jerusalem
Damascus
SYRIA
Aleppo
Cairo Suez
EGYPT
Aden
San‘a
MeccaJeddah
Medina
ARABIA
Basra
BaghdadIsfahan
KermanshahKirkuk
Tabriz
Mosul
KURDISTAN
TrebizondErzurum
Samsun
SAFAVIDEMPIRE
Nishapur
Yazd
Shiraz
To India
ARIA
CHIA
YE
ME
N
IMERETI
MESOPOTAMIA
ToSudan andE. Africa
To Centraland E. Africa
ToN.W. Asia
India the Eastand E. Africa
Map 2: (cont.)
xvii
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Athens
Naples
Malta
Tripoli
Tunis
SfaxTUNISIA
1881
Algiers
OranTlemcen
Fez
SPANISHMOROCCO
MOROCCO1912
TangierGibraltar
RabatCasablanca
Ifni
Areas of rule or control
Ottoman Empire
British
French
Italian
Spanish
Independent
Date of occupation or treaty arrangement
International boundaries in 1914(alignments approximate)
Boundaries of the Ottoman Empire in1800 (alignments approximate)
A L G E R I A1830–1902
Marseilles
Venice
L I B Y A1911–1932
Area indispute
1830
Map 3: The Middle East and North Africa on the eve of the FirstWorld War
xviii
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0
0
500 1000 miles
500 1000 1500 km
Alexandria
CYPRUS1878
SYRIA
Damascus
Jerusalem
Izmir
Bursa
Istanbul
Ankara
AdanaAleppo
ANATOLIA
Erzurum
Diyarbakir
Mosul
BaghdadIsfahan
Basra
KUWAIT1899
Shiraz
Yazd
Kerman
BandarAbbas
P E R S I A
TehranRussian Sphere
of influence(1907)
British Sphere
of influence(1907)
Muscat
MUSCATAND
OMAN1861
TRUCIALOMAN
1820
N A J D
JeddahMecca
Medina
ASIR
YEMEN
Port Sudan
San‘a
Aden
ADEN
PROTECTORATE
1839
Odessa
Aswan
Asyut
Wadi Halfa
E G Y P T1882
HIJAZ
SuezPort Said
Cairo
Omdurman Khartoum
ANGLO-EGYPTIANSUDAN
1899
ALIG
NM
ENTAPPROXIMATE
HASA
Map 3: (cont.)
xix
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L I B Y A
BenghaziTripoli
Gabes
Sfax
TunisTUNISIA
Touggourt
Djelfa
Algiers
Colomb-Bechar
Melilla
OranCeuta
Fez
Tangier
MOROCCO
A L G E R I A
Rabat
(International zone)
Casablanca
Ifni
British
French
Italian
Spanish
Independent
League of Nations mandated territory
Control by protectorate, treaty, or similar arrangement(including Bahrain)
International boundaries
Independent Armenia 1918–21
Maximum extent of Greek advance into Turkey, 1919–22
Hatay ceded to Turkey, 1939
Colonial power
Map 4: The Middle East and North Africa between the two WorldWars
xx
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0
0
500 1000 miles
500 1000 1500 km
San‘aYEMEN
Aden
ASIRPROVINCE
1934Port Sudan
Mecca
ADEN
PROTECTORATE
KINGDOM OFSAUDI ARABIA
1932
RiyadhTRUCIALCOAST
QATARBAHRAIN
MUSCATAND
OMAN
P E R S I A
Muscat
ShirazAbadan
Tehran
Baghdad
Basra
NeutralZones
KUWAIT
Jeddah
Tabriz
Mosul
Diyarbakir
Aleppo
Damascus IRAQ(Independent
1932)
SYRIA
AmmanJerusalemTRANSJORDAN
LEBANONBeirutHaifa
PALESTINE
Suez
Adana
TURKEY
Erzurum
Samsun
Ankara
Istanbul
Bursa
KonyaIzmir
CYPRUS
Alexandria
Cairo
E G Y P T(Independent 1936)
Aswan
Wadi Halfa
Khartoum
ANGLO-EGYPTIAN
SUDAN
Al Obeid
Map 4: (cont.)
xxi
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0
0
500 1000 miles
500 1000 1500 km
WESTERNSAHARA
MAURITANIA
MOROCCO
MALI
A L G E R I A
Ceuta (Spain) Melilla
(Spain)
L I B Y A
NIGER
CHAD
CENTRALAFRICAN
REPUBLIC
GREECE
TU
NIS
IA
International boundary
Map 5: The Middle East and North Africa – boundaries
xxii
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BULGARIA
T U R K E Y
CYPRUS
LEBANON
ISRAEL
E G Y P T
S U D A N
ZAïRE UGANDA
KENYA
ETHIOPIA
S A U D IA R A B I A
QATAR
YEMEN
Socotra(Yemen)
OMAN
UNITED ARABEMIRATES
BAHRAIN OMAN
KUWAIT
I R A N
AFGHANISTANSYRIA
IRAQ
PAKISTA
N
JOR
DAN
GEORGIA
ARMENIA AZERBAIJAN TURKMENISTAN
ERITREA
Map 5: (cont.)
xxiii
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Tunisia
Italy
SpainPortugal
Western Sahara
Mauritania
MaliNiger
Algeria
M
oroc
co
Middle East and North Africa
Countries contiguous with or immediately adjacent to theMiddle East or North Africa
Map 6: The Middle East and North Africa in the world
xxiv
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Malta
Bulgaria
Chad
CentralAfrican Rep.
Zaïre
UgandaKenya
Som
alia
Ethiopia
SudanDjibouti
Oman
Yemen
U.A.E.
IranIraq
Saudi Arabia
Afgh
anis
tan
PakistanEgyptLibya
CyprusGreece Turkey
LebanonIsrael/Palestine
Jordan
Syria
BahrainQatar
Kuwait
Eritrea
GeorgiaArmenia Azer-
baijan Turkmenistan
Map 6: (cont.)
xxv
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